Suchergebnisse

El presente artículo analiza una de las operaciones espaciales de tipo simbólico más importantes de las emprendidas por el primer franquismo, la de la creación de una ciudad dual, Belchite, donde pudiera experimentarse a través de los sentidos el relato político en el que los sublevados pretendían basar el golpe militar de 1936, la guerra civil y el régimen subsiguiente. Este trabajo contrasta la utopía urbana que pretendió construirse a través del símbolo de los dos Belchites (el de la modernización y el de las ruinas) con la existencia de tres Belchites más. Porque cuando el símbolo se acuñó, en la localidad no había solo dos núcleos habitados sino cinco (uno de ellos en construcción), de los cuales tres eran espacios disciplinarios fruto de una represión de diferente intensidad. Mediante un caso paradigmático de alto contenido simbólico, este estudio pretende plantear la vertiente espacial de la violencia del régimen y la existencia de diferentes tipos de heterotopías franquicias. Abstract. The five Belchites. Utopias and heterotopias at the first Francoist Spain The present work analyses one of the most important spatial operations of symbolic nature of those undertaken by the first Francoism: the creation of a dual city, Belchite, where it were possible to experience through the senses the political discourse on which the rebels intended to base the military coup of 1936, the civil war and the subsequent regime. This work contrasts the urban utopia that the regime tried to build through the symbol of "the two Belchite" (the modern one and that of the ruins) with the existence of three more Belchite. Because, when the symbol was coined, in the village there were not only two inhabited areas but ve (one of them under construction), of which three were disciplinary spaces that were the result of a repression of varying intensity. Through a paradigmatic case with high symbolic content, this study intend to raise the question of the spatial dimension of the regime's violence, and the existence of different types of Francoist heterotopias. ; Postprint (author's final draft)

El presente artículo analiza una de las operaciones espaciales de tipo simbólico más importantes de las emprendidas por el primer franquismo, la de la creación de una ciudad dual, Belchite, donde pudiera experimentarse a través de los sentidos el relato político en el que los sublevados pretendían basar el golpe militar de 1936, la guerra civil y el régimen subsiguiente. Este trabajo contrasta la utopía urbana que pretendió construirse a través del símbolo de los dos Belchites (el de la modernización y el de las ruinas) con la existencia de tres Belchites más. Porque cuando el símbolo se acuñó, en la localidad no había solo dos núcleos habitados sino cinco (uno de ellos en construcción), de los cuales tres eran espacios disciplinarios fruto de una represión de diferente intensidad. Mediante un caso paradigmático de alto contenido simbólico, este estudio pretende plantear la vertiente espacial de la violencia del régimen y la existencia de diferentes tipos de heterotopías franquicias. Abstract. The five Belchites. Utopias and heterotopias at the first Francoist Spain The present work analyses one of the most important spatial operations of symbolic nature of those undertaken by the first Francoism: the creation of a dual city, Belchite, where it were possible to experience through the senses the political discourse on which the rebels intended to base the military coup of 1936, the civil war and the subsequent regime. This work contrasts the urban utopia that the regime tried to build through the symbol of "the two Belchite" (the modern one and that of the ruins) with the existence of three more Belchite. Because, when the symbol was coined, in the village there were not only two inhabited areas but ve (one of them under construction), of which three were disciplinary spaces that were the result of a repression of varying intensity. Through a paradigmatic case with high symbolic content, this study intend to raise the question of the spatial dimension of the regime's violence, and the existence of different types of Francoist heterotopias. ; Postprint (author's final draft)

Поступила в редакцию: 13.03.2020. Принята к печати: 23.06.2021. ; Submitted: 13.03.2020. Accepted: 23.06.2021. ; Статья посвящена анализу влияния социально-экономических показателей развития районов Алтая и Ойротской автономной области накануне Большого террора (1935 — первая половина 1937 г.) на порайонную интенсивность репрессий. При помощи статистических методов (регрессионного анализа) проверяется гипотеза о том, что в районах с наибольшим уровнем благосостояния населения был выше и уровень репрессий. Установлено, что товарооборот и удельные расходы бюджета по сравнению с другими экономическими показателями в наибольшей степени влияли на уровень репрессий в районах Алтая и Ойротии. На основе результатов анализа региональной статистики делается вывод о том, что провозглашаемый большевиками тезис об оправдании неудач экономического развития действиями «врагов» на практике выглядит несостоятельным, так как отстававшие в экономическом отношении районы характеризовались относительно невысоким уровнем репрессий. Во второй части статьи приводится типология районов Алтая и Ойротии, основанная на результатах кластерного анализа различных групп экономических и сельскохозяйственных показателей развития районов: развитые в сельскохозяйственном отношении районы предгорной полосы Алтая; центральная полоса с железнодорожным сообщением; районы запада Алтая с высоким товарооборотом на душу населения; районы с центром в городах; «национальные» районы, где на репрессии оказывал влияние комплекс эконо- мических и политических причин. В каждой группе выделяются определенные экономические факторы, оказывающие наибольшее влияние на уровень репрессий в них. Подтверждается выдвинутая гипотеза о влиянии пространственного фактора на интенсивность репрессий: группы районов каждого отдельного кластера в основном состоят из смежных районов. ; This article focuses on the analysis of the impact of socio-economic development indicators of Altai region and Oyrot autonomous region on the eve of the Great Purge (1935 — first half of 1937) on the regional intensity of repression. Employing statistical methods (regression analysis), the author verifies the hypothesis that in the areas with the highest level of well-being of the population, the level of repression was also higher. It is established that the turnover and expenditures per capita compared with other economic indicators had the greatest influence on repression levels in Altai and Oyrotia regions. Based on the results of the analysis of regional statistics, the author of the article puts forward a theory that the thesis proclaimed by the Bolsheviks to justify the failure of economic development by the actions of the "enemies" in practice seems untenable, since economically lagging regions were characterised by a relatively low level of repression. In the second part of the article, the author presents a typology of districts of Altai and Oyrotia regions based on the results of cluster analysis of various groups of socio-economic development indicators. Additionally, she substantiates the hypothesis about the influence of the spatial factor on the intensity of repression: the groups of regions of each individual cluster consist mainly of adjacent regions.

This article focuses on the analysis of the impact of socio-economic development indicators of Altai region and Oyrot autonomous region on the eve of the Great Purge (1935 — first half of 1937) on the regional intensity of repression. Employing statistical methods (regression analysis), the author verifies the hypothesis that in the areas with the highest level of well-being of the population, the level of repression was also higher. It is established that the turnover and expenditures per capita compared with other economic indicators had the greatest influence on repression levels in Altai and Oyrotia regions. Based on the results of the analysis of regional statistics, the author of the article puts forward a theory that the thesis proclaimed by the Bolsheviks to justify the failure of economic development by the actions of the "enemies" in practice seems untenable, since economically lagging regions were characterised by a relatively low level of repression. In the second part of the article, the author presents a typology of districts of Altai and Oyrotia regions based on the results of cluster analysis of various groups of socio-economic development indicators. Additionally, she substantiates the hypothesis about the influence of the spatial factor on the intensity of repression: the groups of regions of each individual cluster consist mainly of adjacent regions. ; Статья посвящена анализу влияния социально-экономических показателей развития районов Алтая и Ойротской автономной области накануне Большого террора (1935 — первая половина 1937 г.) на порайонную интенсивность репрессий. При помощи статистических методов (регрессионного анализа) проверяется гипотеза о том, что в районах с наибольшим уровнем благосостояния населения был выше и уровень репрессий. Установлено, что товарооборот и удельные расходы бюджета по сравнению с другими экономическими показателями в наибольшей степени влияли на уровень репрессий в районах Алтая и Ойротии. На основе результатов анализа региональной статистики делается вывод о том, что провозглашаемый большевиками тезис об оправдании неудач экономического развития действиями «врагов» на практике выглядит несостоятельным, так как отстававшие в экономическом отношении районы характеризовались относительно невысоким уровнем репрессий. Во второй части статьи приводится типология районов Алтая и Ойротии, основанная на результатах кластерного анализа различных групп экономических и сельскохозяйственных показателей развития районов: развитые в сельскохозяйственном отношении районы предгорной полосы Алтая; центральная полоса с железнодорожным сообщением; районы запада Алтая с высоким товарооборотом на душу населения; районы с центром в городах; «национальные» районы, где на репрессии оказывал влияние комплекс экономических и политических причин. В каждой группе выделяются определенные экономические факторы, оказывающие наибольшее влияние на уровень репрессий в них. Подтверждается выдвинутая гипотеза о влиянии пространственного фактора на интенсивность репрессий: группы районов каждого отдельного кластера в основном состоят из смежных районов.

In this article we argue for the continuing relevance of the national scale in understanding the geographies that shape and constrain labor agency. Recent contributions to labor geography have held that some of the central concepts used to understand the transformative capacities of labor, such as agency and scale, are under-theorized. On the basis of our study of the emergent labor movement in the Chilean aquaculture industry, we suggest that this field suffers from what we term "glocalocentrism", which overshadows the fundamental importance of structures and processes that are primarily scaled nationally. With the labor repression of the Pinochet regime imprinted in current national institutions and organizational traditions, the aquaculture sector was able to develop in southern Chile from the early 1980s onwards, without a significant union movement to press workers' claims, and it benefited from exploitative practices and low wages. The first company level unions did not appear until the late 1980s, and a national confederation of aquaculture unions was formed as late as 2006. After the outbreak of the ISA virus in 2007, thousands of workers were left unemployed, and the young union movement struggled for state intervention and programs, with some success. International networks brought attention to the issue, but structures and processes at the national level conditioned the possibilities for the emergent labor movement to press its claims successfully. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

It is need to make comparison of the architectural heritage of European countries and the USSR that in the first half of the twentieth century belonged to states with totalitarian political regimes, to establish the main tendencies in their architecture − the common features and differences − and to find out the reasons for their appearance. This time, beginning in the 1920s, marked the emergence of totalitarian regimes in European life as a reaction on the political turmoil that took place in a number of countries after the First World War. The war led to a major political, economic and cultural crisis, in the background of which there was a change of political regimes. A wave of formation of reactionary parties was sweeping through Europe, and Spain, Italy, Portugal and Germany formed a system of government which was based on a one-party system that led by the leader. For these countries it was characterized by rigorous control from the top of power absolutely in all aspects of life − the economy on the basis of private property and market relations, a policy of categorical non-perception of other political forces and movements, culture, which reflected in various forms the idea of creating a social consciousness on the basis of feeling the exclusivity of the nation, and therefore the priority right to resolve the fate of other peoples. What distinguished the Soviet political system from European political regimes? First, the idea of democracy in the form of local councils of people's deputies (the authorities from below, from the people - upwards) was absorbed by the party system, formed on the principle "on the contrary", as a command system (from the helmsman to the people). Therefore, in the process of perfection, it turned into a conglomerate in which the legislative branch of power became a puppet and completely dependent on the main party component of the system of government [1, 2]. Second, there was no private property in the USSR. Land and other natural resources, all means of production belonged to the state, were at the disposal and under the strict control of the authorities. Thirdly, public consciousness was formed in the spirit of patriotism, love for national culture, faith in the bright future, which would determine the party leadership (which meant the transfer of responsibility for its own fate to the representatives of the authorities) and friendly relations with other peoples. The public consciousness forming the direction of the development of culture was a consequence of the embodiment of the state-ideological essence of social life to thinking of the society, which was programmed by the leadership of the state. The means of architecture that are under the influence of state ideology, the specifics of the economic system, the formed psychology of society and social consciousness, forms an artificial environment of human being, which, on the one hand, reflects socio-political processes, on the other, creates an environment that educates a person in a certain the corresponding direction. Under totalitarian systems, both sides are pushing for a person stronger in the direction desired by the ruling power, limiting its freedom is felt stronger than in a democratic political system. Consequently, the first half of the twentieth century was marked both in Europe and in the Soviet Union by the creation of totalitarian regimes, which were clearly reflected in the formation of the architectural environment. So whether the common features in the political-economic system, political events and the development of the culture of European states and the USSR influenced onto architecture, its form and style? Have any cardinal differences been observed? When were they, what caused their appearance? Where did the causal link between the political-economic system and architecture look? An overview of the architectural and urban heritage has shown that for all European countries, where reactionary regimes were established, the following was typical: giantomania in the size of objects that were prestigious for the authorities and the state; style building based on national, ancient traditions; purism, asceticism, lapidary and, at the same time, simplicity and monumental forms; axial symmetry of city-building ensembles; moderate, but accurate, in the main places of use of state symbols; application of additional decorative symbols emphasizing the connection with the ancient past: figures of a physically strong man, a bull, horses, more often in the form of sculptures, less often − bas-relief; monotonous interpretation of the wall − without cavities or with identical cutouts, which served as a monumental background for a separate sculpture, emphasizing its symbolic meaning. The rationalism of architectural forms was manifested in the purity and concordance of the plan, the architectonics of the building, which brightly and precisely helped to focus the viewer's attention and emphasized the value of a single symbol. The simplicity of the formation of European functionalism, which was combined with the symmetry of the architectural-spatial composition and the neoclassical manifestations of the warrant, the great-power symbols and monumental forms, as well as expensive materials, created a special direction of the open-mindedness of the state-ideological content of architecture. By such means, the architecture articulated outside clearly demonstrative and ideological reference to an absolutely indisputable order in the state, based on conquering the authorities, carrying the order to other peoples and deciding their fate at the discretion of this power. Before the war, the Soviet Union embarked on a path of rebirth and creative rethinking of the classical heritage. Withdrew from the tendencies of the spread of constructivist industrial forms in the urban environment, Soviet architecture moved through the formation of the Russian empire. Thanks to the desire to glorify the existing system of government at that time, the USSR chose the classic principles in architecture: the classical perimeter building of quarters and the symmetrical structure of the facades were revived; the mandatory formation of the main city center on the basis of the axis of symmetry and the main buildings with towers and spikes in completion, with many state symbols, which looked like an explicit selection of decorative forms and details. In the postwar period, state symbols that had to remind of the role of the Soviet state in the life of the people and to demonstrate the differences between Soviet architecture and the architecture of the Russian Empire, began to appear anywhere. The unlimited number of that symbolism simply shouted about the ideological purpose, but at the same time it reduced its value. In addition to such obsessive use of symbolism, the psychological effect was enhanced by other decorative elements that performed an additional auxiliary function. It is a variety of symbols of fertility, labor, a bright future that awaits the people in the form of justice, equality, peaceful life, and well-being. The combination of a heavy order with a richly decorated facade created in the architecture of a fairy tale about a strong, reliable, mighty state, which promised protection and happiness to its people. An unlikely architectural form and style that did not correspond to real situations (repressions in the country and arms race among the states) formed a decorative screen that covered the real state-ideological content of the formed urban environment. Consequently, the architectural and urban heritage frankly reflected the true manifestations of the state-ideological goal of countries with totalitarian political regimes. The architectural legacy of European states significantly differed from that of the USSR by the fact that European states frankly proclaimed the ambition of their own political programs, and the Soviet state with the help of architectural means created an idyll of peacefulness and a bright future.

This theoretical article develops the conceptual foundations of contemporary socio-spatial building of territory in the Latin American region. In its initial phase we reason on how Strategic Planning is installed in this region of the world. According to various researchers, this model of urban intervention transforms the city into a luxury merchandise destined for an elite group of potential buyers (Vainer, 2000: 83) which has strengthened the position of speculative capital (Ciccolella, 2005: 106). The new unequal urban pattern, developed in North America since the sixties of last century and that expanded into Europe and South America during the following decades. In addition, to understand the logic that defines the urban space analyzed and to reinforce Vainer and Ciccolella´s theses, the competitiveness variables are analyzed as well as the society of consumption; fragmentation and urban segregation and finally space racialization. The research examines these variables in order to provide light into building a more balanced socio-spatial territory, rivaling with the dominant trend to territorialize uneven geographical development, a goal that gains relevance when considering that the Latin American region has the highest rates of inequality and violence in the world. However, governments continue appealing to correct these facts with more violence and repression, without considering structural issues such as the subordinated and dependent economic model, thus aggravating social conditions through authoritarian actions that combat the consequences and not the causes. ; Este artículo teórico desarrolla las bases conceptuales de la construcción socioespacial contemporánea del territorio en la región latinoamericana. En su fase inicial se reflexiona sobre cómo se instala la planificación estratégica en esta región del mundo. Según diversos investigadores, este modelo de intervención urbana transforma a la ciudad en una mercadería de lujo destinada a un grupo élite de potenciales compradores (Vainer, 2000, p. 83) que ha fortalecido la posición del capital especulativo (Ciccolella, 2005, p. 106). De manera conjunta se analiza el nuevo patrón urbano desigual, desarrollado en América del Norte desde los años sesenta del siglo pasado, expandiéndose por Europa y América del Sur durante las décadas posteriores. Además, para comprender las lógicas que definen el espacio urbano analizado y reforzar la tesis de Vainer y Ciccolella, se analizan las variables de competitividad y sociedad de consumo, fragmentación y segregación urbana, y, por último, racialización del espacio. La investigación examina estas variables con el fin de aportar luces en la construcción de un territorio socioespacial más equilibrado y que rivalice con la tendencia hegemónica que territorializa un desarrollo geográfico desigual, intención que cobra relevancia cuando se pone en consideración que la región latinoamericana posee los índices de desigualdad y violencia más altos del mundo. Sin embargo, los gobiernos siguen apelando a corregir estos hechos con más violencia y represión, sin considerar cuestiones estructurales como son el modelo económico subordinado y dependiente, agravando las condiciones sociales mediante acciones autoritarias que combaten las consecuencias y no las causas.

Protest has been a key method of political claim-making in Jordan from the late Ottoman period to the present day. More than moments of rupture within normal-time politics, protests have been central to challenging state power, as well as reproducing it—and the spatial dynamics of protests play a central role in the construction of both state and society. With this book, Jillian Schwedler considers how space and geography influence protests and repression, and, in challenging conventional narratives of Hashemite state-making, offers the first in-depth study of rebellion in Jordan. Based on twenty-five years of field research, Protesting Jordan examines protests as they are situated in the built environment, bringing together considerations of networks, spatial imaginaries, space and place-making, and political geographies at local, national, regional, and global scales. Schwedler considers the impact of time and temporality in the lifecycles of individual movements. Through a mixed interpretive methodology, this book illuminates the geographies of power and dissent and the spatial practices of protest and repression, highlighting the political stakes of competing narratives about Jordan's past, present, and future

When the Chinese Nationalist Party nominally reunified the country in 1928, Chiang Kai-shek and other party leaders insisted that Nanjing was better suited than Beijing to serve as its capital. For the next decade, until the Japanese invasion in 1937, Nanjing was the "model capital" of Nationalist China, the center of not just a new regime, but also a new modern outlook in a China destined to reclaim its place at the forefront of nations. Interesting parallels between China's recent rise under the Post-Mao Chinese Communist Party and the Nationalist era have brought increasing scholarly attention to the Nanjing Decade (1927-1937); however, study of Nanjing itself has been neglected. The author brings the city back into the discussion of China's modern development, focusing on how it was transformed from a factional capital with only regional influence into a symbol of nationhood - a city where newly forming ideals of citizenship were celebrated and contested on its streets and at its monuments. This book investigates the development of the model capital from multiple perspectives. It explores the ideological underpinnings of the project by looking at the divisive debates surrounding the new capital's establishment as well as the ideological discourse of Sun Yat-Sen used to legitimize it. In terms of the actual building of the city, it provides an analysis of both the scientific methodology adopted to plan it and the aesthetic experiments employed to construct it. Finally, it examines the political and social life of the city, looking at not only the reinvented traditions that gave official spaces a sacred air but also the ways that people actually used streets and monuments, including the Sun Yat-Sen Mausoleum, to pursue their own interests, often in defiance of Nationalist repression. Contrary to the conventional story of incompetence and failure, the author shows that there was more to Nationalist Party nation-building than simply "paper plans" that never came to fruition. He argues rather that the model capital essentially legitimized a new form of state power embodied in new symbolic systems that the Communist Party was able to tap into after defeating the Nationalists in 1949. At the same time, the book makes the case that, although it was unintended by party planners who promoted single-party rule, Nanjing's legitimacy was also a product of protests and contestation, which the party-state only partially succeeded in channeling for its own ends. This book examines twentieth-century Chinese urban history and the social and political history of one of China's key cities during the Republican period

This thesis consists of three self-contained essays in economics. Property Rights, Resources, and Wealth: Evidence from a land reform in the United States: This paper compares the effectiveness of two alternative property rights regimes to overcome the Tragedy of the Commons. One regime is to distribute access rights under public ownership, as proposed by Samuelson, the other is to sell land to generate private ownership as proposed by Coase. However, as property rights are not randomly allocated, causal evidence on the relative effectiveness of these two regimes is scarce. I exploit a spatial discontinuity generated by the 1934 Taylor Grazing Act, which created 20,000 miles of plausibly exogenous boundaries that separated publicly owned rangeland from open-access rangeland. I combine these boundaries with data on the timing of private-property sales to jointly estimate the effects of public and private ownership on resource exploitation and income in a spatial regression discontinuity design. Using satellite-based vegetation data, I find that both property rights regimes increased vegetation by about 10%, relative to the open-access control. Census-block-level income data reveals that public ownership raised private household income by 13% and decreased poverty rates by 18%. To study mechanisms, I exploit variation in pre-reform police presence and panel data on farm values, and show that legal enforcement through police presence is a necessary condition for the positive and long-lasting effects of both regimes to arise. State Repression, Exit, and Voice: Living in the Shadow of Cambodia's Killing Fields: This paper asks whether state repression is an effective strategy for silencing dissent and changing political beliefs. We use evidence from history's most severe episode of state-led repression, the genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge, to estimate the effects of political violence on political behavior four decades later. To establish causality, we rely on the Khmer Rouge's desire to create an agrarian society, moving forced labor to areas experiencing higher agricultural productivity. Using historic rainfall to generate exogenous variation in productivity shows that more people died in productive communes. Higher productivity under the Khmer Rouge leads to more votes in favor of the opposition over the authoritarian incumbent and increased support for democratic principles. At the same time, citizens become more cautious in their interactions with the local community as captured by lower participation in community organizations and less trust. Our results suggest that state repression makes people more convinced about the need for opposing views but more careful in expressing them, making politics less personal and more competitive. The Effects of Migration and Ethnicity on African Economic Development: Migration between countries has been shown to have positive effects on economic outcomes such as trade by fostering economic and cultural integration. In Africa, where ethnic identification is reasonably strong, omitting ethnic links between countries likely introduces a considerable bias in the estimates. Following the literature, I use past migrant clusters as instruments to show that migration in 1990 led to more bilateral exports for neighboring countries in the period 1989-2014. To account for the ethnic heterogeneity of African countries, I generalize this approach and use pre-colonial ethnic linkages between of home- and foreign-countries as an instrument for migration. The results suggest a downward bias when not accounting for ethnic heterogeneity. I discuss potential concerns of pre-colonial ethnic linkages and find no evidence of omitted variable biases caused by similar languages, preferences, or conflict. Ethnic connections instead facilitate trade, especially for groups that are excluded from government coalitions. The results are consistent with a model of international trade where cross border connections decrease the fixed costs of exporting.

An introduction to a special issue, this article explores the form of the political founded upon spatial transformation: an enabling framework of recognition setting parameters for the sayable and unsayable. It points especially to techniques of discipline, repression, and exhibition through which control over space is maintained and to the ambivalence, contradiction, and paradox inherent in place.

Argues that technology is developing along militaristic, intrusive, & abusive lines, while at the same time, cyberspace assists the struggle for human rights. Both struggles carry issues of race & class privilege. As information technology becomes more centralized, & as bureaucratic borders between government, law enforcement agencies, & right-wing movements are dropped, repressive regimes are benefited. The US is developing technology as a means of multilayered social control in prisons, especially for prisoners of color. Information technology is also offered that allows the public to take virtual tours of death row & monitor inmate movements. At the same time, activists in oppressed communities use the Geographic Information System (GIS) to prevent destruction in their struggles against gentrification & spatial deconcentration. Information technology also aids Vieques in its struggle against the US Naval presence. The Internet is a frequent & growing site for human rights movements -- struggles that may determine the future of Black Americans. 6 References. L. A. Hoffman

Considering the spatial and architectural configuration of Cuartel Terranova, it wants to demonstrate how the space configuration has been a tool of the political control in the Military Dictatorship (1973-1990).Theoretically, the study follows the concepts of the Archaeology of Architecture and Proxemic Studies which highlight the importance of material culture in social practices, particularly in totalitarian systems. It is shown the social validity of this archaeological perspective as a methodology useful to recovering material remains in certain political contexts. In this sense, archaeology is able to recovering a repressed and forgotten past. Moreover, this research contributes to the political-scientific development of archaeological studies, because the dictatorships have also retarded and repressed the discipline. Hence, it is intended to contribute towards a reflexive practice and politically engaged, following the guidelines of the Archaeology of Repression. ; A partir del análisis de la configuración espacial y arquitectónica del Cuartel Terranova se busca identificar la manera en que el espacio funcionó como herramienta de control político en la Dictadura Militar (1973-1990). Se investiga la importancia que tiene la cultura material en el condicionamiento de las prácticas sociales, en particular en sistemas totalitarios. Se demuestra la validez social de la perspectiva arqueológica en su actuación como instrumento metodológico, útil en la recuperación de restos materiales. Por otro lado, el proceso de la investigación contribuye al desarrollo político-científico de la disciplina, debido a que al igual que en otros aspectos de la sociedad, la Dictadura produce enámbitos de producción de conocimiento un estancamiento y represión que se evidencian incluso hoy en día. En definitiva, se plantea la intención de constituir una práctica reflexiva y políticamente comprometida, a partir de los lineamientos de la Arqueología de la Represión.