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Education has a key role in the development of societies. From strengthening of social cohesion, the organization of biographical and professional projects, and the sustainability of democratic integration, education contributes to the expansion of opportunities for participation. The structural changes produced in Latin America by the reforms of the 1990s, economic and cultural globalization, and the problems inherent in vulnerability and socioeconomic exclusion, created a new framework of restrictions and possibilities for the new generations. This article gives a critical insight into the socioeconomic scene of the educational offer. Subsequently, it inquires into the pertinence of its training proposals, the aim of which is to encourage the participation of the young and to recognize their specific demands. ; La educación tiene una importancia capital en el desarrollo de las sociedades a partir de su aporte para la ampliación de las posibilidades de participación, el fortalecimiento de la cohesión social, la organización de los proyectos biográficos y profesionales y la sustentabilidad de la integración democrática. En América Latina las transformaciones estructurales propiciadas por las reformas de los años noventa, la globalización económica y cultural, y los diversos problemas inherentes a la vulnerabilidad y a la exclusión socioeconómica han abierto para las nuevas generaciones un nuevo escenario plagado de restricciones pero también de posibilidades. Este artículo presenta una mirada crítica acerca del escenario socio histórico en que el se sitúa la propuesta educativa para indagar sobre la pertinencia o no de las propuestas de formación que intentan favorecer la participación de los jóvenes y reconocer sus demandas especificas.

<div class="WordSection1"><p class="MUEXCLInormalCxSpFirst"><strong>Resumen</strong> La vida familiar se ha enfrentado a profundos cambios durante las últimas décadas experimentando transformaciones a nivel estructural, valorativo, actitudinal y funcional. En años recientes, especialmente a raíz de la crisis económica de 2008, el debate sobre la creciente desigualdad socioeconómica del mundo ha cobrado fuerza. Este debate se ha visto reforzado no sólo por concebir la pobreza desde una perspectiva económica sino también desde la social y de exclusión. Existen muy pocos estudios realizados en torno al tema de la monoparentalidad y la monomarentalidad. Este artículo se plantea con tres objetivos: Describir la evolución de los conceptos monoparental y monomarental, analizar su realidad y sus necesidades. Y finalmente, examinar la vinculación de la monomarentalidad con la exclusión social. La revisión constata la realidad creciente de estas familias junto a las necesidades vinculadas a las mismas y el riesgo de exclusión<strong>. </strong></p><p class="MUEXCLInormal"><strong>Abstract</strong> Family life has faced profound changes over recent decades, experiencing structural, evaluative, attitudinal and functional transformations. In recent years, especially as a result of the 2008 economic crisis, the debate over the growing socioeconomic inequality of the world has gained strength. This debate has been reinforced not only by conceiving poverty from an economic perspective but also from a social point of view of and as regards exclusion. There are very few studies on the issue of single parenthood and single motherhood. This article is presented with three objectives: to describe the evolution of the concepts single-parent and single-mother (Monoparental and Monomarental), to analyse their reality and their needs, and finally, to examine the link between single motherhood and social exclusion. The review notes the growing reality of these families together with the needs linked to them and the risk of exclusion.</p><p class="MUEXCLInormal"><strong>Keywords</strong> Monomarental, single parent, risk of social exclusion, family.</p></div><p class="MUEXCLInormal"> </p>

Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 crisis, there is an increased interest to understand how social inequalities, discrimination, and inclusion are related to the pandemic. Sub-Saharan Africa has been comparatively resilient regarding the number of cases and fatalities per capita. At the same time, the region has high rates of multiple inequalities. Socioeconomic inequalities could adversely affect the fight against COVID-19 by influencing people's access to healthcare and eroding confidence and trust in public health institutions. This work investigates the effects of education, gender, income, and political inequalities on COVID-19 in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study also explores a country case study from Ghana to complement the systematic regional analysis. We find that pre-existing income inequality, along with some other dimensions of inequality, may have contributed to higher infection and mortality rates of COVID-19. We recommend that in the shortterm governments should consider outcomes of inequality in their fight against COVID-19. In the medium and long-term, and for the effectiveness of measures to fight future outbreaks, governments should strive to reduce various forms of inequalities.

Comparative analysis of the EU countries' socioeconomic indicators is carried out here along with the systematic analysis of the global and the EU strategic documents, the European Commission's communiqués, the European Commission's (committees') and individual working groups' studies on employment issues. Potential scenarios for increasing employment are considered basing on the analysis of socioeconomic conditions in Lithuania. The article uses the methods of systematic scientific literature analysis, general and logical analysis, comparison, summation and abstraction as well as the mathematical and statistical processing methods. Situation analysis is based on the data of the Eurostat, specialized surveys and the results of statistical calculations. The article substantiates that in order to increase employment, efficient resource allocation and targeted economic policy focused on social problems of the country are needed, and appropriate measures for its implementation are proposed. Employment-friendly macroeconomic policy-making is seen here as a fundamental strategic guideline to address the problems of employment and social economic inequality. Green economy and green jobs' development are one of the priority directions in increasing employment in Lithuania. Employment policy guidance in green technologies (renewable energy sources, recycling, and green building), the green economy, and promotion of professional skills in this area are recommended. Transition to green economy, eco-villages and ecological communities would be one of the fundamental directions in increasing employment among the most vulnerable groups. Furthermore, regional policies must be intensified in Lithuania to enhance economic (investment) and social attractiveness of less populated areas.

Comparative analysis of the EU countries' socioeconomic indicators is carried out here along with the systematic analysis of the global and the EU strategic documents, the European Commission's communiqués, the European Commission's (committees') and individual working groups' studies on employment issues. Potential scenarios for increasing employment are considered basing on the analysis of socioeconomic conditions in Lithuania. The article uses the methods of systematic scientific literature analysis, general and logical analysis, comparison, summation and abstraction as well as the mathematical and statistical processing methods. Situation analysis is based on the data of the Eurostat, specialized surveys and the results of statistical calculations. The article substantiates that in order to increase employment, efficient resource allocation and targeted economic policy focused on social problems of the country are needed, and appropriate measures for its implementation are proposed. Employment-friendly macroeconomic policy-making is seen here as a fundamental strategic guideline to address the problems of employment and social economic inequality. Green economy and green jobs' development are one of the priority directions in increasing employment in Lithuania. Employment policy guidance in green technologies (renewable energy sources, recycling, and green building), the green economy, and promotion of professional skills in this area are recommended. Transition to green economy, eco-villages and ecological communities would be one of the fundamental directions in increasing employment among the most vulnerable groups. Furthermore, regional policies must be intensified in Lithuania to enhance economic (investment) and social attractiveness of less populated areas.

This article explores correlates of the socioeconomic integration of young rural-urban migrants in a host society in China. Using a new typology that distinguishes hukou (household registration system), migration status, and age, multilevel modeling results indicate that young rural-urban migrants achieve a lower socioeconomic status than local youths and urban-urban migratory youths. This challenges the notion that marketization necessarily promotes rights and legal equality in a linear fashion and suggests that the potentially positive impact of migration on personal development might be compromised by institutional constraints (e.g., hukou) that exclude migrants from rural areas, as well as other outsiders, particularly youths.

In Sweden, along with the changing governing model in terms of centralization, decentralization, marketization, and privatization of education, as well as the performative turn in education (Lindblad, 2018), the overarching values of the Nordic model, such as social justice, equality, equal opportunities, integration, and democratic participation for all students irrespective of social and cultural background and abilities (Imsen, Blossing, & Moos, 2017; Lundahl, 2016), have been challenged. These challenges have also affected the relationship between home and school, and parents' position in education. The aim of this presentation is to describe, analyze, and discuss how Swedish parents' position in education has been constructed in educational policy and practices over time. This presentation addresses parents' position regarding (a) how their role and responsibilities in education have been defined and argued for in the policy documents and (b) what their real position in education has been. The analysis is based on a review of selected central educational policy documents such as Education acts, the Government Official Reports series (SOU), national curricula from various periods since the 1960s, and relevant research literature in the Swedish education context. Preliminary analysis revealed that the rationales behind the policies are linked to the various phases of Swedish educational reforms. Since the decentralization, marketization, and privatization reforms, more demands have been placed on parents' responsibility and ability to engage in education by themselves. Ideas about parents' involvement have shifted more focus to parents' supporting role in children's learning outcomes and academic performance regarding the curriculum goals. There is a gap between the rhetoric of school–home partnership and collaboration and the reality of parental involvement and influence. The issues of segregation between different parent groups and parent exclusion due to different socioeconomic and cultural/linguistic conditions have increased. ; Symposium: THE NORDIC MODEL OF EDUCATION AND HOME-SCHOOL RELATIONS

Data from the Longitudinal Study (LS) of the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys are used to examine patterns of regional migration in England and Wales between 1939 and 1971. The source of information on region in 1939 is from a national population register established shortly after the start of the Second World War. Of the 146 444 women and 129 267 men in the LS born before the register was established, 83.5% of the women and 50.1% of the men could be assigned to a region in 1939 and were included in the migration analyses. The effect of the exclusion of a considerable proportion of the study group from the analyses is discussed, as is the effect of wartime evacuation. It is concluded that although these factors may affect the results, they are unlikely to have a substantial impact. Overall, 18% of persons in the analysis moved between region from 1939 to 1971. Migrants tended to be socioeconomically advantaged compared with nonmigrants. Moreover, those moving to regions where the nonmigrants were the most advantaged, were themselves the most advantaged of the migrants. This paper illustrates a new source of data on long-term migration that deserves further exploration.

What are the consequences of upward socioeconomic mobility for disenfranchised individuals? This article examines this question in the context of a business training program offered to residents of Brazilian urban slums, known as "favelas." The study employs a randomized controlled trial complemented by quantile regressions, field visits, and interviews. The results show that training improves favela dwellers' economic outcomes, such as by increasing income and participation in entrepreneurship, and some socio-psychological outcomes, such as by improving self-efficacy and optimism. However, these income improvements were accompanied by participants' enhanced experiences of favela stigma, an adverse socio-psychological outcome related to their residential segregation. Both quantitative and qualitative findings demonstrate the multifaceted nature of socioeconomic mobility, through which favela dwellers who prosper economically become more exposed to prejudice from people living outside favelas. The study illustrates, through the "allegory of the favela," the bittersweet process of socioeconomic mobility. This abductive research contributes to the literature by showing that while interventions designed to enfranchise individuals may effectively achieve economic inclusion in terms of income gains, they may simultaneously lead participants into discriminatory systems that further stigmatize people based on the same characteristics of their prior exclusion.

This study provides an empirical assessment of the socioeconomic factors that determine household exclusion from consumer financial services. A unique microeconomic data set, of interview data, collected from a representative cross-sectional sample of 1,005 households is analysed using logistic regression techniques. In investigating exclusion from consumer financial services, both financial self-exclusion and institutional led financial exclusion are examined. Indicators of financial self-exclusion include the absence of a savings account or home contents insurance, while indicators of institutional led financial exclusion include the use of 'doorstep lenders'. Findings show that both measures of financial self-exclusion are determined by income, education, age, housing tenure and social participation while financial exclusion is generally associated with socioeconomic characteristics such as age, gender, housing tenure, working status, income, disability and the presence of young people in household but not with respondents' residential area, education level, internet use and social participation. These results are useful to both policy makers and financial services providers. They provide useful insights to policy makers and could have an important bearing on the range and mix of policies, and policy instruments, that local and central Government could use to mitigate their extent.

This article examines the implications of high levels of informal (or invalid) voting in Australian national elections using a social exclusion framework. The rate of the informal vote is an indicator of social and political exclusion with particular groups of Australians experiencing inordinate electoral disadvantage. Poorer voters, voters from non‐English speaking backgrounds and those with low education levels are especially disadvantaged by factors peculiar to the Australian voting experience. We begin by exploring the character and pattern of informal voting and then canvass the technical and socio‐economic factors which explain it. We conclude by considering proposed options for reducing informality, some of which are: the abandonment of compulsory voting, major structural change to the voting system as well as ballot re‐design, electoral education and community information initiatives.

This paper will engage in a socioeconomic analysis of Luis Rodriguez's Always Running. The paper will identify the Lomas barrio as an immigrant enclave isolated from the Greater Los Angeles community. While an immigrant enclave typically serves as a transitional community for ethnic immigrants, the geographic, political, and social isolation of the economically-deprived barrio lead to exclusion of the resident Chicano population from the surrounding communities. As a result, Rodriguez and the other youth are thrown into the nihilistic gang lifestyle of La Vida Loca, a rebellious and militant response to the marginalization of the neighborhood. The paper concludes that while gang lifestyle is not the best option for the youth of the barrio, it is the only chance to earn the respect, identity, and sense of belonging that the barrio cannot provide.

Is racial inequality an unwelcome intruder to the new discourse on economic inequality? The present discourse on economic inequality emphasizes decades-long trends that have increased economic inequality, whether as a result of reoccurring features in the structure of capitalist economies or more recent changes in institutional, structural, and economic conditions. Researchers direct us to the rising fortunes of the top earners and asset holders relative to the rest, the declining fortunes of the middle class harmed by stagnating wages, and the declining share of industries (like manufacturing) in the economy. This new economic inequality discourse has preoccupied economists, garnered its own "beat" in leading publications, led to bestselling books, transfixed current political debates, and now (finally) seduced legal academia. The new economic inequality is salient in part because it is a phenomenon not fully constrained by race, ethnicity, or geography that risks altering the fortunes of all "our kids," including those formerly firmly ensconced within the American dream. Racial inequality, by contrast, is not new. One might debate the extent, trend line, and causes of racial inequality, but the fact of racial inequality (that socioeconomic status differs on the basis of race or ethnicity) is neither much in contention nor novel. Perhaps for this reason, the role of racial inequality in this new calculus is uncertain. One may note that certain racial, ethnic, or gender groups have experienced greater income and wealth losses from the recession, losses as yet unrecovered. Or even that trends that affect many Americans, such as wage stagnation for lower skilled jobs, declines in unionization, or changes in the relative share of manufacturing jobs, affect some groups more than others. But the fact of racial inequality is a given. Indeed, what is "new" about the present discourse on American inequality is that it emphasizes changes that affect us all. As one commentator recently put it pointedly: "[S]tructural inequity has leapt the racial barrier." Add to the unremarkable, un-newness of racial inequality that race may complicate the search for solutions. The proffered solutions to the new economic inequality are not typically targeted at particular racial or ethnic groups. Rather, solutions seek to increase the rewards from work for all (through stronger worker organizations and wage gains), alter the general tax structure, and increase investments in and the quality of training and credentialing institutions like college and apprenticeship programs. And momentum on economic inequality seems most vigorously organized behind movements such as minimum-wage increases and paid sick leave that eschew a racial lens not just, it seems, for expedience, but because these remedies urgently address the immediate harm of wage and work conditions. Indeed, even highlighting racial inequality as a distinct problem does not necessarily require adopting race- or ethnicity-specific solutions. Many of the interventions needed for everyone in the emerging economic reality – better education and training, higher wages – may simply be needed more urgently for historically disadvantaged groups. But the interventions are not fundamentally different. Given this account, what does one gain from highlighting racial inequality in contemporary inequality discourse? One can start by acknowledging that sometimes nothing is gained. For reasons of social-movement solidarity, tactics and strategy, and efficacy of solutions, race is often not the point. The workers who benefit from recent wage reforms or affordable housing creation are typically racially and ethnically diverse, and a majority are women. The role of racial, ethnic, or gender stratification may be salient in the condition of these workers and families, but it need not always be the dimension around which the remedies are organized.

This study examined the association between the socioeconomic context of the Eurozone countries in the post-Great Recession era and attitudes of solidarity towards immigrants among the general population. A multilevel analysis was conducted using data from Round 8 (2016) of the European Social Survey as well as Eurostat and OECD statistics. Specifically, we assessed the link between the share of people at risk of poverty/social exclusion in 2016 and citizens´ support for excluding immigrants from the rights to social services. Our results, in agreement with theories explaining that anxiety over-scarcity compromises out-group solidarity, confirmed the existence of such a relationship. Additional findings, however, suggested that some factors, such as holding individual-level universalism values, or the persistence of hardship during the recession recovery period (2011-2016) at country-level, may have had a protective role against chauvinistic attitudes. Recommendations for practice and research are discussed.