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The European Union Habitats Directive requires the identification of typical species that reflect the structure and functions of habitat types, as well as early changes in the habitat condition, but no common methods are available for their selection. Diagnostic species with high fidelity to a specific group of plots are identified by traditional methods, but their value as typical species is still debated. We designed a protocol for the identification of typical plant species based on a recently proposed method to detect diagnostic species by combining abundances and functional traits. We tested the method on a set of alpine habitat subtypes, comparing diagnostic species based on traits or Grime's CSR strategies (competitive, stress-tolerant, ruderal) with those based on presence/absence or abundance only, and then we calculated for each species the dark diversity probability—i.e. probability of being absent from a habitat type with suitable ecological conditions. Functional-based methods allowed to recognize larger sets of exclusive species, adding dominant species linked to the structure and functions of habitat subtypes (i.e. to the functional centroid). Dark diversity probability was equally distributed between diagnostic and non-diagnostic species identified by functional-based methods. Species with higher dark diversity probability among those associated with the functional centroid can be considered as early warning indicators of changes in habitat conditions. The protocol proposed here enables species ranking on measurable variables (functional association, dark diversity probability) and can be applied as a standardized tool for the identification of typical plant species for habitat types dominated by plants.

Machine generated contents note: PART i: THE INVASION OF POLITICS: 1933-1939 15 -- 1. Violence 17 -- Brute Violence: The SA 17 -- Systematic Terror: The SS 26 -- The Victims: The Discontented and Those Who Resisted 37 -- The Victims: "Those Alien to the Community" 49 -- The Concentration Camps 59 -- 2. The Myth of the People's Community 65 -- A Community of the People, or of the Race? 65 -- The Strategy of Communication 67 -- The Party: Was It a Prefiguration or a -- Caricature of the Community? 79 -- How the Myth was Received by Public Opinion 89 -- 3. The Illusions, Collusions, and Disillusions of the Elites 0oo -- Doubts of the Leading Social Groups 100 -- Getting Everyone to "Fall into Line," 1933-1934 io6 -- "Continue to Function" At Least, 1934-1938 124 -- 4. The Conquest of the Masses 44 -- Were the Middle Classes Rewarded? 145 -- A Disintegrating Working Class 156 -- The Conquest of Women and Young People 172 -- 5. Radicalization, 1938-1939 19o -- The Battle Against the Churches 19o -- Marching as to War 196 -- PART 2: WARTIME SOCIETY: 1939-1945 207 -- 6. The Dissolution of Civil Society 209 -- Families Split Apart 209 -- Towns Reduced to Rubble: Resourcefulness -- and New Solidarities 218 -- The Mixing and Migrations of Rural Populations 226 -- Militarized Workers 231 -- 7. The Nazi Party and the Social Authorities 245 -- The High-Ranking Officials: Caught Between -- Impotence and Conspiracy 246 -- The Ambitions and the Discredit of the Party 251 -- The Major Business Bosses Move Toward Limitless Expansion 257 -- 8. Toward Utopia through Terror 269 -- The SS Empire 269 -- How to Live with Ten Million Excluded People 280 -- The Final Solution to "TheJewish Question" 289 -- 9. The Front and the Rear 305 -- The Avenging Army, 1939-1940 306 -- The Crusading Army, 1941-1943 309 -- The Wehrmacht and War Crimes 318 -- The Military Plots and the Defeat 327 -- Morale at the Rear 333 -- Conclusion 344 -- Chronology 351 -- Bibliography 356 -- Abbreviations 378

In addition to sampling biophysical data in field plots, the Brazilian National Forest Inventory (NFI-BR) has a component dedicated to the study of Brazilian rural landscapes. The Landscape Sample Units (LSUs) are square areas of 100 km2, established in a regular grid of 40 × 40 km over the entire national territory, where habitat quality and spatial structure are characterized and evaluated. The LSUs' evaluation scheme measures the fragmentation and connectivity of remnant forest patches as well as the spatial configuration of riparian zones. As part of these analyses we propose the use of integrated indices based on the structural connectivity of the riparian environments as forest corridors, the degree of human pressure acting on them and the protection schemes defined by the new Brazilian forest legislation. These indices are then turned into scores to make a ranking allowing for the identification of riparian priority areas for conservation and landscape restoration. Basic processing steps included the application of Morphological Spatial Pattern Analysis (MSPA) to the LULC map of a pilot sample from the LSU dataset in the State of Paraná in southern Brazil. The following indices have been calculated for 20 LSUs: Structural Corridors Index (SCc), which reveals the proportion of core and bridge MSPA categories within the riparian zone, the Structural Corridors under Pressure Index (CPc), that allows the identification of areas where structural corridors coexist with areas subject to anthropogenic influences and, finally, the Structural Corridors under Pressure Protection Index (UCPc), which identifies areas that function as corridors, being under anthropogenic pressure as well but with little or no legal protection, thus corresponding to priority areas for conservation. Among the 20 pilot LSUs studied, three of them are representative of a critical situation regarding conservation issues as they presented high values for indices CPc and UCPc, which denote areas with high anthropogenic influences and no environmental protection schemes. An important aspect of the proposed methodology is the possibility to identify and prioritize areas at different spatial scales, further aggregating the indices for LSU or larger political regions, such as micro and mesoregions of federal states. © 2018 Elsevier Ltd

ABSTRACT
ObjectivesIn England, approximately one in thirty children spend time in out-of-home care (OHC) by age 18.Use of OHC is known to vary across the country, which may be explained in part by ethnic group differences in the risk of being placed in OHC. This study uses linked administrative data to determine whether local variation in the cumulative proportion of children placed in OHC is explained by differences in the ethnic distribution of the local populations.
Approach Administrative social care records from January 1, 1992 to December 31, 2012 for a one-third sample of children were linked to publicly-available local authority population estimates. Two artificial birth cohorts were selected for analysis; 1992-94 and 2009-11. The cumulative proportion of children who entered OHC was calculated for each of the current 150 local authorities (the local government bodies who deliver children's social care services). Funnel plots were used to identify local authorities with higher or lower than expected rates of entry to OHC, taking into account the size of their child population and its ethnic distribution.
ResultsOverall 3.3% of children in England born 1992-94 had entered OHC by age 18. Rates varied considerably by local authority from this national average, ranging from just 1.0% in Rutland to 6.9% in Manchester (both p<0.001). Local authority variation in rates of entry to OHC was also evident among the most recent birth cohort: while 0.8% of children born 2009-11 had entered OHC by age one, this figure varied from 0.2% in Rutland to 2.7% in Blackpool (p<0.05 and p<0.001 respectively). Indirect standardisation of rates for ethnicity did not appreciably change the cumulative percentage of children entering care in each local authority or the relative rankings of local authorities.
Conclusion There is considerable, persistent variation between local authorities in England in the rate of entry into OHC during childhood which cannot be attributed to differences in ethnic composition. Further linkage of administrative social care data to area-level data (for example, related to social care spending or indicators of social deprivation) would be useful for understanding local variation in thresholds for placing a child in OHC.

ABSTRACT
ObjectivesIn England, approximately one in thirty children spend time in out-of-home care (OHC) by age 18.Use of OHC is known to vary across the country, which may be explained in part by ethnic group differences in the risk of being placed in OHC. This study uses linked administrative data to determine whether local variation in the cumulative proportion of children placed in OHC is explained by differences in the ethnic distribution of the local populations.
Approach Administrative social care records from January 1, 1992 to December 31, 2012 for a one-third sample of children were linked to publicly-available local authority population estimates. Two artificial birth cohorts were selected for analysis; 1992-94 and 2009-11. The cumulative proportion of children who entered OHC was calculated for each of the current 150 local authorities (the local government bodies who deliver children's social care services). Funnel plots were used to identify local authorities with higher or lower than expected rates of entry to OHC, taking into account the size of their child population and its ethnic distribution.
ResultsOverall 3.3% of children in England born 1992-94 had entered OHC by age 18. Rates varied considerably by local authority from this national average, ranging from just 1.0% in Rutland to 6.9% in Manchester (both p<0.001). Local authority variation in rates of entry to OHC was also evident among the most recent birth cohort: while 0.8% of children born 2009-11 had entered OHC by age one, this figure varied from 0.2% in Rutland to 2.7% in Blackpool (p<0.05 and p<0.001 respectively). Indirect standardisation of rates for ethnicity did not appreciably change the cumulative percentage of children entering care in each local authority or the relative rankings of local authorities.
Conclusion There is considerable, persistent variation between local authorities in England in the rate of entry into OHC during childhood which cannot be attributed to differences in ethnic composition. Further linkage of administrative social care data to area-level data (for example, related to social care spending or indicators of social deprivation) would be useful for understanding local variation in thresholds for placing a child in OHC.

The article examines the part and significance of the Law of Ukraine "On Combating Corruption" of October 5, 1995 in establishing an institute of administrative responsibility for offenses related to corruption in the field of land relations. It is determined that the level of corruption in Ukraine is extremely high, which is confirmed by international institutions. Moreover, when comparing the level of perception of corruption in Ukraine in 2018 and 2019, Ukraine returned to the level of 2017 again, ranking only 126th among 180 countries in the world. Such statistics show that Ukraine is vulnerable even to the slightest corruption manifestations. It was found out that after the Verkhovna Rada of the USSR adopted the Resolution on Land Reform in 1990, and later the Land Code of the USSR, it raised the issue of granting the right to natural and legal persons to receive land in their private property. Given these circumstances, those holding managerial positions were able to independently determine the further fate of land plots, as well as ways of granting or not leasing such plots to private ownership. The article defines that the Law of Ukraine "On Combating Corruption" of October 5, 1995 for the first time enshrined the concept of corruption, and also determined that for committing corruption offenses and offenses related to corruption as a whole, relations, in particular), the legislation of Ukraine establishes responsibility. The article confirms that this law does not specify the peculiarities of administrative responsibility for the offenses related to corruption in the field of land relations. At the same time, for the first time, a general definition of corruption as a destructive phenomenon is provided, which in the future will require further regulation of additional legal acts that will be directly aimed at improving the institution of administrative responsibility for offenses related to corruption in all spheres of society. including in the field of land relations. ; У статті здійснено дослідження ролі та значення За-кону України «Про боротьбу з корупцією» від 5 жовтня 1995 р. у встановленні інституту адміністративної від-повідальності за правопорушення, пов'язані із коруп-цією у сфері земельних відносин. Визначено, що рівень корупції в Україні є над-звичайно високим, що підтверджено незалежними міжнародними установами. Окрім того, якщо порів-нювати рівень сприйняття корупції в Україні за 2018 та 2019 роки, то Україна знову повернулася до рівня 2017 року та займає лише 126 місце серед 180 країн світу. Така статистика свідчить про те, що Україна є вразливою навіть до найменших корупційних проявів. Було з'ясовано, що після того, як Верховною Радою УРСР у 1990 році було прийнято Постанову «Про зе-мельну реформу», а пізніше Земельний кодекс УРСР, постало питання про надання права фізичним та юри-дичним особам, отримувати у свою приватну власність земельні ділянки. Зважаючи на такі обставини, особи, що займали керівні посади, мали змогу самостійно визначити подальшу долю земельних ділянок, а також способи надання чи ненадання таких ділянок у приват-ну власність. У статті визначено, що Закон України «Про боротьбу з корупцією» від 5 жовтня 1995 року вперше закріпив поняття корупції, а також визначив, що за вчинення корупційних правопорушень та правопорушень, пов'я-заних із корупцією загалом (можливим є виділити «і у сфері земельних відносин» зокрема), законодавством України встановлюється відповідальність. У статті підтверджується те, що цим законом не визначаються особливості адміністративної відпові-дальності саме за правопорушення, пов'язані із коруп-цією у сфері земельних відносин. В той же час вперше надається загальне визначення поняття корупції як де-структивного явища, що в майбутньому потребувати-ме врегулювання додатковими нормативно-правови-ми актами, що будуть безпосередньо спрямованими на удосконалення інституту адміністративної відпові-дальності за правопорушення, пов'язані із корупцією в усіх сферах суспільного життя, у тому числі і у сфері земельних відносин.

The past few weeks, my spouse and I have been viewing many of the Oscar nominees. We saw several over the course of 2022, but quite a few remain on the watchlist. We would have watched 2 more films last weekend, but the windstorm knocked out our electricity for 54 hours ending hopes of viewing on Friday and Saturday night.These are my rankings for each category, not my predictions about the awards. You can find forecasts elsewhere. I'll update these by highlighting films or performances that I view after today. Best Picture"The Banshees of Inisherin" "All Quiet on the Western Front" "Tár" "The Fabelmans" "Triangle of Sadness""Elvis" "Top Gun: Maverick" "Everything Everywhere All at Once" "Avatar: The Way of Water" "Women Talking" I know that I'm ranking the favorite last, but it just didn't grab me. Maybe I should see it again. Best Director Martin McDonagh ("The Banshees of Inisherin") Todd Field ("Tár") Ruben Östlund ("Triangle of Sadness")Steven Spielberg ("The Fabelmans") Daniel Kwan, Daniel Scheinert ("Everything Everywhere All at Once") Banshees really was an excellent film. As was Tár. Best Lead ActorColin Farrell ("The Banshees of Inisherin") Austin Butler ("Elvis") Paul Mescal ("Aftersun") Bill Nighy ("Living") Brendan Fraser ("The Whale") Though I have Mescal behind others, he delivered a fine performance and I encourage everyone to see the film. Update September 2023: Nighy was also very good in Living, which is also worth your time. Best Lead ActressCate Blanchett ("Tár") Andrea Riseborough ("To Leslie")Michelle Yeoh ("Everything Everywhere All at Once")Michelle Williams ("The Fabelmans") Ana de Armas ("Blonde") Williams was fine, but her performance didn't knock me out. Yeoh's role was a lot more demanding and she was very good. The winner may come from a film I did not see yet. Update: Cate Blanchett is a marvel. Riseborough was also excellent in a film few people saw based on the IMDB box office information.Best Supporting ActorBrendan Gleeson ("The Banshees of Inisherin") Barry Keoghan ("The Banshees of Inisherin") Brian Tyree Henry ("Causeway") Ke Huy Quan ("Everything Everywhere All at Once") Judd Hirsch ("The Fabelmans")It was really difficult to decide which actor to select here from Banshees, which could mean voters will divide their ballots and open the door for another actor. Best Supporting ActressKerry Condon ("The Banshees of Inisherin") Stephanie Hsu ("Everything Everywhere All at Once")Jamie Lee Curtis ("Everything Everywhere All at Once") Angela Bassett ("Black Panther: Wakanda Forever") Hong Chau ("The Whale") Condon was excellent. Obviously, you know what film would sweep my ballot if I had one. Best Documentary Feature Film "Fire of Love"The Kraffts were risk-takers, making this film difficult to watch in spots. But it is an interesting story about volcano experts that is very much worth your time. "All That Breathes" "All the Beauty and the Bloodshed" "A House Made of Splinters" "Navalny" Best International Feature Film "All Quiet on the Western Front" (Germany) All Quiet captures much of the spirit of the novel, but there are some significant plot differences. It is nonetheless a superior film. See it."Argentina, 1985" (Argentina) "Close" (Belgium)"EO" (Poland) "The Quiet Girl" (Ireland) Best Animated Feature Film "Marcel the Shell With Shoes On" I have some work to do here as I have not seen any of these animated films at the time of the Oscars. "Guillermo del Toro's Pinocchio" "Puss in Boots: The Last Wish" "The Sea Beast" "Turning Red" 
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International audience ; Most of the cocoa production worldwide comes from small farms where cocoa is family-grown, often on highly diversified and small plots known as agroforests. In the Dominican Republic, most cocoa is produced in such systems where undescribed cocoa cultivars are associated with more than 40 other plant species. These highly diversified and shaded cocoa orchards are the current strategy of a highly vulnerable and ageing population of local farmers with low income and poor education level. As most of the next generation of farmers has already fled to the cities or has found a job in the flourishing tourism sector, there is an urgent need for solutions to make cocoa production attractive again. Government's strategies for cocoa intensification traditionally rely on genetic improvement and capacity building on crop, pests and disease management, both having proved to fail because of a lack of knowledge about actual farmer's practices and strategies. On the other hand, a recent alliance between Research and chocolate manufacturers has led to an innovative program for the design of cocoa-based agroforestry systems. The design methodology relies on participatory approach based on the identification, quantification and ranking of the products generated by the current coca-based AFS. The farmer's strategy of diversification where timber and mostly fruit trees are cultivated with cocoa trees on the same plot, together with other annual and multiannual crop, is the basis of the participatory approach. Workshops with focus groups are conducted to deal with every aspect of cocoa production, from soil quality management to cocoa and shade plants management. These workshops lead to define a panel of options, or prototypes, where cocoa varieties are associated with a productive shade canopy linked to markets, in a design that allow an acceptable cocoa yield level together with other sources of income. The panel of agroforestry prototypes produced in these participatory workshops is finally tested for its economic resilience under different climate and prices scenario, before being implemented in the field. This innovative program seeks transforming the cocoa production sector in the Dominican Republic by making the cocoa production an attractive alternative for the next generation of farmers. ; La plus grande partie de la production mondiale de cacao provient de petites fermes où le cacao est cultivé en famille, souvent dans de petites parcelles très diversifiées appelées agroforêts. En République dominicaine, la majorité du cacao est produite dans ces systèmes, dans lesquels les cultures de cacao non décrits sont associées à plus de 40 espèces végétales. Ces vergers de cacao très diversifiés et ombragés constituent la stratégie actuelle d'une population très vulnérable et vieillissante d'agriculteurs locaux à faible revenu et à faible niveau d'éducation. Comme la plupart des agriculteurs de la prochaine génération ont déjà fui vers les villes ou ont trouvé un emploi dans le secteur touristique en plein essor, il est urgent de trouver des solutions pour rendre la production de cacao à nouveau attrayante. Les stratégies gouvernementales d'intensification du cacao reposent traditionnellement sur l'amélioration génétique et le renforcement des capacités dans la gestion des cultures, des ravageurs et des maladies, qui ont toutes deux échoué en raison du manque de connaissances sur les pratiques et les stratégies réelles des agriculteurs. D'autre part, une récente alliance entre la recherche et les fabricants de chocolat a débouché sur un programme innovant de conception de systèmes agroforestiers à base de cacao. La méthodologie de conception est basée sur une approche participative basée sur l'identification, la quantification et la classification des produits générés par le système agroforestier actuel (AFS) à base de cacao. La stratégie de diversification des agriculteurs, où le bois et la plupart des arbres fruitiers sont cultivés avec du cacao sur la même parcelle, ainsi que d'autres cultures annuelles et pluriannuelles, est la base de l'approche participative. Des ateliers sont organisés avec des groupes de discussion pour aborder tous les aspects de la production de cacao, depuis la gestion de la qualité du sol jusqu'à la gestion du cacao et des plantes d'ombre. Ces ateliers conduisent à définir un panel d'options, ou de prototypes, où les variétés de cacao sont associées à un dais ombragé productif lié aux marchés, dans une conception qui permet un niveau acceptable de rendement du cacao avec d'autres sources de revenus. Le panel de prototypes agroforestiers produits dans ces ateliers participatifs est enfin testé pour déterminer leur résilience économique dans différents scénarios climatiques et de prix, avant d'être mis en oeuvre sur le terrain. Ce programme novateur vise à transformer le secteur de la production de cacao en République dominicaine, faisant de la production de cacao une alternative intéressante pour la prochaine génération d'agriculteurs

Most of the cocoa production worldwide comes from small farms where cocoa is family-grown, often on highly diversified and small plots known as agroforests. In the Dominican Republic, most cocoa is produced in such systems where undescribed cocoa cultivars are associated with more than 40 other plant species. These highly diversified and shaded cocoa orchards are the current strategy of a highly vulnerable and ageing population of local farmers with low income and poor education level. As most of the next generation of farmers has already fled to the cities or has found a job in the flourishing tourism sector, there is an urgent need for solutions to make cocoa production attractive again. Government's strategies for cocoa intensification traditionally rely on genetic improvement and capacity building on crop, pests and disease management, both having proved to fail because of a lack of knowledge about actual farmer's practices and strategies. On the other hand, a recent alliance between Research and chocolate manufacturers has led to an innovative program for the design of cocoa-based agroforestry systems. The design methodology relies on participatory approach based on the identification, quantification and ranking of the products generated by the current coca-based AFS. The farmer's strategy of diversification where timber and mostly fruit trees are cultivated with cocoa trees on the same plot, together with other annual and multiannual crop, is the basis of the participatory approach. Workshops with focus groups are conducted to deal with every aspect of cocoa production, from soil quality management to cocoa and shade plants management. These workshops lead to define a panel of options, or prototypes, where cocoa varieties are associated with a productive shade canopy linked to markets, in a design that allow an acceptable cocoa yield level together with other sources of income. The panel of agroforestry prototypes produced in these participatory workshops is finally tested for its economic resilience under different climate and prices scenario, before being implemented in the field. This innovative program seeks transforming the cocoa production sector in the Dominican Republic by making the cocoa production an attractive alternative for the next generation of farmers. ; La plus grande partie de la production mondiale de cacao provient de petites fermes où le cacao est cultivé en famille, souvent dans de petites parcelles très diversifiées appelées agroforêts. En République dominicaine, la majorité du cacao est produite dans ces systèmes, dans lesquels les cultures de cacao non décrits sont associées à plus de 40 espèces végétales. Ces vergers de cacao très diversifiés et ombragés constituent la stratégie actuelle d'une population très vulnérable et vieillissante d'agriculteurs locaux à faible revenu et à faible niveau d'éducation. Comme la plupart des agriculteurs de la prochaine génération ont déjà fui vers les villes ou ont trouvé un emploi dans le secteur touristique en plein essor, il est urgent de trouver des solutions pour rendre la production de cacao à nouveau attrayante. Les stratégies gouvernementales d'intensification du cacao reposent traditionnellement sur l'amélioration génétique et le renforcement des capacités dans la gestion des cultures, des ravageurs et des maladies, qui ont toutes deux échoué en raison du manque de connaissances sur les pratiques et les stratégies réelles des agriculteurs. D'autre part, une récente alliance entre la recherche et les fabricants de chocolat a débouché sur un programme innovant de conception de systèmes agroforestiers à base de cacao. La méthodologie de conception est basée sur une approche participative basée sur l'identification, la quantification et la classification des produits générés par le système agroforestier actuel (AFS) à base de cacao. La stratégie de diversification des agriculteurs, où le bois et la plupart des arbres fruitiers sont cultivés avec du cacao sur la même parcelle, ainsi que d'autres cultures annuelles et pluriannuelles, est la base de l'approche participative. Des ateliers sont organisés avec des groupes de discussion pour aborder tous les aspects de la production de cacao, depuis la gestion de la qualité du sol jusqu'à la gestion du cacao et des plantes d'ombre. Ces ateliers conduisent à définir un panel d'options, ou de prototypes, où les variétés de cacao sont associées à un dais ombragé productif lié aux marchés, dans une conception qui permet un niveau acceptable de rendement du cacao avec d'autres sources de revenus. Le panel de prototypes agroforestiers produits dans ces ateliers participatifs est enfin testé pour déterminer leur résilience économique dans différents scénarios climatiques et de prix, avant d'être mis en oeuvre sur le terrain. Ce programme novateur vise à transformer le secteur de la production de cacao en République dominicaine, faisant de la production de cacao une alternative intéressante pour la prochaine génération d'agriculteurs

19 Pag., 2 Tabl., 8 Fig. ; [ES] El girasol es un cultivo de primavera que por razones comerciales (competitividad creciente frente al aceite de oliva), políticas (subvenciones de la Unión Europea) y edafoclimáticas (suelos de regadío afectados por sales) tiene un potencial de expansión considerable en la cuenca media del Ebro. El objetivo de este trabajo es establecer la tolerancia del girasol a la salinidad del suelo, que en la actualidad está insuficientemente documentada y cuya clasificación cualitativa es de moderadamente sensible a moderadamente tolerante. El híbrido Albasol se sembró en condiciones no salinas en 24 parcelas elementales de 4 x 4 in, regadas con aguas de diferente CE (entre 2 y 15 dS m'). La salinidad del suelo se midió periódicamente con un sensor electromagnético y una sonda de cuatro electrodos cuyas lecturas se transformaron a CE (extracto saturado) por medio de las correspondientes ecuaciones de calibración. De los atributos medidos, el número de plantas por unidad de superficie y el diámetro de los capítulos fueron los más tolerantes a la salinidad, seguidos de la altura de las plantas y, finalmente, de la producción de pipas. En base a los parámetros de la tolerancia a la salinidad CEe5 (CE umbral del extracto saturado a partir de la cual desciende el rendimiento) y CE50 (CE del extracto saturado para la que la producción máxima desciende un 50 p.lOO) se concluye que las clasificaciones cualitativas previas citadas en la literatura infraestiman el nivel de tolerancia del girasol a la salinidad. Así, la CE (7,1 dS m') y la CE0 (13,8 dS mS') superan a los valores del maíz, cártamo, soja, trigo y sorgo, lo que permite concluir que el girasol es un cultivo potencialmente competitivo para las condiciones de salinidad presentes en algunos regadíos de la cuenca media del Ebro. ; [EN] The sunflower is a spring crop that, due to commercial (increasing competitivity as opposed to olive oil), political (European Union subsidies) and edaphic and climatic (irrigated salt-affected soils) reasons, has a considerable expansion potential for the middle Ebro basin. The objective of this work is to establish the tolerance of sunflower to soil salinity, presently not well documented and with a qualitative ranking between moderately sensitive and moderately tolerant. The hybrid Albasol was sown in non salme conditions in 24 elemental plots of 4 x 4 m. irrigated with water of different EC (between 2 and 15 dS m-1). Soil saLinity was periodically measured with an electromagnetic season and a four electrode probe, and the readings were transformed to ECe, (saturation extract) by means of the corresponding calibration equations. Of the measured attributes, the number of plants per unit surface and the head diameter were the more tolerant to salinity, followed by plant height and, finally, by the production of seeds. Based on the salt tolerance parameters ECeu (threshold PC value of the soil saturation extract above which crop yield starts to decline) and ECe50 (EC of the soil saturation extract at which the maximum yield decreases by 50 p.lOO), it is concluded that the qualitative classitications previously reported in the literature underestimate the salinity tolerance of sunflower. Thus, the ECeu (7.1 dS m-1) and the ECe50 (13.8 dS m-1) are higher than those for maize, safflower, soybean, wheat and sorghum, therefore allowing to conclude that the sunflower is a potential competitivc crop for the salinity conditions present in some irrigated areas of the middle Ebro basin. ; Peer reviewed

Abstract The Government of Vietnam has invested efforts to increase the forest cover, and to conserve biodiversity through different forest development projects and programs. Losing natural forests and landscapes in the context of the "exhaust" of ecosystem services has been seen as burden in many mountainous areas. The Decision No.16 on ecosystem restoration, which was adopted by the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) at the 11th meeting (December 5th, 2012) stated that ecosystem restoration requires the application of suitable technologies and the fully-effective participation of local entities. This serves to identify obstacles while attempting to restore, regenerate ecosystem services and biodiversity, which have been degraded and lost in the recent decades. Furthermore, Vietnam's National Forest Development Strategy targeted to achieve a forest area of 16.2 million hectares by the year 2020. Local people living adjacent to forests depend on the forest ecosystem services supplied from various natural forest landscapes in the area. This holds true especially for the people of Central Vietnam where the terrestrial area is narrow due to the country shape. In this area, agriculture practices play an essential role although the agricultural land is very limited due to the topographic conditions. The distinct land-uses reflect the natural distribution of plant and animal species as well as human interventions. In Vietnam, the forest ecosystems have been classified into three categories according to their main functions: special-use forest for nature conservation; protection forest for the watershed and protective measures; and production forest for commercial operations. This study was conducted in the A Luoi District, Thua Thien Hue Province. Ground truth samples were inventoried in three forest types from 150 m to 1162 m above sea level (a.s.l.) and steep slopes from 5 to 48 degrees. The elevation range was divided into the lower elevation level H1 ranging from 150 m – 699 m and into the higher elevation level H2 from 700 m-1162 m a.s.l. The slopes were stratified into level S1 from 5-20 degrees, and into S2 from 21-48 degrees. The forest cover was classified into the types: undisturbed forest (UF), low disturbed forest (LF), and heavily disturbed forest (DF). To strengthen the classification of forest types, a t-test of extracted vegetation indices between ground truth plots and training sample plots was done. Up to date, no remote sensing-based work on ecological stratification of the natural forest landscapes has been conducted. Finding the tree species distribution, species diversity, and species composition over the sub-stratification of the elevations, slopes, and the forest types - by applying remote sensing - are necessary to classify the land-use types and to map out the availability of natural resources, especially the ecosystem services supply and demand of local people. Land-use and forest type classification may contribute remarkably to long-term planning, which has been assigned to local authorities, and which should include local communities. The entire study consists of four main parts. The first part aimed at evaluating the influence of topography on tree species diversity, distribution, and composition of the forests in Central Vietnam. A significant difference of species richness and species diversity was found in shallower and steeper slopes (p < 0.05) and a relatively high correlation of the species distribution, the number of stems, and the number of tree families with the elevation factor was found. The lower elevation and shallower slope showed higher species richness (p < 0.05) but not a significant difference between the number of families and the evenness. The dominance and the abundance of tree species among the topographic attributes were significantly different (p < 0.05). Lower elevation and shallower slope showed higher species richness and species diversity than the higher elevation and steeper slope. The most dominant and abundant tree families from different elevations and slopes included the Myrtaceae, Dipterocarpaceae, Burseraceae, Fagaceae, Moraceae, Cornaceae, Apocynaceae, Sapindaceae, Cannabaceae, Juglandaceae, Lauraceae, Myristicaeae, Annonaceae, Ebenaceae, Meliaceae, Rubiaceae, and the Rosaceae. The second part aimed at assessing the soil qualities, which belong to the most essential elements for land-use planning and agricultural production. 155 soil samples from different land-use types and topographic aspects were collected in order to compare information on soil organic carbon (SOC), soil total nitrogen (STN), and soil acidity (pH) at two soil depths. The SOC of arable land and forest plantation land was found to be higher than those of grassland and of natural forests (p < 0.05). The total nitrogen in the natural forests was significantly less, compared to the other land-use types. No significant differences in the total nitrogen content (p < 0.05) were found among arable land, plantation forest, and grassland. The soil organic carbon and the total nitrogen were high in the upper soil and less downwards, within all land-use types. The soil pH in the plantation forest and the arable land-use types showed no significant change among soil depth categories. Significant differences were not found in topographic aspects and the soil organic carbon content; however, differing trends of soil organic carbon and land-use types and aspects were found. The impact of the slope, elevation, farming system and soil texture accounted for the main differences of soil indicators under varying land-use types in the A Luoi District. The third part of this study was designed to apply remote sensing data from Landsat-8 and Sentinel-2 sources in order to classify land-cover and land-use classes (including three forest types UF, LF, and DF) in the study area by using machine learning algorithms. Further, vegetation indices were applied to find possible correlations and regressions of both, vertical and horizontal structures of the dominant forest tree species within different forest types. It was found that the vegetation indices between the ground-truth plots and the training sample plots were significantly different (p<0.05). The most dominant and abundant tree families in the context of the vertical structure were the Dipterocaparceae, Combretaceae, Moraceae, Leguminosae, Burseraceae, and the Polygalaceae. These, in the context of the horizontal structure were the Fagaceae, Lauraceae, Leguminosae, Dipterocaparceae, Myrtaceae, Myristicaceae, Euphorbiaceae, and the Clusiaceae. The results of the land cover and the land-use classification of Sentinel-2 were found to be more precise than those of Landsat-8 with the Random Forest algorithm: (Sentinel-2 with out-of-bag error of 14.3%, overall accuracy of 85.7%, kappa of 83% and Landsat-8 with out-of-bag error 31.6%, overall accuracy of 68%, kappa of 67.5%). The study found relationships (from 43% up to 66%) between four (out of ten) vegetation indices within horizontal and vertical structures of the forest stands: the Enhanced Vegetation Index (EVI), the Difference Vegetation Index (DVI), the Perpendicular Vegetation Index (PVI), and the Transformed Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (TNDVI). The fourth part evaluated potential provisioning services of the current natural forests - apart from wood and timber supply. It (i) assessed and compared the amount of non-timber forest tree species (NTFP species) in the different investigated forest types and elevations as potential resources; explored (ii) the respective demands of local people and (iii) their personal views concerning the importance of natural forests and the satisfaction with their provisioning services; and finally (iv) gathered their awareness of limited consequences of former forest development and requirements for forest landscape restoration. Thirty-nine NTFP tree species were found for various uses such as food, medicine, and resin or oil. Random on-site interviews of 120 out of 627 local households were conducted in a commune with high dependency on local natural forest products. Their importance and satisfaction ranking of natural forests - considering different target groups with respect to gender, income, age-class, and education - was commenced. Multiple methods were used to assess an array of gathering information, which are related to (a) the forest resources importance and (b) the local people satisfaction. These were set into context with the involvement of non-timber forest goods extraction, landslides, goods declination, and the perception for natural forest landscapes restoration, in order to clarify perspectives on forest provisioning services. The results revealed remarkable differences among target groups, adjustment, perceptions. The insufficient supply of NTFPs, particularly profitable natural medicine provision, urges for adapted silvicultural measures. The results imply that NTFPs from natural forests are not only very important to the local communities, but also contribute to the enrichment of biodiversity. The participation of local people in practical forest management and forest improvement should be considered in the decision-making process for natural forest landscape restoration of remote mountainous areas. The findings of this study can support sustainable forest management; natural forest landscape restoration with the involvement of local communities; conservation practices of biodiversity, based on topographic conditions; land-use planning; identification of dominant tree species using vegetation indices' values, and land cover and land-use classification using open source satellite images. This final component will be aided by application of machine learning algorithms in the current study area and in the central mountainous area of Vietnam. ; 2021-07-29

Die oberirdische Biomasse (Above Ground Biomass = AGB) is eine wesentliche Variable für die Schätzung von Kohlenstoffvorräten im Wald. Die Quantifizierung des Kohlenstoffvorrats ist in Zeiten des Klimawandels eine zentrale Größe für die Waldbewirtschaftung und für entsprechende politische Entscheidungen. Eine wissenschaftlich präzise und damit glaubwürdige Schätzung der oberirdischen Biomasse ist eine der wesentlichen Voraussetzungen im Zusammenhang mit der korrekten Umsetzung der Verpflichtungen, die die Vertrasgparteien zur Klimakonvenion UN-FCCC eingegangen sind, um die Kohlenstoffemissionen aus Wald zu reduzieren. Die vorliegende Dissertationsschrift wertet Datensätze der mexikanischen nationalen Waldinventur (MNWI) aus dem mexikanischen Bundesstaat Durango aus. Sie analysiert die verschiedenen Fehlerquellen (Residualvariabilität) bei der Schätzung der oberirdischen Waldbiomasse und bewertet, wie sich diese Fehlerquellen im Rahmen der Fehlerfortpflanzung auf den Gesamtfehler auswirken. Hintergrund dieser Analysen ist, dass eine effiziente Verfahrensverbesserung insbesondere an den Teilschritten des Schätzprozesses stattfindet, an denen ein gegebener Ressourceneinsatz die höchstmögliche Reduktion des Gesamtfehlers bewirkt. Ergänzend zur oberirdischen Biomasse erfolgten entsprechende Analysen auch für die Bestandesgrundfläche, die eng mit der oberirdischen Biomasse korreliert ist, bei der aber die Modellfehler aus allometrischen Biomassenmodellen nicht zum Tragen kommen. Die Dissertationsschrift umfasst vier empirische Teilstudien zu den verschiedenen Fehlerquellen, wobei ein Schwerpunkt auf Messfehlern liegt. Zur Quantifizierung solcher Messfehler erfolgten Wiederholungsmessungen, wobei mathematisch-statistische Techniken zur Modellierung dieser Fehler zum Einsatz kamen. Die Vorhersagen der oberirdischen Biomasse erfolgten mittels allometrischer Modelle, die nach der Anpassungsgüte und der Nähe zum Untersuchungsgebiet ausgewählt wurden. Das Plot-Design stellte eine weitere Unsicherheitsquelle (uPlot) dar und wurde als solche in die Analyse einbezogen. Die Fehler, die sich aus den verschiedenen Schritten des oberirdischen Biomasse-Schätzprozesses ergaben, wurden mit zwei Techniken der Fehlerfortpflanzung auf den Gesamtfehler hochgerechnet: (1) gemäß des ISO-Leitfadens des Zuverlässigkeitsmanagements (GUM auf Englisch) und (2) durch die Monte-Carlo-Simulationsmethode (MCM). Eine weitere empirische Studie hatte die Regionalisierung der oberirdischen Biomasse für das Untersuchungsgebiet zum Gegenstand, wobei Landsat-Bilder als Trägerdaten verwendet wurden. Um die entsprechenden fernerkundungsbasierten Modelle zu erstellen, wurde eine Set von Vegetationsindizes und Texturmetriken aus den Landsat-Bildern abgeleitet und in einer schrittweisen multiplen Regressionsanalyse verarbeitet. Unter Verwendung der Plot-Daten aus der nationalen Waldinventur von Mexiko als Response-Variablen und Landsat-Bildinformationen als Prädiktor-Variablen, wurden Modelle zur Schätzung der oberirdischen Biomasse optimiert. Texturmetriken als Prädiktorvariablen verbessern die AGB- und die Grundflächenschätzungen in der Studie in Durango im Vergleich zu Regressionsmodellen ohne Texturmetriken. Die Messfehler der Bäume reichten von 0,13 cm bis 1,207 cm für den BHD (uBHD) und von 0,348 m bis 1,505 m für die Gesamthöhe GH (uGH). uGH trug am meisten zum Gesamtmessfehler (uMes) bei und erreichte 37% bis 62% der messfehlerbedingten Ungenauigkeit uMes. Die durch das allometrische Biomasse-Modell (uAM) induzierte Unsicherheit (Fehler) wurde durch den mittleren quadratischen Fehler (MSE) als Ergebnis der Modellanpassung abgeschätzt. Der Modellfehler wurde mit dem Messfehler uMes kombiniert, um die Unsicherheit pro Baum (uBaum) zu bestimmen. Die Beiträge der beiden Fehlerquellen uAM (Modellfehler) und uMes (Messfehler) zum Gesamtfehler der baumweisen Biomasseschätzung (uBaum) wurden in Durango in einem Kiefernwald und einem Laubwald exemplarisch bestimmt und waren sehr unterschiedlich: im Kiefernwald trug uAM 97,8% zu uBaum bei; und in einem Laubwald trug uMes 98,9% zu uBaum bei. Im nächsten Schritt erfolgte eine Hochrechnung der Fehler pro Baum auf das Gesamtgebiet. Die Hochrechnung der Biomasse erfolgt aufgrund von Stichprobenverfahren, so dass hier der Standardfehler als weitere Fehlerquelle zu Modell- und Messfehler hinzukommt. Bei der Fortpflanzung aller Fehlerquellen auf die Gesamt-Unsicherheit der oberirdischen Biomasse-Schätzung zeigte die Analyse, dass der Standardfehler (SE) mit über 98% bei weitem am meisten zum Gesamtfehler beitrug; diese überragende Bedeutung des Stichprobenfehlers bei der Biomasseschätzung aus Waldinventuren ist konform mit anderen Studien, insbesondere mit großräumigen Waldinventuren mit großen Stichprobenumfängen. Die Rangfolge der Beiträge der verschiedenen Fehlerquellen zm Gesamtfehler der Schätzung der oberirdischen Biomasse war SE > uAM > uGH ≥ uPlot ≥ uDBH mit Werten von 99,41% > 0,53% > 0,03% ≥ 0,02% ≥ 0,02%. Dieser Befund illustriert sehr deutlich, dass im großflächigen Waldmonitoring der Stichprobenfehler mit Abstand am relevantesten ist, während Mess- und Modellfehler fast immer vernachlässigbar klein sind; diese Aussage gilt unter der Annahme, dass Mess- und Modellfehler zufällige und keine systematischen (Bias) Fehler sind. Die hier durchgeführten Wiederholungsmessungen stellen einen effizienten Weg dar, die Messfehler in BHD und GH zu quantifizieren. Beide Ansätze zur Fehlerfortpflanzung führten zu vergleichbaren Ergebnissen. Die Anwendung der analytischen Methode der Fehlerfortpflanzung (GUM-Methode) erfordert eine Zerlegung in Quellen und Prozesse und erzeugt somit ein besseres Verständnis für die Kombination der Fehlerquellen. Die Monte-Carlo-Simulation (MCM) erweist sich auch als effektive, praktische und zuverlässige Methode, um die gesamte Unsicherheitsschätzung der oberirdischen Biomasse mit akzeptablen Bereichen wahrscheinlicher Fehler auf Skalen der MNWI zu approximieren. Es zeigte sich, dass auf Ebene der Biomasseschätzung für einzelne Bäume die Messfehler in GH einen größeren Beitrag leisten als die Messfehler in BHD. Wenn der Hauptbeitrag zur Unsicherheit der Schätzung für einen einzelnen Baum von uAM statt von uMes stammt, dann ist die gesamte uNS-Schätzung auf Bestandesebene proportional zur Anzahl der Bäume. Eine Beziehung uMes>uAM erzeugt jedoch eine gesamte uNS-Schätzung auf Bestandesebene proportional zur Baumgröße. Daher wird in dieser letzten Beziehung ein größerer Beitrag zur gesamten NS-Schätzung von den Bäumen mit der größten geschätzten oberirdischen Biomasse geleistet. ; Aboveground biomass (AGB) is related to the carbon content of the forest and forest carbon is a core variable for contemporary forest management and policy decisions. A credible and precise estimate of AGB is a prerequisite for the scientifically proper implementation of commitments made regarding the reduction of forest carbon emissions. With datasets of the Mexican National Forest Inventory (MNFI), this thesis estimates AGB in the temperate forests of Durango, a federal state of Mexico, evaluating the uncertainty of the estimate of total AGB and how different error sources contribute to the overall error. In addition to AGB, also the basal area was analyzed which is closely correlated to AGB but does not have the error source of coming from the application of allometric models. The thesis covers empirical studies for various sources of errors, with a focus on measurement errors. Re-measurement experiments were conducted to quantify such measurement errors, applying mathematical-statistical techniques to model these errors. For the predictions of AGB, allometric models were selected according to the goodness-of-fit and the proximity of the study area of the fitted model. The plot design provided another source of uncertainty (uPlot) that was included in the analysis. The errors from the different steps in the AGB estimation process were propagated towards the total error by two techniques: (1) following the Guide to the Expression of Uncertainty in Measurement (GUM) and (2) by Monte Carlo simulation Method (MCM). In an additional study, AGB was regionalized for the study area using Landsat imagery as carrier data. To establish the corresponding remote sensing-based models, a set of vegetation indices and textures metrics were extracted from Landsat imagery and processed in a stepwise multiple regression analysis. Using the estimates of MNFI as response variables and Landsat imagery information as predictor variables, optimal models to estimate AGB were fitted. The regression models using texture metrics from Landsat imagery improve the AGB and the basal area estimates in the temperate forest of Durango, compared with regression models without texture metrics. With respect to the tree measurement errors, they ranged from 0.133 cm to 1.197 cm for DBH (uDBH) and 0.348 m to 1.505 m for total height TH (uTH). uTH contributed most to the overall measurement error (uMes), accounting for 37% to 62% of the uMes. The uncertainty (error) induced by the allometric biomass model (uAM) was estimated by the mean square error (MSE) as the result of the model fit. The MSE of the uAM was combined with the uMes to estimate the tree-level uncertainty (uTree). In this step of error propagation, we estimated the two opposite results in two study cases. In a pine forest, uAM contributed 97.8% to the uTree; and in a broad-leaved forest, uMes contributed 98.9% to the uTree. Combining the uncertainties from tree level (uTree) to stand level, the non-sampling uncertainty or uNS (uAM+uDBH+uTH) was estimated. The non-sampling uncertainty was combined with the standard error, estimated at sampling, and when propagating all sources of errors to the total uncertainty in AGB estimation, the analysis showed that the standard error contributed by far most to the total error with over 98% in the study cases of this thesis. The ranking of the contributions of the different error sources to the propagated error of total AGB in Durango, Mexico was SE>uAM>uTH≥uPlot≥uDBH with values of 99.41%>0.53%>0.03%≥0.02%≥0.02%, illustrating very clearly that in large-area forest monitoring, the sampling induced error is by far the most relevant, while measurement and model errors can almost be ignored – always. However, assuming that measurement and model errors are random errors and biases are absent. Applying re-measurements was an efficient way to estimate and describe the measurement errors in DBH and TH. Through the application of the GUM Method, error propagation is decomposed into sources and processes, and it is better understood how uncertainties are combined. The Monte-Carlo simulation Method (MCM) also proves to be an effective, practical and reliable way to approximate the total AGB uncertainty estimate with acceptable ranges of probable error at scales of the MNFI. The results in the error propagation by the GUM Method and by the MCM are equivalent. We found that TH measurement errors have a greater contribution than DBH measurement errors at the tree-level. Furthermore, when the main contribution to the uncertainty at tree-level comes from uAM instead of uMes, then the total estimate of uNS at stand-level is proportional to the number of the trees. However, a ratio of uMes>uAM produces a total uNS estimate at stand level that is proportional to the contribution according to the size of the tree. Therefore, in this last relation, a greater contribution to the total NS estimate is made by the trees with the largest AGB estimated.

This paper aims to examine how effective Cuba's national security services were in working with drug traffickers to obtain their national goals, how exactly the Cuban government was involved and when these drug operations began, as well as the level of culpability on the part of the Castro brothers and legal veracity of the drug trials. Given the extreme lack of academic study into Cuban intelligence and their potential involvement in the drug trade, this research (utilizing interviews with persons who have direct involvement and insight, analyzing declassified files and memorandums) is highly instrumental in determining how effective Cuba has been in making effective foreign policy in addition to offering insights into how Cuba's military and intelligence agencies have performed covert action operations. ; Winner of the 2021 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the College of Graduate and Continuing Studies Graduate category. ; CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY "Trafficking for a Cause": Cuban Drug Trafficking Operations as a Foreign Policy Alan Chase Cunningham Norwich University Advisor: Gamze Menali 01 June 2021 CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham ABSTRACT A capable intelligence service and military force is immensely integral to the national security policy of any nation, regardless of their political ideology or international activity. Cuba's national security apparatuses have proven themselves time and again to be exceptional at accomplishing the Republic's foreign policy goals. From the nation's early beginnings, in the 1960s and 70s, elements of the Cuban government were involved in the drug trade, either on an official or unofficial basis, utilizing drug trafficking as a form of aiding likeminded non-state actors, acquiring small arms and other weaponry, gaining U.S. currency, and making war against the United States. In the 1980s, following increased international outcry, multiple members of Cuba's military and intelligence forces were arrested, tried, and either executed or sentenced to prison for their roles in the drug trade. Many international observers, alongside defectors from Cuba's military and intelligence services and foreign governments, claimed that these trials were for show designed to protect the Castros. This paper aims to examine how effective Cuba's national security services were in working with drug traffickers to obtain their national goals, how exactly the Cuban government was involved and when these drug operations began, as well as the level of culpability on the part of the Castro brothers and legal veracity of the drug trials. Given the extreme lack of academic study into Cuban intelligence and their potential involvement in the drug trade, this research (utilizing interviews with persons who have direct involvement and insight, analyzing declassified files and memorandums) is highly instrumental in determining how effective Cuba has been in making effective foreign policy in addition to offering insights into how Cuba's military and intelligence agencies have performed covert action operations. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham ACKNOWLEDGMENT I would first like to thank my thesis advisor, Professor Gamze Menali, at Norwich University. She provided exceptional advice and support that was highly integral to the completion of this thesis and my degree. Her comments were always well-received and significantly bolstered my paper's overall effect and allowed my research to take on a professional quality. A better advisor could not have been provided nor found. I additionally must thank those persons who sacrificed their time and allowed themselves to be interviewed for my final project. Bobby Chacon of the FBI, Fulton Armstrong of the Intelligence Community, Harry Sommers of the DEA, Mike Powers of the DEA, Pierre Charette of the DEA, Richard Gregorie of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida, Mike Waniewski of the DEA, Harry Fullett of the DEA, and Seth Taylor of the U.S. Customs Service. This work is intended to honor them and their years of service and dedication to the U.S. government. I would also like to thank two professors whom were of immense importance in my academic career; Professor Jonathan Brown and Assistant Professor Joshua Frens-String of the University of Texas. Both sparked my interest in Latin American affairs and guided me on how to conduct historical research. They were inspirations and role models for me as a historian. Finally, I would like to offer special thanks to both my mother and father who supported me in more ways than one through my entire educational career. My family, importantly Kaytlynn Lopez, were a source for comfort, relaxation, and support throughout this endeavor. I could not have done this without any of them. I hope this work looks well upon all of those who helped and inspired me and allows a new generation of researchers and scholars to better understand this period in Cuban history. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….01 A Basic History of Cuba's Military and Intelligence Services……………………………….03 Early Beginnings: Cuba and Drugs in the 1960s…………………………………………….07 A Change in Policy: Cuba and Drugs in the 1970s………………………………………….16 The Cocaine Boom: Cuba and Drugs in 1980s……………………………………………….21 The Question of Culpability on the Part of the Castros…………………………………….52 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………61 CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham1 Introduction Cuba's intelligence and military services are among the best in the world. They have been described in laudatory terms by intelligence professionals, national security theorists, and academics alike. Brian Latell, a former National Intelligence Officer (NIO) for Latin America and career Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) analyst, agrees and recounts how veteran counterintelligence officers from all areas of the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC) would, "stand in awe of how Cuba, a small island nation, could have built up such exceptional clandestine capabilities and run so many successful operations against American targets".1 The CIA's former Chief of Counterintelligence, James M. Olson, agrees, writing, "no foreign intelligence service rankled me more than [Cuba's]…It was ruthless, it was devious, and worst of all, it was very, very good".2 Analysts from the research and analysis think tank CNA agree with Latell, writing, "[Cuba's] intelligence services are widely regarded as among the best in the world – a significant accomplishment given the country's meager financial and technological resources".3 The longtime lead historian of Cuban affairs, Jorge I. Dominguez, wrote in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, "Cuba's Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR)…have been among the world's most successful military".4 Longtime attorney and the Chief of Narcotics for the U.S. 1 Brian Latell, Castro's Secrets: The CIA and Cuba's Intelligence Machine (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), p. 01, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/733231302. 2 James M. Olson, To Catch A Spy: The Art of Counterintelligence (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2019), p. 31, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/1055568332. 3 Sean Durns, "Castro's dead, but his spies live on," The Hill, Capitol Hill Publishing, published 05 December 2016, https://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/foreign-policy/308811-castros-dead-but-his-spies-live-on. 4 Jorge I. Dominguez, "Cuban Military and Politics," Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, Oxford University Press, published 29 May 2020, https://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-1810. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham2 Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida (USAO-SDFL) during the early 1980s, Richard Gregorie, has said that Cuba's intelligence services "is better than the CIA in Miami".5 It is apparent that, across multiple fields and specialties, Cuba is a well-regarded foreign power with a highly effective intelligence apparatus and robust military force. Not only that, but Cuba has been able to maintain effective relationships with like-minded state and non-state actors. Throughout the Cold War, Cuba maintained effective relationships with Latin American states by encouraging leftist revolutions amongst foreign populaces and aligning with foreign political parties6, becoming a benefactor to various regimes, political parties, and revolutionary groups in places like Venezuela, Angola, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. These relationships were maintained in a variety of ways from the providing of covert financial and military aid to the physical commitment of Cuban troops to ground warfare. It is well documented that, one of these relationships included the providing of security to drug traffickers and the usage of Cuba as a weigh station for drug traffickers. Through this almost three decade long covert operation, Cuba was heavily entrenched in building up beneficial relationships with non-state actors like the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and legitimate nation states like Manuel Noriega's Panama, finding a steady source of income, and being able to make war against their age old adversary, the United States of America. By efficiently coordinating these operations and working to traffic illicit substances abroad, Cuba was able to improve their standing in Latin America and assist in the making of revolution abroad, essentially using the trafficking of drugs and other narcotics as a form of positive foreign policy. 5 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. 6 "Castro and the Cold War," American Experience, Public Broadcasting Service, published 2005, republished November 2015, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/comandante-cold-war/. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham3 Despite the fact that this incident offers a great deal of information as to how Cuba has conducted themselves in a foreign policy sense and has made war against the United States, it has been only minimally studied. In researching this area, one can find only a few academic papers and books written from the late 1990s which covers this issue in depth, with other books on Cuban history or drug trafficking in Latin America failing to cover this area or devoting only a paragraph or two to the entire ordeal. By examining this issue in depth, one can be able to determine just how intricate and involved Cuba's foreign policy endeavors were in addition to better understanding Cuba and the Castro's commitment to the exportation of revolution. This research chronologically catalogs how Cuba engaged in the drug trade, where they expanded and how they altered plans to most effectively suit their own needs. This research also intends to determine the level of knowledge Fidel and Raul Castro, Cuba's most well-known and high ranking officials, had of the operation and show how Cuba's drug trafficking efforts either succeeded or failed in bringing about the results desired by the island nation. A Basic History of Cuba's Military and Intelligence Services To fully and best understand Cuba's involvement in the drug trade, one must first come to understand the nation's intelligence and military infrastructure. The history of the FAR began when Fidel Castro and the military arm of his 26th of July Movement (M26) returned to the nation in December of 1956.7 Though soundly crushed by Fulgencio Batista's forces, Castro's rebellion was able to persevere by launching successful guerilla raids upon important military targets and acquiring a devoted following of students and lower to middle-class Cuban citizens, eventually becoming militarily superior to Batista's forces and claiming the country in January of 1959.8 The rebel army, under the command of Fidel Castro and Ernesto "Che" Guevara, 7 Marc Becker, Twentieth-Century Latin American Revolutions (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2017), p. 111. 8 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham4 purged the military corps of Batista's regime, executing, exiling, or simply discharging various officers before officially creating the FAR in October of 1959.9 The FAR was initially under the control of the Ministry of Defense, yet this was renamed to the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (MINFAR) and was headed by Raul Castro, Fidel's brother and later Vice President.10 Between 1959 and 1961, Castro populated the FAR with officers and enlisted personnel who would remain loyal to the new government, implemented educational programs which served to expose the military to Communist and Marxist teachings, and established militias which bridged the gap between Cuba's military and societal structures.11 Cuba's intelligence service, the Dirección General de Inteligencia (until 1989, the service went by the acronym DGI, before being changed to DI; the acronym DGI will be used when referring to this service), was created sometime in 1961, the actual date being unclear, as placed under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Interior (MININT).12 What is clear with the DGI, however, is their connections to the Soviet Union and the Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezposnosti (KGB). Immediately following the Bay of Pigs crisis, the KGB assisted Cuba in infiltrating Cuban exile groups in Florida and New York to determine if the Kennedy administration would try and oust Castro from power again.13 In March of 1962, the KGB set up an "operations base in Havana to export revolution across Latin America,"14 while later beginning an information 9 Damián J. Fernández, "Historical Background: Achievements, Failures, and Prospects," in The Cuban Military Under Castro, ed. Jaime Suchlicki (Miami, FL: University of Miami Graduate School of International Studies, 1989), p. 05. 10 Ibid. 11 Fernández, "Historical Background: Achievements, Failures, and Prospects," in The Cuban Military Under Castro ed. Jaime Suchlicki, p. 07-08. 12 "Cuba, Intelligence and Security," in Encyclopedia of Espionage, Intelligence, and Security, ed. K. Lee Lerner & Brenda Wilmoth Lerner (Farmington Hills, MI: The Gale Group, 2004), p. 292, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/55960387. 13 Oleg Kalugin, Spymaster: My Thirty-Two Years in Intelligence and Espionage Against the West (United States of America: Basic Books, 2009), p. 51-53. 14 Christopher Andrew & Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB (United States of America: Basic Books, 2001), p. 184, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/727648881. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham5 sharing operation with the Cubans and even putting in place a KGB liaison officer within the DGI.15 Since the beginning of Cuba's foray into the world of counterintelligence and foreign intelligence collection, the KGB has been heavily invested and taken a special interest in Cuban intelligence operations. Early Beginnings: Cuba and Drugs in the 1960s Stratfor, a private geopolitical intelligence firm based in Austin, Texas, wrote in 2008 that, "While seeking refuge from Batista forces in the hills outside Havana, the future dictator was sheltered by marijuana farmers. Castro promised the growers protection for their hospitality".16 While trying to corroborate this claim about Castro's promise is difficult, it is well-documented that the Sierra Maestra mountain range, where Castro and his 26th of July Movement carried out guerilla attacks against the Batista regime, "had been traditional outlaw country long before Castro – rife with smuggling, marijuana growing…".17 Cuban governmental involvement in the drug trade seemingly sometime shortly after the DGI was founded in 1961. A declassified Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD – the precursor to the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)) document details how, in 1961, a meeting was held between Che Guevara (then the President of Cuba's National Bank and head of the National Institute for Agrarian Reform (INRA)18), Ramiro Valdes (Che's deputy during the revolution and now head of the "[state's] security and intelligence apparatus"19), a Captain from Valdes' outfit, and Salvador Allende, then a Senator from Chile.20 The meeting first revolved 15 Ronald Young, "Cuba," in Encyclopedia of Intelligence and Counterintelligence (New York, NY: Routledge, 2015), p. 186, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/436850527. 16 "Organized Crime in Cuba," Stratfor, Rane Corporation, published 16 May 2008, https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/organized-crime-cuba. 17 Gil Carl Alroy, "The Peasantry in the Cuban Revolution," The Review of Politics Vol. 29, No. 01 (1967), p. 97, https://www-jstor-org.library.norwich.edu/stable/1405815?seq=4#metadata_info_tab_contents. 18 Jon Lee Anderson, Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life (New York, NY: Grove Press, 2010), p. 424. 19 Anderson, Che Guevara, p. 368. 20 Rachel Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1990), p. 24. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham6 around Chilean politics, "but soon Comandante Valdes turned the talk to setting up a cocaine-trafficking network in order to raise money to help finance Allende…Valdes…suggested that Roberto Alvarez, chief of Cuban espionage, head the new organization".21 While attempts were made to gain access to this document via a FOIA request to the DEA, the DEA was unable to provide the document by the time of publication. This is not the only document which alleges Cuban governmental involvement in the drug trade during the early 1960s. Commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN - the precursor to the BNDD and therefore the DEA) Henry Giordano specified in multiple letters and internal memoranda that the FBN and BNDD had located, "a "pattern of Cuban nationals," who were "suspected Castro sympathizers . . . dominating the traffic" and "operating in Cuba, Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile to distribute large quantities of cocaine throughout the United States",".22 This mirrors what Giordano's predecessor, Harry J. Anslinger, seemed to believe in early 1961, that "the island nation [was] trying to subvert the United States with drugs".23 The BNDD too apparently, "investigated a purported Cuban government operation to sponsor marijuana and heroin crops in Cuba's Oriente province, using a secret department within the country's National Institute of Agrarian Reform".24 While both these incidences mention drug trafficking/production on the part of INRA and within Chile, seemingly backing up what the defector alleged to the BNDD, Giordano and Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury David Acheson both changed their opinions in the mid-1960s. The two officials believed that while individual Cubans were involved in the drug trade, this was not government 21 Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism, p. 24-25. 22 William L. Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine: How U.S. Foreign Policy Has Created a Thriving Drug Industry in Central and South America (Chicago, IL: Chicago Review Press, 2010), p. 92, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/592756109. 23 William O. Walker III, Drugs in the Western Hemisphere: An Odyssey of Cultures in Conflict (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1996), 171, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/33132446. 24 Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine, p. 91. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham7 sanctioned and was of such a tiny scale that it would be "too small to have much of an effect on the supply of dollars to that country".25 Naturally, for a government official to change their personal opinion (especially those with the highest access to sensitive documents), they must have been exposed to some form of information which detailed to them that their previously held notion of Cuban involvement was faulty. This being said, evidence collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), individual FBN agents, and allegations by Soviet defectors, seem to corroborate the investigations by federal agencies, pointing to drug trafficking endeavors sanctioned by the Cuban government. According to a letter penned by J. Edgar Hoover, the longtime director of the FBI, "several Colombian airplanes taken to Cuba in 1967 were hijacked on behalf of the Cuban government for the purpose of obtaining the cargo—smuggled heroin".26 The Federal Bureau of Narcotics also agreed with the FBI's assessment and even estimated the total worth of the heroin was in the twenty million dollar range.27 Also in 1967, "a Cuban trained Venezuelan intelligence officer established…Cuban link of drugs for guerrilla weapons in the hemisphere," detailing this information before the Organization of American States (OAS), "providing a major connection between Havana, the guerilla movements, and narcotics".28 Acting Federal Narcotics Commissioner and long-time FBN agent Charles Siragusa also claimed in March of 1962 that six Cuban drug traffickers arrested in Miami and New York were transporting cocaine from Cuba to the U.S. for the purposes of "raising money [and] 25 Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine, p. 92. 26 Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine, p. 93. 27 Ibid. 28 Ralph E. Fernandez, "Historical Assessment of Terrorist Activity and Narcotic Trafficking by the Republic of Cuba," The Law Offices of Ralph E. Fernandez and Associates, P.A., Ralph E. Fernandez, P.A., published 22 January 2003, p. 02. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham8 demoralizing Americans and discrediting Cuban exiles in Miami".29 An FBN agent involved in the investigation and raid also confirmed this.30 A 2003 historical assessment focusing on the Cuban government's involvement in the drug trade and terrorism published by the law offices of Ralph E. Fernandez in Tampa, Florida indicated that Juvenito Pablo Guerra, the Miami group's ringleader, was an intelligence officer.31 Among the evidence that this cell was linked to the Cuban government and that Guerra was an intelligence officer includes "a supply of Communist literature and pictures of Cuban premier Fidel Castro in Guerra's apartment".32 While this piece of information is highly circumstantial in trying to link Castro to the drug ring, it does indicate that this cell was most likely not a grouping of exiled Cubans, ones who fled following Castro's claiming power in 1959, but rather were supporters of the Castro regime. Upon being sentenced in June of 1962 to "fifteen years in prison [for] narcotics conspiracy and assault with intent to kill a Federal officer…an undercover narcotics agent testified that Guerra was closely associated with Premier Castro and has been a member of a ring that had smuggled cocaine into this country from Cuba to obtain arms for Dr. Castro during the revolution".33 Also in the early 1960's, a FBN agent named Salvatore Vizzini was involved in the arrest of, "two Cuban agents…in Miami with large amounts of cocaine in their possession".34 29 "Cuba Plot Is Cited in Narcotics Raids," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 31 March 1962, https://www.nytimes.com/1962/03/31/archives/cuba-plot-is-cited-in-narcotics-raids.html?searchResultPosition=78. 30 "Big Cocaine Seizure Held Cuban in Origin," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 30 March 1962, https://www.nytimes.com/1962/03/30/archives/big-cocaine-seizure-held-cuban-in-origin.html?searchResultPosition=106. 31 Fernandez, "Historical Assessment of Terrorist Activity and Narcotic Trafficking by the Republic of Cuba," The Law Offices of Ralph E. Fernandez and Associates, P.A, p. 02. 32 "Big Cocaine Seizure Held Cuban in Origin," The New York Times. 33 "U.S. Jails 2 in Narcotics Case; One Reported Close to Castro," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 02 June 1962, https://www.nytimes.com/1962/06/02/archives/us-jails-2-in-narcotics-case-one-reported-close-to-castro.html?searchResultPosition=12. 34 Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism, p. 25. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham9 Recounting the arrest in a 1978 letter to Morley Safer of CBS' 60 Minutes, Vizzini detailed that the subsequent investigation proved conclusively that the arrestees (Ramon Diaz and Jose Barrel) were both working for the Cuban government and were either selling the cocaine for profit or were involved in trading the coke for weapons.35 Throughout Vizzini's law enforcement career, this would not be the only time he would encounter evidence of Cuban governmental involvement in the drug trade. Writing in his 1972 memoirs, Vizzini recounted one undercover operation in which he was sent to San Juan, Puerto Rico and received a teletype by HQ. The teletype contained "a lot of unconfirmed rumor" which included headquarters' suspicion, "that Castro and his boys were secretly involved in the smuggling [of narcotics]," while also including the names of two Cuban expats, Luis Valdez and Caesar Vega.36 Eventually being able to infiltrate the Puerto Rican underworld and meet with Valdez and Vega, Vizzini bought $750.00 USD for an ounce of cocaine. While the eventual arrests of those involved failed to capture both Valdez and Vega, the San Juan Police Department's Narcotics Squad seemed to believe the two had already fled back to Cuba.37 While the FBN seemingly was never able to confirm their suspicions about Valdez and Vega's relationships to the Castro government, it is worth pointing out that, in early Summer 1959, a Cuban Major similarly named Cesar Vega was in charge of a Castro sanctioned operation to overthrow the Panamanian government.38 Vizzini it seems held that, "there was reason to believe the operation was being carried on with the knowledge of Fidel Castro, that his supporters were running it, and that the profits were getting back to shore up the dictator's shaky 35 Sal Vizzini, letter to Morley Safer, 27 February 1978. 36 Sal Vizzini, Vizzini: The Secret Lives of America's Most Successful Undercover Agent (New York, NY: Pinnacle Books, 1972), p. 284. 37 Vizzini, Vizzini, p. 309. 38 Robert L. Scheina, Latin America's Wars: The Age of the Professional Soldier Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2003), p. 56. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m0 government".39 In an extension of remarks placed in the Congressional Record in May of 1965, the CIA's view of these allegations and claims comes through. DeWitt S. Copp, a CIA analyst, detailed additional evidence concerning Castro and the Cuban government's culpability in the drug trade in a paper titled, "Castro's Subversion in the United States". Copp writes, "In December 1964, three Castro agents were arrested at Miami Airport – one of them a Cuban, Marlo Carabeo Nerey…On January 15, 1965, Oscar H. Reguera and Elidoro Martinéz were taken into custody in a New York motel with $3 million worth of cocaine in their luggage. Martinéz is believed to be a Cuban agent," while also making the claim that Cuba was engaging in narcotics trafficking in order "to finance an insurrection in Puerto Rico".40 The CIA, while any comment on the arrests of Juvenito Guerra's cell or the other arrests listed was unable to be found, certainly seemed to investigating that Cuba was, on some level, involved in the trafficking of narcotics to better support their own desires and machinations. This would also not be the last time that a group of drug traffickers would be alleged to be aligned with Cuba in the 1960s as well. In September of 1967, it was reported that, following an investigation conducted by the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and Queens District Attorney's Office, six persons were arrested for their involvement in a drug ring which brought in, "$2.88 million [of cocaine]…from Cuba to Montego Bay, Jamaica and then to New Orleans for the flight to New York".41 According to law enforcement officers, Cuban governmental officials knew about this drug trafficking ring yet, "did not interfere in the 39 Vizzini, Vizzini, p. 282. 40 Representative Craig Hosmer, Extension of Remarks, on 25 May 1965, "Castro's Subversion in the United States – Part I," 89th Cong., Congressional Record, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP75-00149R000400100003-7.pdf. 41 "6 Are Seized Here With Cocaine Worth Nearly $3-Million," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 10 September 1967, https://www.nytimes.com/1967/09/10/archives/6-are-seized-here-with-cocaine-worth-nearly-3million-cuban-did-not.html?searchResultPosition=156. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m1 narcotics ring's activities and, in return, ring members supplied the Cuban government with information about anti-Castro elements in the United States," with members posing, "as fundraisers for anti-Castro elements," and then transmitting the contributor's information back to Cuba.42 Attempts to access the NYPD's files or interview detectives with relevant knowledge of the case were unsuccessful. In the late 1960s as well, it appears that some measure of involvement by the Cuban military in the drug trade was occurring within South Florida. Around 1969, two agents from the FBN/BNDD's Miami Field Office (FO) went undercover as local drug dealers to meet with a Cuban contact at a dock behind the Playboy Club in Miami at 7701 Biscayne Boulevard. According to former DEA Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge (ASAC) Pierre Charette, "the two agents did meet with a Cuban general and had discussed using Cuba as an entry point [for drugs]".43 Charette, who was not himself involved in the meeting but was close with one of the agents who was present, also confirmed that the Cuban general was an "active-duty [officer] with Castro's forces" and that the conversation was audio recorded by one of the agents.44 What one can see here is Cuba utilizing drug trafficking, not as a way of gaining an upper hand against the United States or to gain a better financial standing, but rather as a form of information gathering and intelligence collection on potential political and national security threats. By aligning themselves with a non-state actor able to work abroad in foreign land without arising suspicion from counterintelligence organizations, the Cuban government was able to better defend from foreign threats by Batista supporters and anti-Castro groups. In the form of gaining the upper hand on adversaries and gathering intelligence, this is an ingenious 42 Ibid. 43 Pierre "Pete" Charette (retired Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge with DEA) in discussion with the author, 16 March 2021. 44 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m2 tactic. In the late-1960s, a defector alleged that "Raúl Castro and/or his associates within the Cuban Defense Ministry actively discussed the issue of drug trafficking as an ideological weapon to be used against the United States [and that] Czech intelligence operatives trained Cuban agents to produce and distribute drugs and narcotics into the United States".45 This claim was made by Major General Jan Sejna, a military officer in the Czechoslovak People's Army and, "chief of the political wing of the Czech Defense Ministry and…member of the Communist Party's General Staff and the National Assembly, the country's legislative body".46 Sejna defected in 1968 following the "Prague Spring" under allegations of embezzlement by reformist Communists led by Alexander Dubček, a political opponent of Sejna's "patron, Antonin Novotny".47 Following Sejna's defection, both the CIA and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) kept Sejna on their payroll as a counterintelligence analyst and consultant.48 Throughout the 1960s, it is apparent that Cuba was, at the least, a way station for drug traffickers to resupply before heading on into the United States (as the island nation had served since the mid-1500s)49 or, at the most, was officially sanctioning the trafficking of narcotics into the U.S. for profit. Given the fact that Cuba was a newly created country and was in dire need of economic stability, it makes sense that Castro's regime would engage in some form of drug 45 Emilio T. González, "The Cuban Connection: Drug Trafficking and the Castro Regime," CSA Occasional Paper Series Vol. 02. No. 06 (1997), p. 01-02, https://scholarship.miami.edu/discovery/delivery?vid=01UOML_INST:ResearchRepository&repId=12355424610002976#13355471490002976. 46 Louie Estrada, "Gen. Jan Sejna, Czech Defector, Dies," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 27 August 1997, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/local/1997/08/27/gen-jan-sejna-czech-defector-dies/0aa7916b-1005-4595-9a2e-5dc51012dbf5/. 47 David Stout, "Jan Sejna, 70, Ex-Czech General and Defector," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 30 August 1997, https://www.nytimes.com/1997/08/30/world/jan-sejna-70-ex-czech-general-and-defector.html. 48 "Gen. Jan Sejna, Czech defector, dead at 70," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 26 August 1997, https://apnews.com/article/395f04eda00526846fb4d3cfff44f726. 49 T.J. English, The Corporation: An Epic Story of the Cuban American Underworld (New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, 2018), p. 04, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/990850150. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m3 production and trafficking to provide a certain level of income. Additionally, it also would allow the new nation to craft strong foreign ties to non-state actors and individual governmental officials abroad who could prove valuable in other, more legitimate matters. After the Bay of Pigs fiasco in April of 1961, in which the United States and the Cuban governments became more antagonistic towards one another, one can see (based upon U.S. documents and defector testimony) that Cuba began taking further actions of trafficking narcotics into the U.S. as a method of covert action, "those activities carried out by national governments or other organizations…to secretly influence and manipulate events abroad".50 Sejna's allegations, if true, corroborate a great deal of what the FBN/BNDD and FBI found during the course of their criminal investigations, that the Cuban government was involved in the creating of narcotics and the trafficking of drugs throughout the Latin America region. Given the abundance of evidence surrounding Cuba and the drug trade in the 1960s, it would be logical to believe that some elements of the Cuban government (either individual ministers, agency heads, etc.) or Fidel and Raul Castro themselves, were involved in the trafficking or shipping of narcotics to the United States from Cuba. While the amount of evidence conclusively linking the Castros to the drug trade in the 1960s is minimal (with perhaps the most concrete evidence being the undercover agent's testimony during the Guerra trial), given the fact that Castro exerted a tight grasp upon the daily functions of the government and was heavily involved in minute details of military operations, foreign policy endeavors, and domestic matters, it is hard to envision that Castro was not aware of these operations or was completely oblivious to them. These operations to traffic drugs, throughout the 1960s, do not appear to be a large scale 50 Loch K. Johnson & James J. Wirtz, "Part IV: Covert Action," in Intelligence: The Secret World of Spies: An Anthology, ed. Loch K. Johnson & James J. Wirtz (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2015), p. 237. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m4 policy stance. It did not appear to be organized nor a prominent feature of the Cuban government's foreign policy or income. The usage of drug trafficking by governmental entities and the allowing of drug traffickers to ply their trade within the island nation indicates this was done in an effort to garner additional currency, gather intelligence on threatening groups, or temporarily assist foreign allies. These operations do not seem to be large scale or integral to the overall conduct of the Cuban government, but are instead minor and almost done in a tentative way, perhaps out of fear of reprisal from the U.S. or the Soviet Union had their activities been uncovered. A Change in Policy: Cuba and Drugs in the 1970s Throughout the 1970s, the solidifying of the relationship between the Cuban state and non-state actors became more apparent. It was at this time that the Cuban government began making more long-lasting and profitable strides into the global drug trade while also greatly increasing their alignment with non-state actors and strengthening their foreign policy goals. At this time in Cuban history, Cuba was involved in a variety of foreign policy endeavors and military conflicts. Having failed in the 1960s to become self-sufficient economically, the island, "turned to the Soviet Union for support…[increasing] its subsidies for the Cuban economy through running trade deficits with the island and paying above-market prices for its sugar", further cementing the Soviets' presence in the nation-state.51 Given the fact that Cuba was in need of hard currency and did not desire to be too reliant upon the Soviets, Cuba can be seen as somewhat increasing their drug trafficking and security operations significantly in the mid to late-1970s. Evidence of Cuban involvement in the 1970's drug trade came through in the early-mid 51 Becker, Twentieth-Century Latin American Revolutions, p. 127. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m5 1980s and onward, with multiple defectors and arrested drug traffickers from Cuban military/intelligence organizations and Latin American cartels respectively offering this information to the U.S. government. Cuban defectors and drug cartel associates arrested in the 1980s indicated "in late 1975, some of Colombia's best-known and biggest cocaine kingpins met secretly in Bogotá…with the Cuban ambassador Fernando Ravelo-Renendo…Havana not only was prepared to ignore drug-laden mother ships operating in its waters but also to provide fueling and repair services to its ports…Havana also offered to escort the narcotics boats upon leaving Cuban ports, as well as provide Cuban flags to disguise their origin all the way to feeder vessels stationed off the Florida Keys," in return for roughly "$800,000 per vessel".52 In her book Narco-Terrorism, Rachel Ehrenfeld, then a research scholar at New York University School of Law, claims that Ravelo-Renendo was a Cuban intelligence operative from the Departamento América53, a "parallel intelligence apparatus"54 headed by Manuel Piñeiro Losada. It does seem that Ravelo-Renendo was a Cuban intelligence operative of sorts as, upon his death in July of 2017, a former Cuban Army officer wrote a detailed obituary documenting Ravelo-Renendo's services to Cuba, mentioning his entry into Cuba's intelligence service and his tenure during the 1970s as Cuba's Ambassador to Colombia.55 According to Dirk Krujit, professor emeritus of development studies at Utrecht University, the Departamento América was a unit which, "conducted Cuba's secret foreign 52 Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism, p. 29-30. 53 Ibid. 54 Nora Gámez Torres, "He now hunts Cuban human-rights abusers in the U.S. Was he one himself?" Miami Herald, The McClatchy Company, published and updated 12 July 2018, https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/cuba/article214754450.html. 55 Alfredo García, "Cuban internationalist veteran Fernando Ravelo dies," Colarebo, Colarebo, published 04 July 2017, https://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=es&u=https://colarebo.wordpress.com/2017/07/04/fallece-veterano-internacionalista-cubano-fernando-ravelo/&prev=search&pto=aue. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m6 relations under the direct supervision of, and access to, Fidel Castro"56 with these secret foreign relations techniques coming in the form of "[supplying] arms, money, intelligence, guidance, and a rear base to a variety of leftist guerilla movements in Latin America that wanted to duplicate the Cuban model".57 Manuel Piñeiro Losada too was a close friend of both Fidel and Raul Castro, having solidified his position as a loyal intelligence officer during the revolution.58 An interview with retired Resident Agent-in-Charge (RAC) of the DEA's Tampa office, Mike Powers, also was able to shed some light on how important Cuba was in the Colombian drug trade. He relayed an incident detailed to him by a smuggler arrested sometime in the 1980s who later became an informant. According to the smuggler, in the early 1970s, "he was flying a load of marijuana from Colombia to Florida…As he was almost across [Cuban airspace], a Cuban MiG came up, flew next to him and signaled to follow him and land. At that point, he [the smuggler] held up a bale of marijuana and the pilot laughed and signaled [him to] go ahead [through Cuban airspace]".59 While this incident does not indicate official government sanctioning of the drug trade nor some larger effort by the Cuban government to enter into the drug trade, this piece of information is indicative of how important Cuban airspace was in the drug trade and also how individual Cuban military officers or officials may have begun engaging in the drug trade to attain either larger foreign policy goals or as an extra source of income. This information is all quite interesting as this is the first time there is some form of evidence, albeit tangentially, in which Cuban officials and members of drug cartels met to 56 Dirk Krujit, Cuba and Revolutionary Latin America: An Oral History (London, UK: Zed Books, 2017), p. 05, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/964892858. 57 Larry Rohter, "Manuel Pineiro, Spymaster For Cuba, Is Dead at 63," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 13 March 1998, https://www.nytimes.com/1998/03/13/world/manuel-pineiro-spymaster-for-castro-is-dead-at-63.html. 58 Dirk Krujit, "Cuba and the Latin American Left: 1959-Present," Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina Vol. 28, No. 02 (2017), p. 32, http://eial.tau.ac.il/index.php/eial/article/view/1519/1623. 59 Mike Powers (retired Resident Agent-in-Charge with DEA) in discussion with the author, 20 December 2020. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m7 discuss a potential relationship revolving around the drug trade. However, this information must be treated with care in that these come from the mouths of defectors who must be listened to warily and have their claims treated with suspicion given the facts they, on occasion, will say anything in order to be given a lesser sentence or protection. Attempts to try and access CIA or other IC members' files were largely unsuccessful. However, declassified files were able to shed some light on the area. According to a declassified November 1983 document from the CIA, the Agency documented a series of claims revolving around Cuba and the drug trade, including one which mentioned how "Cuban officials, including Fidel Castro, has considered a scheme in 1979 to deal with narcotics smugglers in order to obtain hard currency for Cuba and contribute to the deterioration of US society".60 The CIA did mention as well that "not all of [these reports] have been corroborated", though were comfortable enough with the totality of the reports that they did endorse the belief that Cuba was involved, in some measure, with drug traffickers.61 The American non-profit, Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba (FHRC), produced a historical work in 2019 documenting Cuba's involvement in Venezuela, including a section on Cuba's alleged involvement in the international drug trade. They allege that Cuba's official entry into the narcotics trade began in 1978, "with the creation of a department for [MININT] operations inside the Cuban corporation CIMEX [Corporación de Industrias Mixtas de Exportación], for money laundering and marijuana trafficking".62 The FHRC cites Norberto 60 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Drug Trafficking: The Role of Insurgents, Terrorists, and Sovereign States (Langley, November 1983), p. 05-06, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP85T00283R000300010008-6.pdf. 61 Ibid. 62 Juan Antonio Blanco, Rolando Cartaya, Luis Domínguez, & Casto Ocando, "Cubazuela: Chronicle of a Cuban Intervention," Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, published April 2019, p. 87, https://www.fhrcuba.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/CUBAZUELA-CUBAN-INTERVENTION-English.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m8 Fuentes, an original member of the Cuban Revolution and Castro historian, as the source for the claims. While Fuentes' exact statements were unable to be accessed, it is known that a defector from Cuba's Ministry of the Interior, Major Jose Rodriguez Antonio Menier, too claimed that CIMEX was "linked to the drug trade" while even going a step further and stating that Castro had knowledge of general drug trafficking and CIMEX operations, using the profits to "support and opulent lifestyle [and fund] off-budget projects".63 Maria C. Werlau, an independent scholar and Cuban human rights activist, speaking to other anonymous defectors from the DGI, confirmed that CIMEX had a department entirely under the control of MININT in addition to making the allegation that, "100% of their revenue went into Fidel Castro's accounts".64 In testimony before Congressional subcommittees during the late-1980s, two convicted drug traffickers provided similar statements on Cuban involvement in the drug trade. One of them, Luis Garcia, testified that, in either "late-1979 or early-1980, Cuban officials offered him use of airstrips for refueling drug flights" and though he did not accept, "he was aware of other smugglers who did".65 Another trafficker named George Morales claimed that during a 1979 meeting in Cuba, he was sold planes which were seized by the Cuban government (presumably, Morales either stripped these planes for parts or would use them in his own drug trafficking endeavors) before eventually getting the Cubans to agree "to allow his pilots overflight rights through Cuban airspace".66 Senator John Kerry, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, 63 Don Podesta, "Ex-Cuban Officer Says Castro Profited from Drug Trafficking," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 26 August 1989, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1989/08/26/ex-cuban-officer-says-castro-profited-from-drug-trafficking/5f7a23ba-b4ad-4bc6-b8ec-fbea4470bac5/. 64 Maria C. Werlau, "Fidel Castro, Inc. A Global Conglomerate," Cuba in Transition Vol. 15 (2005), p. 379, https://ascecuba.org//c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v15-werlau.pdf. 65 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations, Drugs, Law Enforcement, and Foreign Policy: A Report, 100th Cong., 2nd sess., December 1988, p. 64. 66 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m9 Narcotics, and International Operations, did however call Morales' statements "obviously incomplete", indicating that Morales' assertions required additional substantiation either through federal investigations, informants, or defectors.67 Attempts to find further evidence of Cuban involvement in the Western Hemispheric drug trade during the 1970s was minimal. It does appear that a top-secret, interagency, criminal investigation, initially codenamed "Operation Delta", was being conducted by the FBI, DEA, NYPD, and Chicago Police Department with the stated goal of "[digging] into the burgeoning Cuba-to-Florida narcotics trade and the distribution of drugs out of Miami".68 The details of this operation, however, are incredibly marginal, with attempts to access the records of this operation failing, despite multiple FOIA requests to the relevant agencies. It is possible that Cuba was not as active in the drug trade during this time due to the other foreign policy endeavors the nation-state was undertaking at that time (extensive military operations in Angola, South Africa, and Ethiopia). Due to the immense pressures going on with the nation, it is highly possible and logical even that Cuba toned down any drug trafficking activities that may have been going on. However, with the Soviet Union's death becoming more imminent and Cuba's foreign policy becoming more Latin American focused in the 1980s, Cuba seems to have significantly increased their ability at trafficking and providing security for drugs shipments as the crack epidemic swept into the U.S. during that time. The Cocaine Boom: Cuban and Drugs in the 1980s The 1980s saw a boom of drug trafficking and use throughout the Western Hemisphere. During the late 1970s, cocaine "[surged] in popularity…[being] associated with celebrities, high 67 Joan Mower, "Witness Claims Contra Drug Smuggling, Payoffs To Cuban, Bahamian Officials With," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 15 July 1987, https://apnews.com/article/5f5dd485a6d6825e88496281a2b1711c. 68 "Drugs gangs here, terrorist linked," Chicago Sun-Times, Sun-Times Media Group, published 16 April 1979, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/drugs/faln-drugs.htm. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m0 rollers and glamorous parties" with this continuing into the 1980s before peaking in 1985 and being declared a nationwide epidemic.69 Throughout this time period, cocaine (and the even more popular derivative crack cocaine) was trafficked into the United States predominantly by organized criminal elements utilizing "a distribution system that imported cocaine from South America into the U.S. market using sea and air routes via the Caribbean and the South Florida coast" in addition to trafficking drugs through Mexico.70 While these trafficking routes are now largely managed and controlled by Mexican cartels like the Gulf Cartel or the Los Zetas, in the 1980s, the Colombians were the largest drug traffickers in the Western Hemisphere. The Medellín and Cali Cartels were the two largest players in the drug trade, with the Medellín Cartel being the dominant organized criminal element until 1993 with the death of Pablo Escobar.71 While both the Medellín and Cali Cartels are now extinct, they were incredibly powerful at the time, with the Medellín Cartel raking "up to $60 million daily in drug profits"72 and the Cali Cartel, by 1992, being "responsible for seventy percent of the cocaine sold in the United States, as well as for the extraordinary growth of the cocaine market in Europe".73 Because of the massive influence these organizations had and their wide area of operations throughout Central and North America, these cartels, mainly the Medellín, also joined forces with legitimate state enterprises such as Manuel Noriega's Panama to drastically increase their 69 Jason Ferris, Barbara Wood, & Stephanie Cook, "Weekly Dose: cocaine, the glamour drug of '70s, is making a comeback," The Conversation, The Conversation, published 08 March 2018, updated 12 March 2018, https://theconversation.com/weekly-dose-cocaine-the-glamour-drug-of-the-70s-is-making-a-comeback-88639. 70 Deonna S. Turner, "Crack epidemic," Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., published 08 July 2016, updated 04 September 2017, https://www.britannica.com/topic/crack-epidemic. 71 U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, Strategic Intelligence Section, The Cocaine Threat to the United States (Springfield, VA, 19 July 1995), p. 04, https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/154678NCJRS.pdf. 72 Sara Miller Llana, "Medellín, once epicenter of Colombia's drug war, fights to keep peace," The Christian Science Monitor, Christian Science Publishing Society, published 25 October 2010, https://www.csmonitor.com/World/Americas/2010/1025/Medellin-once-epicenter-of-Colombia-s-drug-war-fights-to-keep-the-peace. 73 Juan E. Méndez, Political Murder and Reform in Colombia: The Violence Continues (New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, April 1992), p. 82. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m1 drug trafficking abilities.74 During the 1980s, many organized elements utilized the Caribbean to traffic narcotics either into Europe or into North America. It is without question that Cuba was one of these locations in which both air and sea craft landed to refuel and resupply before continuing on their way with payloads of narcotics.75 The first instance of Cuban involvement in the drug trade came in 1982 and 1983, with the apprehension and subsequent investigation of three persons with firsthand knowledge of these operations. These persons were Mario Estebes Gonzalez, an associate of Cuban intelligence, Jaime Guillot Lara, a Colombian weapons and drug smuggler, and Johnny Crump, a Colombian lawyer and drug smuggler. Mario Estebes' story was first reported on in the New York Times in April of 1983. According to Selwyn Raab, Estebes "was arrested by the Coast Guard on Nov. 29, 1981, while he was transporting 2,500 pounds of marijuana in a speedboat off the Florida coast. He was indicted on a charge of possession of marijuana with intent to distribute and faced a maximum prison term of 15 years".76 Facing many years in prison, Estebes decided to turn state's evidence and inform, in returning for immunity from some criminal charges, delivering rather explosive testimony. Estebes' testified that his mission priorities included, "disrupting Cuban exile groups and performing economic espionage, but that his principal mission was the distribution of cocaine, marijuana, and methaqualone[sic] tablets in New York, northern New Jersey, and 74 Mimi Yagoub, "How Panama's Criminal Landscape Has Changed Since the Days of Narco-Dictator Noriega," InSight Crime, InSight Crime, published 30 May 2017, https://insightcrime.org/news/analysis/how-panama-criminal-landscape-changed-since-narco-dictator-noriega/#. 75 Robert Filippone, "The Medellin Cartel: Why We Can't Win the Drug War," Studies in Conflict and Terrorism Vol. 17, Iss. 04 (1994), p. 332, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10576109408435960. 76 Selwyn Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 04 April 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/04/04/nyregion/a-defector-tells-of-drug-dealing-by-cuba-agents.html. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m2 Florida" and returned multiple millions of dollars back to Cuba.77 He also testified that "heroin and other narcotics were shipped to the New York area inside vans with concealed compartments to hide the drugs" in addition to claiming "he saw Vice Admiral [Aldo] Santmaria give orders permitting the unloading of narcotics at Paredon Grande [a small island off the Northern Coast of Cuba] brought in by a reputed international narcotics trafficker, Jaime Guillot Lara".78 In May of that same year, Estebes spoke before the United States Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control in a joint hearing, testifying that the Cuban government, "used the 1980 Mariel boatlift to send as many as 7,000 spies to the United States, some of whom were ordered to help drug smugglers ''flood'' this country with illegal narcotics [and that] some agents were in this country for propaganda purposes and others were to create ''chaos'' in the event of war".79 Estebes expanded upon his earlier allegations and stated, "one scheme [involved] 23,000 pounds of marijuana and 10 million methaqualone tablets [being] shipped from Cuba to Florida," the profits of which were to be split between Cuban officials and the smugglers themselves.80 Jaime Guillot Lara is perhaps the most important of the three. Guillot Lara was a well-known drug/arms smuggler in Colombia who also happened to be "a close personal friend of the leader of the M-19 guerilla group, Jaime Bateman".81 As far as his smuggling habits, Guillot Lara, according to the DEA who had been keeping tabs on him as far back at 1975, "he was delivering over 400,000 pounds of marijuana, more than 20 million illicit methaqualone pills and 77 Alex Larzelere, Castro's Ploy-America's Dilemma: The 1980 Cuban Boatlift (Fort. Lesley J. McNair: National Defense University, 1988), p. 229-230, https://media.defense.gov/2020/Apr/23/2002287258/-1/-1/0/LARZELERE_MARIEL_BOATLIFT.PDF. 78 Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times. 79 "Cuban Ties Boatlift To Drug Trade," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 01 May 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/05/01/us/cuban-ties-boatlift-to-drug-trade.html. 80 Ibid. 81 LT. Timothy J. Doorey, "The Cuban Interventionary Forces: The Growing Strategic and Regional Threat to the United States and NATO" (master's thesis, Naval Postgraduate School, December 1986), p. 115, https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a180123.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m3 thousands of pounds of cocaine to U.S. markets each year" while also acquiring an impressive fleet of ships for trafficking purposes.82 Guillot Lara first became introduced to the Cuban ambassador to Colombia, Ravelo-Renendo, through their mutual friend, Johnny Crump, during a meeting (conducted at Gonzalo Bassols' apartment, the number two at the Cuban Embassy in Colombia) which resulted in a profitable relationship between Guillot Lara and the Cubans. While Crump would also corroborate this meeting between the following members, Guillot Lara's girlfriend, who was there when the meetings took place, corroborated many aspects, while also testifying that Bassols "told Mr. Guillot-Lara that the drug scheme had been cleared by a high Cuban official" which Bassols then identified was Fidel Castro.83 Either during or immediately after this introduction, according to Congressional testimony from Francis M. Mullen, Jr., the Administrator of the DEA in the early 1980s, Guillot Lara "began to receive official Cuban protection for the movement of his drug-ladened[sic] vessels to the United States…[in addition to transporting and delivering] arms which were ultimately destined for the Colombian terrorist group, M-19" on Cuban behalf.84 Not only did Guillot Lara traffic weapons to Cuban aligned rebels and allow the Cubans in on his drug trafficking endeavors, it appears he "also transferred funds to the guerillas through an employee of a Panamanian bank" acting as something of a go-between.85 From 1980 to 1981, Guillot Lara 82 Nathan M. Adams, "Havana's Drug-Smuggling Connection, Reader's Digest, Reader's Digest Association, Inc., published July 1982, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/drugs.htm. 83 Extensions of Remarks, Cuba's Active Role in Drug Trafficking to the United States, 98th Cong., 1st sess., Congressional Record 130, pt. 24B: 10400, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1984-pt8/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1984-pt8-2-3.pdf. 84 Leslie Maitland Werner, "U.S. Officials Link Castro and Drugs," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 10 November 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/11/10/us/us-officials-link-castro-and-drugs.html. 85 U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication. Cuban Support for Terrorism and Insurgency in the Western Hemisphere, edited by Colleen Sussman, (Washington, D.C., 12 March 1982), p. 02, https://books.googleusercontent.com/books/content?req=AKW5QafYFT9344IVwbKAk5KG_OJydGlr3Q7oZPpK8WHGSx3JeWsUS431ZZwaW55TaMUk3UvHW4jiCHRb9Utgv1_TsoAFZD6FOi8njL3jjxp8gSVFo2zCTKSLLP0KOTaXLPl9ZdycsUgqn7e8ud91hnk09ZPGbYZ0QYrbwbNypMoakmWoqtvZNPGG0e9cQ33AwwDL7jITmBXQF CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m4 and the Cubans entered into a cozy relationship, though one that quickly became fraught with complications. In March of 1981, Colombian authorities found a "cache of M-19 weapons" and, with captured M-19 fighters implicating Cuban involvement, the Colombian government "[broke] off diplomatic relations with Havana and [expelled Ambassador Ravelo] and his staff".86 From midsummer to November of 1981, two Guillot Lara operated boats and one aircraft (the aircraft and one of the boats carried weapons for M-19) were apprehended by both the Colombian Coast Guard and United States Coast Guard; the capture of three M-19 rebels by the Colombian military also resulted in smuggling operations being significantly damaged.87 Guillot Lara fled Colombia, facing criminal charges, before being arrested by Mexican authorities.88 Awaiting extradition by the Mexicans to either the United States or Colombia, Guillot Lara revealed to both Mexican and U.S. investigators that he had "been involved in trafficking operations to Colombia for the M-19 on behalf of the government of Cuba. The latter provided the funds for the purchase of the arms".89 Following his revelations, however, Guillot Lara was released from Mexican custody and disappeared; according to the Colombian daily newspaper El Tiempo, Guillot Lara died in early April 1991 in Cuba of a myocardial infarction having "been detained on the island for twelve years".90 xujwOix6ni7j0-eT0RVti430wKPH9bicd8LdzulTZPXR8JDPGMTsyF2guKz20_HFjQkKlW8r6xpBfdR4TEC5SqWHYuetwHCl4rS7YWkCl0. 86 Adams, "Havana's Drug-Smuggling Connection, Reader's Digest. 87 John Dorschner & Jim McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine, The Miami Herald, KnightRidder, published 20 November 1983, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/crump.htm. 88 Edna Buchanan, "Miami drug smuggler ran drugs for Castro to guerillas, agents say," Miami Herald, Knight Ridder, published 24 January 1982, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP90-00552R000303490005-9.pdf. 89 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 90 "Guillot Died of a Infarction," El Tiempo, Casa Editorial El Tiempo S.A., published 13 April 1991, https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-61284. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m5 Johnny Crump is where the public first became aware of a Cuban connection to the drug trade, though the last defector to be arrested by U.S. authorities. Crump, according to investigative reporter Ernest Volkman, was a Colombian lawyer of American descent who "went into the narcotics racket, running a large-scale cocaine and marijuana-smuggling operation" following the failing of his family's ranch in the late-1970s.91 Being politically well-connected, he was asked to serve as a guide for the newly appointed Cuban Ambassador to Colombia, the aforementioned Fernando Ravelo-Renendo, in 1975, the two quickly becoming friends.92 The two became so close that Crump even asked Ravelo to be his newborn daughter's godfather.93 At one point in 1979, in both federal testimony and statements made to Miami Herald journalists John Dorschner & Jim McGee, Crump detailed a meeting he had between Ravelo in which the ambassador detailed, "was dealing with some Chileans who needed help…seeking American weapons, not traceable back to Cuba, to use in the fight to overthrow Augusto Pinochet," to which Crump agreed and offered assistance.94 Following this, Crump tried to arrange a deal in which a plane would transport marijuana into the country, however, few pilots were willing to enter Cuba's Camaguey airport where Ravelo had arranged for refueling.95 In a previously mentioned meeting between Ravelo, Crump, 91 Ernest Volkman, "The Odd Couple: Castro and Vesco: The Cocaine Alliance," The Gadsden Times, Edward Marsh, published 29 April 1984, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1891&dat=19840428&id=jKkfAAAAIBAJ&sjid=etYEAAAAIBAJ&pg=5242,6122535. 92 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 93 NBC Nightly News, "The Cuban Connection," featuring Roger Mudd, Brian Moss, Johnny Crump, and George H.W. Bush, aired 29 September 1982, transcript, NBC Network, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP88-01070R000100380010-3.pdf. 94 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 95 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991, transcript, Public Broadcasting System, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/drugs/archive/cubaandcocaine.html. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m6 and Guillot Lara, the four agreed to transport the drugs via boat to Cuba with protection from Cuban Navy and Coast Guard forces.96 In a 1991 interview with PBS Frontline, Crump detailed the finalization of the first watercraft drug shipment to Cuba, discussing how he disembarked from "the plane to a Cuban government car that was waiting for us in the airport. I mean, there's no way that you can go to any country with no passport, with nothing like that, landing from another country in an international airport and have a car waiting for you right there in the field. It has to be with the OK of that government, that country… Everything was paid by the Cuban government. The hotel, you had to sign, like, you are a guest from the Cuban government because they don't let me pay for the hotel"; while Crump left the country before he personally could see any drugs entering the country, he was reassured by Ravelo that the drugs indeed touched down on Cuban soil.97 From that point onward, Crump became very involved in trafficking narcotics and arms with the Cubans, doing so via air and seacraft and aiding the Cubans larger foreign policy goals in aiding left-wing insurgent groups through Central and South America. In January of 1982, however, Crump was arrested in a joint Customs-DEA operation "at the Omni Hotel in Miami…on drug trafficking charges".98 At the time, Crump was acquiring arms and other weaponry "to be sent to an unspecified group in Bolivia" via his friend Jaime Guillot Lara.99 Much like Estebes, Crump was facing heavy prison time and began cooperating with federal 96 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 97 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991, accessed through vault, Public Broadcasting System, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/film/cuba-and-cocaine/. 98 Buchanan, "Miami drug smuggler ran drugs for Castro to guerillas, agents say," Miami Herald. 99 U.S. Department of State. Cuban Support for Terrorism and Insurgency in the Western Hemisphere, edited by Colleen Sussman, p. 02. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m7 authorities, providing them "with details of his meetings and alleged drug dealings with Cuban government officials in Bogota and Havana".100 Much of Estebes, Guillot Lara, and Crump's claims are astounding, however, it must be kept in mind that these persons are convicted drug traffickers and defectors from Colombian drug cartels or are in some way associated with Cuba's military respectively. Despite this, many prosecutors and U.S. government agencies found some, if not a sizeable portion of their claims, credible. In Estebes' case, Richard Gregorie commented at the time on Estebes' validity as a witness describing how his comments were "very credible" and had been "independently corroborated".101 In an interview with Gregorie, the former attorney stressed he "found him credible because of that [outside and additional] corroboration".102 The Senate Chair of one committee also stated that Estebes' credibility was "checked out…with the Justice Department and the Drug Enforcement Administration".103 As far as Guillot Lara's credibility goes, the CIA's opinion of him seems to be rather high. According to a CIA Special National Intelligence Estimate from 1983, "[t]he Guillot Lara case…is proof that Cuba has used Colombian drug smuggling networks move arms to Colombian insurgents. In this case, Cuban officials and Colombian drug traffickers were clearly associated in facilitating narcotics shipments to the United States. Guillot paid the Cubans in hard currency and used his vessels and smuggling networks to move arms to Colombia for the insurgents. On the other hand, Cuba rather routinely searches some drug-smuggling ships found 100 NBC Nightly News, "The Cuban Connection," featuring Roger Mudd, Brian Moss, Johnny Crump, and George H.W. Bush, aired 29 September 1982, transcript. 101 Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times. 102 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. 103 Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m8 in Cuban waters, confiscates drugs found and often imprisons the crew".104 Through this excerpt, the CIA seems to endorse the view that the overall claims about drug traffickers smuggling weaponry and drugs in collusion with Cuban figures and through Cuban waters is true and based in fact. While the CIA did seem to treat the accounts and his entire involvement with legitimacy, the agency was careful to note they were unsure of "the extent to which Cuba has continued to facilitate drug trafficking, either for money or arms".105 While the following document is not exactly an intelligence estimate or official analysis, an August 1982 conference report conducted by the CIA and the National Intelligence Council (NIC) stated, "Given the involvement of senior Cuban officials and at least two Cuban embassies, we believe this activity was approved at the highest levels of the Cuban Government. It almost certainly was not a case of corruption by mid- or low-level Cuban officials…Given the level of Guillot's Cuban contacts and the political implications of the arrangements, the operation was almost certainly approved at the highest levels of the Havana government" though the document was clear in stating that the U.S. government was uncertain as to who was behind the operation.106 These three witnesses were able to corroborate a great deal of information that the U.S. federal government, mainly the DEA and U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), had been investigating since the late 1970s. With this testimony from defectors and arrested drug traffickers who were seemingly vetted and verified, the U.S. government finally was able to bring forth official charges against certain members of the Cuban government and military. 104 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Implications for the United States of the Colombian Drug Trade Vol. II (Langley, 28 June 1983), p. 02, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP86T00302R000600990002-9.pdf. 105 Ibid. 106 U.S. Intelligence Community, National Intelligence Council and Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Operations, Cuban Involvement in Narcotics and Terrorism (Langley, August 1982), p. iii, 3, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP83B00851R000100160008-1.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m9 On 05 November, 1982, an indictment brought by the USAO-SDFL in Miami, Florida charged that certain drug traffickers and members of the Cuban government did "knowingly, willfully and unlawfully combine, conspire, confederate and agree, together with each other, and with diverse other persons who are both known and unknown to the Grand Jury, to commit certain offenses against the United States" in the importation and possession of methaqualone tablets and marijuana and "used and caused to be used facilities in interstate and foreign commerce, including the telephone, and traveled and caused others to travel in interstate and foreign commerce between the Southern District of Florida, Colombia, Cuba and elsewhere, with the intent to promote, manage, establish, carry on and facilitate the promotion, management, establishment and carrying on of an unlawful activity, said unlawful activity being a business enterprise involving controlled substances".107 The persons charged in this indictment brought forth by the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida included Jaime Guillot Lara, Fernando Ravelo-Renendo, Gonzalo Bassols-Suarez, Aldo Santamaria-Cuadrado, Rene Rodriguez-Cruz, and David Lorenzo Perez, Jr. alongside multiple other, predominantly, Miami-based drug traffickers.108 Neither Crump or Estebes were charged as both had testified for the prosecution and received either partial or full immunity in addition to new identities and federal protection. The Cuban Interests Section in Washington, Cuba's foreign policy arm operating as an independent section of the Czechoslovakian Embassy, commented that the charges against Ravelo, Bassols, Santamaria, and Rodriguez-Cruz were "all lies"109; a January 1982 letter from 107 United States v. Jaime Guillot Lara et al., No. 82-643-Cr-JE (S.D. Fla., 05 November 1982), http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/drugs/indictment-82.htm. 108 Ibid. 109 George Volsky, "U.S. Drug Charges Cite 4 Cuban Aides," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 06 November 1982, https://www.nytimes.com/1982/11/06/us/us-drug-charges-cite-4-cuban-aides.html. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m0 Cuba's Ministry of Foreign Relations (MINREX) denied Cuba ever utilized drug traffickers to transport arms to rebels in Latin America, never gave arms to guerillas in Colombia, and denied that Guillot Lara had ever set foot in Cuba or received any monies from the Republic of Cuba.110 The denial by Cuba of having never gave arms to Colombian guerillas was roundly criticized, most notably in a 1990 interview with former U.S. Ambassador to Colombia Thomas Boyatt.111 Among those charged were high level Cuban officials, some of whom have already been discussed including the Cuban Ambassador to Colombia Ravelo-Renendo and his "minister-counsel" at the Cuban Embassy in Colombia Bassols-Suarez.112 In addition to these figures, the indictment also charged Vice Admiral (VADM) of the Cuban Navy Aldo Santamaria-Cuadrado and Rene Rodriguez-Cruz a "member of the Cuban Community Party Central Committee and president of the Cuban Institute of Friendship With The Peoples [ICAP]" with the same charges.113 It is worth noting that the ICAP was described by the CIA in a 1984 brief as being an organization which, in addition to bringing in foreign youths interested in Communism, Socialism, or Cuba also "provided Cuban intelligence services with a registry of aliens who might prove useful for intelligence collection efforts and operations in their homelands".114 110 "Foreign Ministry Issues Statement on Drugs," Minister of Foreign Affairs Isidoro Malmierca Peoli (28 January 1982), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Latin America Report, Cuba, JPRS L/10334, 18 February 1982, p. 03-04, heading: Foreign Ministry Issues Statement on Drugs, Republic of Cuba, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS) Latin America Report, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP82-00850R000500030043-6.pdf. 111 Ambassador Thomas D. Boyatt (Ret.), interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy, Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, 08 March 1990, p. 48, https://www.adst.org/OH%20TOCs/Boyatt,%20Thomas%20D.toc.pdf?_ga=2.264396167.981542772.1592939617-1066174783.1588020094&_gac=1.137161348.1589401103.EAIaIQobChMIgqnAwtSx6QIVSx-tBh2tGgsJEAAYASAAEgKALvD_BwE. 112 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, National Foreign Assessment Center, Directory of Officials of the Republic of Cuba (Langley, October 1979), p. 224, https://ufdcimages.uflib.ufl.edu/AA/00/07/66/14/00003/AA00076614_00003.pdf. 113 Mary Thornton, "Four Cuban Officials Indicted in Drug Smuggling," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 06 November 1982, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1982/11/06/four-cuban-officials-indicted-in-drug-smuggling/d70ed042-0adc-42d2-971b-23475f7adc83/. 114 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Cuba: Castro's Propaganda Apparatus and Foreign Policy (Langley, November 1984), p. 13, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/DOC_0000972183.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m1 David Lorenzo Perez, Jr. is an interesting figure within this legal case as he, in December of 1982, pled guilty to the first count of the criminal indictment.115 In his plea, Lorenzo Perez indicated culpability on Guillot Lara's part to "purchase, receive, store, and possess with intent to distribute approximately eight and one-half million methaqualone tablets" while indicating "that Jaime Guillot-Lara would provide ships to transport methaqualone tablets from Columbia[sic] with the knowledge of the Cuban governmental officials".116 Lorenzo Perez admitted he assisted Guillot Lara in all of these actions while also admitting he "traveled by private vessel from the Southern District of Florida to Paredon Grande, Cuba [and] met with Cuban government officials" including Santamaria and Rodriguez-Cruz.117 In Congressional testimony, Lorenzo Perez also testified that that "Cuban government was also to receive one-third of the profit of the marihuana[sic] sale" yet this did not go through as it appears Guillot Lara kept the profits [just under half a million USD] to himself.118 This case was the most significant development in the long standing allegations against Cuba on the area of narcotics trafficking. However, it is incredibly important to note that there was no evidence linking the Castros to the drug trade. The lead attorney who personally handled the case for the DOJ, Richard Gregorie, stated "Was Fidel Castro involved? At this point, no…[I] can't honestly say I saw that open Cuban involvement [and] did not come up with anyone who spoke directly to Fidel in those early cases".119 115 United States v. David Lorenzo Perez, Jr., et al., No. 82-643-Cr-JE (S.D. Fla., 09 December 1982), p. 01, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/perez-jr.htm. 116 United States v. David Lorenzo Perez, Jr., et al., No. 82-643-Cr-JE, p. 02, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/perez-jr-1.htm. 117 Ibid. 118 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism, Foreign Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, The Cuban Government's Involvement in Facilitating International Drug Traffic, 98th Cong., 1st Sess., 30 April 1983, p. 33. 119 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m2 Also around this time, many officials from the DOJ and U.S. Department of State (DOS) changed their previously emphasized opinions on the extent of Cuban involvement in the drug trade. In an October 1983 hearing before the Senate Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism, DEA Administrator Mullen stated, "I moved very cautiously at first wanting to have evidence before publicly stating I was convinced that the Cuban Government was involved in drug trafficking. I am now convinced, as I have stated in prior sessions, that there is Cuban Government involvement in drug trafficking", bringing forth the above indictments and other "[classified and confidential] information" to support his reasoning.120 The Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, James H. Michel, stated before Congress also in May of 1983 "the evidence clearly indicates more than a case of corruption by local or mid-level security officials in Cuba…Narcotics trafficking has apparently been sanctioned by Cuba as a means to finance subversion in Latin America".121 These comments were found by the Washington Post to, "fit in with a Reagan administration campaign to rally public and congressional support for its Central American policies, including more aid for El Salvador's army".122 Michel was not the only State Department official to make this claim either. The Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Lawrence S. Eagleburger stated in May of 1983 that he "would find it very difficult to believe that the Cuban Government itself is not 120 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism, Impact of the South Florida Task Force on Drug Interdiction In The Gulf Coast Area, 98th Cong., 1st Sess., 28 October 1983, p. 16, https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/97516NCJRS.pdf. 121 U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Cuban Involvement in Narcotics Trafficking, edited by Colleen Sussman, (Washington, D.C., 30 April 1983), p. 02, https://www.google.com/books/edition/Cuban_Involvement_in_Narcotics_Trafficki/NItKAQAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=0. 122 Edward Cody, "Castro Ties To Drugs Suggested," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 01 May 1983, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/05/01/castro-ties-to-drugs-suggested/242170fe-a930-4bc4-b30c-18016f794497/. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m3 involved… [The evidence is] really quite clear that there is major Cuban involvement in the drug traffic in this country", while also accusing the Castro government of playing a role in this.123 However, this appears to be more Eagleburger's own personal opinion as a more senior State Department official stated later that no agency had been able to prove "personal involvement by Fidel Castro".124 A spokesman for the Cuban Interests Section responded to the comments by Mullen and Michel by stating, "[This is] propaganda against the Cubans…We [the Cuban government] are refusing this accusation. We have consistent fighting against drug traffic. There are many American people who are put in Cuban jails for drug trafficking".125 At this stage, in relation to the Guillot Lara/Crump case, these definitive comments that Castro or the Cuban government officially was involved seemed to an extreme jump and other officials protested against this characterization. Stanley Marcus, the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida and the attorney whose office brought forth the indictments against the four Cuban officials, stated before Congress "I think it is a fair and accurate statement to say some of the major organs and institutions of the Cuban state and some high-ranking officials of those organs and institutions of the state are involved in drug-running to the United States".126 William H. Webster, then Director of the FBI, also spoke about this in a television interview, stating the majority of the evidence currently being used by some officials to make judgements "[came] from one set of 123 Kenneth B. Noble, "Official Ties Cuba to U.S. Drug Traffic," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 02 May 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/05/02/world/official-ties-cuba-to-us-drug-traffic.html. 124 Ibid. 125 Werner, "U.S. Officials Link Castro and Drugs," The New York Times. 126 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Terrorism and Security, The Cuban Government's Involvement in Facilitating International Drug Traffic, 98th Cong., 1st sess., 30 April 1983, p. 15. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m4 sources and should be viewed with care".127 At this juncture, there was a great deal of conflicting views upon the established evidence, some most likely based upon political and individual biases based upon preconceived notions on both the nature of Communism and Latin America in general. While the evidence linking Castro or the Cuban government as a whole is very minimal (mostly relegated to evidence that would be considered hearsay in a U.S. court of law), it is undeniable that sections of the Cuban government, including areas of Cuba's diplomatic and intelligence services, were utilizing drug traffickers to achieve larger foreign policy goals within the Latin American region. As the 1980s progressed, additional evidence of Cuban involvement in the drug trade became even more apparent with defectors from Noriega's Panama, Cuba's DGI, and the arrests of multiple drug traffickers all speaking to U.S. officials. During this time as well, many criminal investigators of the U.S. federal government found or came across evidence of drug trafficking on Cuba's part along with the U.S. IC coming to a more solid conclusion on the matter. Prior to these November 1982 indictments, an FBI investigation into Cuban involvement in the drug trade was underway. In October of 1982, a U.S. Customs plane near Corpus Christi, Texas intercepted a Cessna aircraft that was having a mechanical malfunction and tracked it to Cleburne, Texas. The pilot, an American, "was arrested with 877 pounds of marijuana onboard" with "Chemical analysis [showing the marijuana] almost certainly was grown in Cuba".128 Following the pilot's conviction in April of 1983, federal investigators detailed "the ring operated for two years in violation of government embargoes on trade with Cuba by shipping computers and other equipment. Some of the return flights carried high-grade Cuban 127 Ibid. 128 "Did Cuba get computers in return for marijuana?" The Miami Herald, KnightRidder, published 02 April 1983, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/computers.htm. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m5 marijuana".129 The evidence necessary to make the claim that this ring was operating with the explicit approval of Cuban government officials or the Castros themselves is very lacking, however, what this does indicate is that there were individual smugglers beyond large metropolitan centers who were found to have ties to Cuba and that Cuba seemingly was involved in producing drugs in some quantity. In December of 1984, the CIA released an interagency intelligence memorandum stating outright, "Cuba is currently supporting drug trafficking…We judge that Fidel Castro is fully cognizant of and condones the drug-related activity that is taking place with the support of Cuban officials…The key Cuban participants are officers of the Interior Ministry or America Department of the Cuban Communist Party's Central Committee…Their participation strongly indicates a sanctioned government policy, rather than an arrangement for personal gain".130 While a good portion of this document is redacted, this is the first time in which an intelligence agency, or the CIA at least, has openly accused the upper echelon of the Cuban government and Castro himself of playing some role or in some way supporting the activities occurring. During this period, many criminal investigations uncovered more information on Cuban involvement in the drug trade, with additional evidence of Castro involvement becoming more apparent. In addition to this, many Congressional hearings and panels were convened with the goal of exploring the Latin American drug trade, during which many witnesses were called. Among these witnesses was Diego Viafara Salinas, an M-19 physician who infiltrated an armed civilian group with ties to members of the Medellín Cartel.131 Salinas held the belief he would be 129 Ibid. 130 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Cuban Government Involvement in Drug Trafficking (Langley, December 1984), p. 03, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP87T00217R000700140002-5.pdf. 131 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Governmental Affairs, Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Structure of International Drug Trafficking Organizations, 101st Cong., 1st Sess., 12-13 September 1989, p. 70, https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/146771NCJRS.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m6 killed due to his past association with M19 and began providing evidence to the Colombian government, which eventually resulted in the deaths of many prominent Medellín Cartel leaders.132 In testimony before the U.S. Congress, Salinas recalled that, "[on November 22, 1988] two pilots flying a Commander 1000 aircraft were planning to stop and refuel in Cuba. They were leaving from an estate [in the Department of Cordoba] …When the seats of the plane were removed to load the cocaine, I saw the navigation charts, which indicated they were flying over the southern coast of Cuba. These pilots commented that they had to be sure to carry some amount of U.S. dollars with them to leave in Cuba as prearranged payment for the stopover".133 While the pilots Salinas spoke with never identified who gave them clearance to fly over Cuba with drugs, Salinas did testify "that it [the drug trafficking operation] was all the way up to Fidel Castro" with this information apparently coming from Fidel's spokesman.134 It is worth noting that this piece of testimony would effectively qualify as hearsay in a U.S. court of law. Many informants also came forward with information that would prove to be incriminatory to many persons with ties to the drug trade, including certain high-ranking Cuban leaders. On such source, a confidential informant for the DEA, who, after being arrested in 1985 on conspiracy charges, provided information on much of the Medellín's drug trafficking activities to the U.S. government.135 In a request for payment from the DEA's Asuncion Country Office, the agency noted the source's decades of service to the United States, describing him as having led "successful 132 U.S. Congress, Senate, Structure of International Drug Trafficking Organizations, p. 73. 133 U.S. Congress, Senate, Structure of International Drug Trafficking Organizations, p. 71-72. 134 Ibid. 135 U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, Asuncion Country Office, REQUEST for PAYMENT under 28 U.S.C. 524 (C)(1)(B) for CONFIDENTIAL SOURCE (CS #####) (Asuncion, post-2009), p. 01. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m7 negotiations for landing rights and refueling operations in [among other countries] Cuba…[the source] purchased a birthday surprise (an airplane bought in the U.S.) for Fidel CASTRO's[sic] birthday, which he personally handed over to Castro's brother Raúl (then Cuba's Minister of Defense) during lunch".136 This information is quite damning to the Castro regime and, if true, would prove that, at the least, Raúl Castro did have knowledge of Cuban involvement in the drug trade and condoned those operations. While it cannot be emphasized enough that this confidential source pled "nolo contendere to the conspiracy charges in 1986", it does speak volumes that the DEA found him an essential and trustworthy source to continue using well into the 21st century.137 At this same time, another development implicated an American fugitive with close ties to the Castro regime in the drug trade. In April of 1985, appearing "before the Senate subcommittee on children, family, and drugs" (which was investigating Nicaraguan governmental involvement in the drug trade) were two convicted smugglers who provided further information on Cuban involvement in the drug trade.138 One of them was smuggler James A. Herring, Jr. who, while insisting he never transported drugs for the Cubans or Nicaraguans, detailed his smuggling activities with the Cubans in an interview with PBS Frontline, saying, "When I would go into Varadero with boatloads of equipment, we would be received by marked vessels that the Cuban navy, so to speak, utilized, their military gunboats. They would escort us into the gunboat dockage there at Varadero. From there they would offload. We would stay as long as we felt necessary to refuel us, wined and dined us. And when we were ready to return to 136 Ibid. 137 Ibid. 138 "Witnesses Testify on Vesco Link to Drug trafficking in Nicaragua, Cuba," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 19 April 1985, https://apnews.com/article/09e42836a8f58d76da155fa155da7847. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m8 the Keys, they would take and escort us out".139 In addition to this, Herring also claimed that the DGI, "would even offer drugs in lieu of the cash. [They] had the availability of enormous amounts of drugs that they had warehoused through seizures that they had made in their country on drug operations that weren't paying protection for their air space or their waterways. So they had a readily available amount of drugs in the form of cocaine, Qualudes[sic] and marijuana".140 Herring also testified that "he worked with Cuban Government officials and [Robert Vesco] to help the Nicaraguan government build a cocaine-processing laboratory near Managua".141 Vesco had been a successful businessman in the United States, creating a hundred-million-dollar manufacturing empire by 1970 before being twice indicted on federal charges for "defrauding thousands of investors [of $224 million USD]" and "for making illegal contributions totaling $250,000" to Richard Nixon's re-election campaign in 1972 and 1976 respectively.142 Following this, Vesco fled to numerous Latin American countries (including Nicaragua) before settling in Cuba around 1984.143 In a March 1996 profile for Vanity Fair, Vesco's immediate family indicates a friendly relationship to Fidel and Raul Castro in addition to a partnership to traffic narcotics with Col. Antonio De La Guardia, a high-ranking figure in the DGI and an important part of Cuba's overall foray into the drug trade.144 Eventually, however, Vesco attracted the eye of U.S. federal law enforcement for his 139 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991. 140 Ibid. 141 Joel Brinkley, "Panel Hears Details Linking Managua and Drugs," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 20 April 1985, https://www.nytimes.com/1985/04/20/world/panel- hears-details-linking-managua-and-drugs.html. 142 Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica, "Robert L. Vesco," Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., published 20 July 1998, updated 30 November 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Robert-L-Vesco. 143 Ibid. 144 Ann Louise Bardach, "Vesco's Last Gamble," Vanity Fair, Condé Nast, published March 1996, https://archive.vanityfair.com/article/1996/3/vescos-last-gamble. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m9 alleged participation in drug trafficking and, though some convicted drug traffickers and Cuban intelligence defectors implicated him in criminal acts, the "FBI and [DEA] denied he had any role" in certain elements of the drug trade, disproving these traffickers and defectors' claims.145 Ultimately, Vesco was arrested and sentenced to prison in Cuba in 1996 "for economic crimes against the government of Fidel Castro".146 Since at least April of 1987, the DEA's Miami Office was actively pursuing an investigation against Cuban government and military officials. Harry Sommers, a newly minted DEA agent to the Miami FO and later Special Agent-in-Charge (SAC) of the Atlanta FO, was the lead investigator on the case and detailed his investigation in an April 1990 academic work for Florida International University. According to Sommers, in April of 1987, "two pilots [an American and Cuban national] flew approximately 480 pounds of cocaine from Colombia to [Varadero Military Base, Cuba]…where the cocaine was transferred to Cuban military officers".147 According to Sommers, the pilots were both questioned by U.S. officials and, in this interview, both pilots claimed they had stopped in Cuba to make "emergency repairs" and "presented documentation from the Cuban government confirming their story".148 The drugs were then placed upon a boat named the "Flerida" and, while attempting to enter Florida waters that April, was intercepted by the DEA. In the ensuing interviews with the boat's operators (all Cubans who were "residing in 145 Jim McGee, Pierre Thomas, Guy Gugliotta, & Jerry Knight "Vesco Held In Cuba," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 09 June 1995, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1995/06/09/vesco-held-in-cuba/874c16d3-81a5-4700-84ce- 6a4e8300fdab/. 146 Douglas Farah, "Vesco Gets 13-Year Sentence in Cuba," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 27 August 1996, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1996/08/27/vesco-gets-13-year-sentence-in-cuba/77271414- 9219-4efe-b68c-5d30b0f9b11b/. 147 Harry Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," (graduate paper, Florida International University, 23 April 1990), p. 07. 148 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 08. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m0 Miami"), the DEA found the boat was "[initially] met at sea by a Cuban Coast Guard vessel and escorted to the military base in Varadero [where the] crew members were housed and fed until the cocaine was loaded onto the vessel" upon which the boat was escorted out of Cuban waters by a Coast Guard ship.149 Additional evidence showing U.S.-based drug traffickers of Cuban descent docking and landing at Varadero and interacting heavily with Cuban military officers was uncovered through further investigations in May and November of 1987.150 This investigation led to the federal indictments of various figures in late 1988, including Reinaldo and Rueben Ruiz, a Cuban father and son drug trafficking team operating out of the South Florida.151 Reinaldo Ruiz, facing a sentence of life imprisonment, agreed to make a deal with the government in return for a lighter sentence.152 In a television interview with PBS Frontline before his death, Ruiz detailed his involvement in the drug trade and his associations with the Cuban government. According to Ruiz, he would transport a boat from Florida to Varadero where "everything had been arranged in advance [by Colonel Pardo, Chief of Command of Naval Operations in Varadero]" while his son, Rueben, would fly the cocaine from Colombia to Varadero which, upon landing, would be transferred to Ruiz's boat by members of the Cuban military and MININT.153 In this interview, Ruiz also stated "Every time that I went over there, I was completely sure that I was a 100 percent backing[sic], all the way to the top, otherwise I never, ever touch a thing out there". 154 149 Ibid. 150 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 08-10. 151 Buddy Nivens, "Jury Links Cuba To Drug Smuggling," South Florida Sun Sentinel, Tribune Publishing, published 27 February 1988, https://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/fl-xpm-1988-02-27-8801120759-story.html. 152 Richard Cole, "Prosecutors: Trafficker Implicated More Top Cuban Officials," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 21 August 1989, https://apnews.com/article/348da22ca41fd9a7e77c7ab9226c504e. 153 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991. 154 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m1 Despite Ruiz's comment, he never once indicated to federal investigators he met Fidel or Raul Castro; the closest Ruiz got to implicating either senior leader was a secret recording made by a DEA informant in which Ruiz claimed "The [payoff] money went in Fidel's drawer".155 Again, Ruiz never identified this person as being Fidel Castro and, if he did, the information would have come from someone who had heard this information from someone else, effectively being inadmissible evidence. What is quite serious about Ruiz's allegations and testimony however are his connections to Cuban intelligence. According to Harry Sommers and confirmed by other federal investigations, Ruiz was a "cousin of Miguel Ruiz-Poo…a Cuban captain in the Ministry of the Interior" who was working in Panama when he met Reinaldo Ruiz.156 While they initially began transporting U.S. goods and products to circumvent the embargo, Reinaldo Ruiz eventually floated the idea of trafficking cocaine through Cuba which resulted in Ruiz-Poo informing his superior Major Amado Padrón Trujillo and Colonel Antonio "Tony" de la Guardia, both members of the Moneda Convertible (MC) Department, a division meant to "circumvent the United States embargo and earn Cuba hard currency".157 This is where Ruiz's involvement in shipping boats and aircraft filled with cocaine and other narcotics to Cuba and then on to Florida began. According to esteemed journalist Andres Oppenheimer, shortly after de la Guardia and Ruiz initially met, Ruiz asked de la Guardia if Fidel Castro was aware of their arrangement to traffic narcotics to which de la Guardia replied in the affirmative. Oppenheimer writes however 155 "Secret Drug Case Tape Talks of 'Fidel' Payoffs" Associated Press, Associated Press, published 09 March 1988, https://apnews.com/article/0800e600293914df73901e1fe452316b. 156 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 11. 157 González, "The Cuban Connection: Drug Trafficking and the Castro Regime," CSA Occasional Paper Series Vol. 02. No. 06 (1997), p. 10. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m2 "It is unclear whether Tony de la Guardia had personally discussed his cocaine-trafficking plans with Castro. The Commandante, with his instinctive revulsion for money matters, seldom got involved in dirty business deals. That was Interior Minister Abrantes's job…De La Guardia's statement to Reinaldo Ruiz may have reflected the colonel's assumption that Abrantes never would have okayed something as hot as a drug operation without Fidel's blessing".158 Also around this time was the federal indictment against Manuel Noriega, the dictator of Panama who had become an increasing annoyance to the U.S. government. Despite having initially been friendly to the U.S., providing information to the CIA and DEA159, his involvement in substantial drug trafficking and racketeering efforts (in addition to the significant corruption and general abuses of his regime) had made him a liability.160 Among the witnesses who provided information against Noriega was Jose Blandón Castillo, a former key member of Noriega's intelligence service and a "consul general in New York".161 Blandón provided first-hand knowledge of incidences, confirming some of what was already suspected by American officials and investigators on Noriega's activities, but also claimed Fidel Castro mediated a dispute between Noriega and the Medellín Cartel in the Darién Province of Panama. According to Blandón, he "met with Castro in Havana on June 21 or 22, 1984 [and] Castro recommended that Noriega return the $5 million in protection money and return the plant, personnel, and equipment to the Cartel" and on either June 27th or 28th, "Noriega and Castro met 158 Andres Oppenheimer, Castro's Final Hour: The Secret Story Behind the Coming Downfall of Communist Cuba (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1992), p. 29. 159 Robert L. Jackson, "Noriega Gave DEA Limited Aid for 5 Years, Officials Say," Los Angeles Times, Times Mirror Company, published 16 December 1991, https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-12-16-mn-517-story.html. 160 Philip Shenon, "Noriega Indicted by U.S. For Links to Illegal Drugs," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 06 February 1988, https://www.nytimes.com/1988/02/06/world/noriega-indicted-by-us-for-links-to-illegal-drugs.html. 161 Stephen Engelberg with Elaine Sciolino, "A U.S. Frame-Up of Nicaragua Charged," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 04 February 1988, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160023-3.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m3 directly" and Noriega agreed to go forward with Castro's suggestions, resulting in the release of numerous prisoners.162 While this information was used in indictments against senior Cuban officials and Manuel Noriega, some have found reason to doubt Blandón's claims. John Dinges, a noted investigative journalist and current Professor Emeritus of International Journalism at Columbia University, documented Blandón's claims in his 1991 book Our Man in Panama, stating, "There was no independent corroboration for the story…No other witnesses, including [Floyd Carlton Caceres, Noriega's personal pilot], had any knowledge of the Cuban meeting. If investigators had checked flight records and even press clips in Panama, they might have discovered that Blandón had gotten some basic facts of the Darién incident wrong: the dates for the trip to Cuba were wrong, and the prisoners supposedly released at Castro's urging had been freed more than one month before Blandón and Noriega went to Cuba".163 Richard Gregorie, who met with Blandón, disagrees with Dinges' assertions, saying, "Blandón provided the US government with valid evidence that was corroborated, but Blandón volunteered his cooperation and no one knew his true motivation. He was caught, prior to trial, recording his interviews by agents… The photos and information he provided were valid, but whether this was a lure by some foreign intelligence service or an attempt to sell his story for personal gain made him untrustworthy as a witness".164 Castro was interviewed around this time by Maria Shriver of NBC News and wholeheartedly rejected "José Blandón's charge" while also "[inviting] the Congressional committee [which heard Blandón's claims] to visit Cuba to receive evidence that Blandón was 162 U.S. Congress, Senate, Drugs, Law Enforcement, and Foreign Policy: A Report, p. 66. 163 John Dinges, Our Man in Panama: The Shrewd Rise and Brutal Fall of Manuel Noriega (New York, NY: Random House, 1991), p. 292, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/232993288. 164 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m4 lying to Congress".165 In this interview, he also "[denied] that the Medellín drug cartel has ever trafficked drugs through Cuba to the United States".166 Despite Castro's invitation to the committee, subcommittee chairman Senator John Kerry approached the Cuban Interests Section in D.C. and requested to visit Cuba on the conditions that "staff [be] permitted to advance the trip and…the Cubans agreed to discuss the drug trafficking problem in general" along with being able to meet Robert Vesco; the trip never materialized as "The Cubans never replied to any of these requests and never made any further arrangements for the visit".167 The concentrated U.S. criminal investigations, Congressional hearings, and federal indictments, the intense media speculation and reporting, along with seeming pressure from the Soviet Union168 forced the Cuban government's hand. On 12 June, 1989, multiple high-ranking members of Cuba's military and intelligence services were arrested. These members included General Arnaldo T. Ochoa Sanchez,169 Brigadier General Patricio de la Guardia, Colonel Antonio "Tony" de la Guardia (twin brother to Patricio), Colonel Antonio Rodriguez Estupinan, Captain Jorge Martinez Valdes, Lieutenant Colonel Alexis Lago Archoa, and Major Amado Padrón Trujillo.170 Also charged were Captain Leonel Estevez-Soto, Captain Antonio Sanchez-Lima, First Lieutenant Jose Luis Pineda-Bermudez, Captain Miguel Ruiz-Poo, Captain Rosa Maria Abierno-Gobin, and Captain Eduardo Diaz-Izquierdo.171 165 Jane Franklin, Cuba and the United States: A Chronological History (New York, NY: Ocean Press, 1992), p. 239, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/944186211. 166 Ibid. 167 U.S. Congress, Senate, Drugs, Law Enforcement, and Foreign Policy: A Report, p. 66-67. 168 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, International Narcotics Situation Report (Langley, VA: May 1989), p. 13, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP91M01043R002200150004-9.pdf. 169 Robert Pear, "Cuba Arrests Top General on Corruption Charges," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 16 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/16/world/cuba-arrests-top-general-on-corruption-charges.html?searchResultPosition=8. 170 Robert Pear, "Cuba Seizes 6 More Officers Amid Signs of Big Shakeup," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 17 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/17/world/cuba-seizes-6-more-officers-amid-signs-of-big-shakeup.html. 171 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 14. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m5 The majority of these persons were members of Cuba's Ministry of the Interior and intelligence services, though Estupinan and Martinez were both former aides-de-camp to General Ochoa.172 Save for Archoa and Trujillo, who were not charged with any crime, the other persons were charged with a variety of public corruption crimes, including money laundering, drug trafficking, and treason. As well, though all were arrested rather simultaneously, there were two separate cases going on which involved the drug trade in Cuba. The first involved, "[Antonio "Tony"] de la Guardia, Major Padrón, and six other officers who worked at [the MC Department] … The Cuban government charged that de la Guardia's group arranged for six tons of cocaine to be sent from Colombia through Cuba to the United States in the two years after April 1987, and that they were paid $3.4 million for doing so".173 The second case involved primary Ochoa and his aide-de-camp Martinez (in addition to "several others") in which the Cuban government charged that "[Ochoa] enriched himself in black-market trading, using army resources, when he was stationed in Angola in 1988, and to have neglected his military duties…[stole] $161,000 from Nicaragua's Sandinista army through a failed weapons deal…[and] was said to have conceived of a scheme to send major cocaine shipments to the United States, and for that purpose to have sent Martínez secretly to Medellín, Colombia, in 1988 to meet with Pablo Escobar Gaviria, a magnate of the drug cartel".174 The charges against Ochoa did not allege he was involved in de la Guardia's operations nor ever took part in a drug deal, alleging only he engaged in treason and efforts to gain private funds for either independent military operations or for personal use. 172 Ibid. 173 Julia Preston, "The Trial that Shook Cuba," The New York Review of Books, NYREV, Inc., published 07 December 1989, https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1989/12/07/the-trial-that-shook-cuba/. 174 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m6 The trial (which aired on public television throughout Cuba) began on 25 June, 1989, thirteen days after Ochoa had initially been arrested, with the first hearing beginning on the 26th of June.175 Throughout the course of the trial, numerous witnesses were called who testified in regards to the charges, in some cases admitting culpability and accepting responsibility for individual actions which were illegal while also implicating others such as Ochoa and the de la Guardia brothers in the illegal activities they had been charged with. Both Patricio and Tony de la Guardia and Arnaldo Ochoa admitted their involvements in drug trafficking and treasonous activities, respectively, before the trial had commenced.176 At the trial's conclusion, the prosecutor for the government recommended to the Honor Tribunal, a board of 47 high-ranking Cuban military officers (one of whom was Aldo Santamaria-Cuadrado, who had been charged with drug trafficking by the U.S. in 1982)177, that "Arnaldo Ochoa Sanchez, Antonio de la Guardia Font, Jorge Martinez Valdez, Amado Bruno Padron Trujillo, Antonio Sanchez Lima, Alexis Lago Arocha, and Eduardo Diaz Izquierdo [receive] the death penalty…[for] the most serious crimes in this indictment, which are drug trafficking and treason against the fatherland".178 The prosecutor also recommended "30 years imprisonment for defendants Patricio de la Guardia Font and Rosa Maria Abierno Gobin, 25 years imprisonment for defendants Gabriel Prendes Gomez, Leonel Estevez Soto, Miguel Ruiz 175 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 03, https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a347578.pdf. 176 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 07, 154, 164. 177 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 44. 178 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 187. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m7 Poo, and Luis M. Pineda Bermudez, and 15 years imprisonment for defendant Antonio Rodriguez Estupinan".179 The Honor Tribunal agreed unanimously on 11 July 1989, with the stripping of ranks coming later on 12 July 1989.180 On 13 July 1989, Ochoa, Tony de la Guardia, Valdez, and Trujillo were all executed by way of firing squad.181 During and following the trial, Cuba's Ministry of the Interior and the Cuban government as a whole was revamped; Diocles Torralba Gonzalez, Cuba's Minister of Transportation "was dismissed [on 14 June 1989] for "improper conduct" – suggesting he may have been engaged in corruption"182 while Cuba's Minister of the Interior, Brigadier General Jose Abrantes Fernandez, "was dismissed [on] June 26" and then arrested on 31 July 1989 alongside "Brig. Gen. Roberto Gonzalez Caso, a former head of immigration; Oscar Carreno Gomez, former customs chief; Lt. Col. Rolando Castaneda Izquiero, and Hector Carbonell Mendez, director of a state-owned company that dealt in foreign currency".183 Five more Brigadier Generals of the Cuban military, presumably aligned with the Ministry of the Interior, were also "demoted to colonel and retired".184 Both Abrantes and Torralba would later receive twenty year prison sentences, with Abrantes dying in 1991 of a heart attack.185 Replacing Abrantes in the MININT was "trusted four-star general Abelardo Colomé Ibarra" who quickly revamped much of MININT's capabilities.186 179 Ibid. 180 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 208-209. 181 Oppenheimer, Castro's Final Hour, p. 01-03. 182 Jim Anderson, "U.S.: High-level shakeup may be under way in Cuba," United Press International, United Press International, published 14 June 1989, https://www.upi.com/Archives/1989/06/14/US-High-level-shakeup-may-be-under-way-in-Cuba/4954613800000/. 183 Isaac A. Levi, "Five Senior Cuban Officers Arrested in Drug Scandal," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 31 July 1989, https://apnews.com/article/0782d185225919535cf3aa518ed550a9. 184 Ibid. 185 Richard Gott, Cuba: A New History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), p. 285. 186 Krujit, Cuba and Revolutionary Latin America, p. 183. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m8 During and after the trial, the charges and convictions were heavily criticized. Some cast doubt on the trial's veracity in regards to having a military officer who had allegations of drug trafficking leveled against him187, while others (Cuban human rights activities, American journalists, and international human rights advocacy and monitoring groups) took offense to the lack of questions asked by the defendants' military appointed prosecutors (in addition to the rather loaded way in which some questions were asked).188 Jaqueline Tillman, a member of the National Security Council, was quoted as saying, "The evidence of Cuban involvement in narcotics trafficking was becoming so abundant that the regime moved to protect Fidel Castro by dissociating him from those activities" while Frank Calzon, a member of the human rights group Freedom House stated that either of the Castros, either Fidel or Raul, "had to approve of this activity, or at least [look] the other way".189 Even civilians of the island nation, according to former diplomat Wayne Smith, were "questioning the official explanation and arguing that there has to be a lot more to this than what is contained in the official announcement".190 Following the trials and into the 1990s, however, Cuba seemingly became more committed to halting drug traffic in Cuba. Fulton Armstrong, a former NIO for Latin America and two-time Director for Inter-American Affairs for the NSC, has stated that "Since Ochoa, collaboration has been good" mentioning that, since 1997, a formal relationship between the United States and Cuba exists, with both the U.S. and Cuba "[identifying] this as a matter of 187 Richard Cole, "Admiral's Role Calls Cuba Drug Crackdown Into Question," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 29 June 1989, https://apnews.com/article/9ef279d0c5de07e958d53e9c1a7bea5b. 188 Preston, "The Trial that Shook Cuba," The New York Review of Books. 189 Robert Pear, "Cuba Discloses A Drug Network Of Top Officials," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 24 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/24/world/cuba-discloses-a-drug-network-of-top-officials.html. 190 Larry Rohter, "Castro Is Anxious About His Military," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 25 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/25/weekinreview/the-world-castro-is-anxious-about-his-military.html?searchResultPosition=10. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m9 national interest".191 Pierre Charette, the ASAC for the DEA's Caribbean division during the late-1980s, identified that into the early-1990s, cooperation with the Cuban government has been "fantastic [with] drug trafficking through go-fast boats dropping significantly" and that this productive relationship remains in place today.192 In 1991, the U.S. Customs Service detailed to Frontline that "[drug, arms, and other illicit] trafficking had declined since the trial, but…not stopped".193 The DEA's Administrator194 and Chief of International Operations195, in 1996 and 1999 respectively, both testified before Congress that, despite large profile cases in the media, the Cuban government itself nor senior officials were not involved in drug trafficking. Also in 1996, the State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs "recognized cuban[sic] counter-drugs efforts, stating that the cuban[sic] government was giving anti-narcotics policies higher public profile in the face of growing narcotics transshipments and consumption".196 General Barry McCaffrey, who served as Commander of U.S. Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM) and was President Clinton's Director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ODNCP) from 1994 to 2001, recalled in 2015 "Cuba's a police state, and I don't believe the Cuban government wants to be a hub for drug smugglers. They saw it as a 191 Fulton Armstrong (retired National Intelligence Officer for Latin America with NSC) in discussion with the author, 13 January 2021. 192 Pierre "Pete" Charette (retired Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge with DEA) in discussion with the author, 16 March 2021. 193 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991. 194 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Statement by: Thomas A. Constantine, Administrator, Drug Enforcement Administration, 104th Cong., 06 June 1996, https://fas.org/irp/congress/1996_hr/h960606c.htm. 195 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Government Reform, Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy, and Human Resources, Statement by: William E. Ledwith, Chief of International Operations, Drug Enforcement Administration, 106th Cong., 17 November 1999, https://fas.org/irp/congress/1999_hr/ct111799.htm. 196 Isabella Bellezza-Smull, "Will Cuba Update its Drug Policy for the Twenty First Century?," Igarapé Institute, Igarapé Institute, published 29 December 2017, https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/08-11-2017-NE-29-Cuba-Drog-Policy.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m0 threat to their children, the workforce, their economy, their government" while noting that though cooperation was imperfect, there was constant communication with the Cubans throughout his time in terms of combating drug trafficking.197 The Question of Culpability on the Part of the Castros The involvement on the part of Fidel and Raul Castro in the drug trade is something that has long been debated and speculated. Since the 1960s, individual criminal investigations, U.S. federal government memorandums, Cuban intelligence defectors, convicted criminals, and congressional hearings have included testimony that has tried to implicate Fidel, Raul, or both Castros in the drug trade. With the 1989 trials, these speculations have increased and, in some cases, due to the handling of the trials, been given more credence. At least two U.S. Congressional hearings have been conducted since 1989, both of which focused on continuing drug traffic in Cuba.198 199 Into the 1990s, more evidence of possible involvement by the Castro regime was revealed. First were the allegations of Carlos Ledher, an experienced drug trafficker and pilot and co-founder of the Medellín Cartel.200 Ledher, upon his arrest and extradition in 1987, was "convicted…on charges of conspiracy and running a criminal enterprise as well as other charges related to the importation and sale of cocaine" in May of 1988.201 Due to this, Ledher began 197 Joshua Partlow & Nick Miroff, "In fight against drugs, Cuba and U.S. on same team," The Washington Post, Nash Holdings, LLC., published 05 January 2015, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/in-fight-against-drugs-cuba-and-us-on-same-team/2015/01/05/6416305a-90fc-11e4-a66f-0ca5037a597d_story.html. 198 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Government Reform, Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy, and Human Resources, Cuba's Link to Drug Trafficking, 106th Cong., 1st Sess., 17 November 1999, https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=2027. 199 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Government Reform, Drug Trafficking in the Caribbean: Do Traffickers Use Cuba and Puerto Rico As Major Transit Locations For State-Bound Narcotics?, 106th Cong., 2nd Sess., 3-4 January 2000, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-106hhrg69521/pdf/CHRG-106hhrg69521.pdf. 200 Mark Bowden, Killing Pablo: The Hunt for the World's Greatest Outlaw (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001), p. 45, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/45086854. 201 Patricia Bauer, "Carlos Ledher," Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., published 18 June 2018, updated 03 September 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Carlos-Lehder. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m1 cooperating with the U.S. government for a lesser sentence. In federal testimony during the Noriega trial, Ledher claimed "that Castro mediated a bitter 1984 dispute between Noriega and Colombia's Medellin cartel that saved Panama's strongman from probable assassination…and bribed Cuban government officials to ship tons of cocaine into the United States".202 Lieutenant Colonel Luis del Cid, a close aide to Manuel Noriega, alleged during Noriega's trial that he "accompanied Noriega on a flight to Cuba and met Castro following the raid [in which Panamanian troops raided a cocaine lab in Darién province Colombia]" though specified he did not attend the meeting in question.203 While both Ledher and del Cid's testimonies seem to corroborate what Blandón had previously testified in regards to Castro's connections to Noriega and the Medellín Cartel, it must be noted that both del Cid and Ledher testified in exchange for reductions in their sentences (which numbered into the hundreds of years for each of them) and also could easily have become aware of Blandón's testimony in any of the three years prior to their providing evidence to the U.S. government. Two former officials who defected from Cuba two years before the trials, Oscar Valdes from the Ministry of Trade and Manuel de Beunza from the Ministry of the Interior, offered their insights on the trial, claiming the trials were for "show" and were more politically motivated as Castro desired to remove opponents whom he saw as a threat to his power.204 This allegation that the drug trials were a show trial meant to snub out political opponents of Castro's hold on Cuba has become a very prominent. 202 Robert L. Jackson, "Cartel Leader Reveals Secrets of Drug World," The Los Angeles Times, Time Mirror Company, published 21 November 1991, https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-11-21-mn-404-story.html. 203 Richard Cole, "Former Aide Tells of Drug Cash, Castro, and Prostitutes," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 24 September 1991, https://apnews.com/article/0b7fcac1c0842630af2d1cc758ab1acd. 204 Jim Anderson, "Defectors: Cuba trials about politics, not drugs," United Press International, United Press International, published 27 July 1989, https://www.upi.com/Archives/1989/07/27/Defectors-Cuba-trial-about-politics-not-drugs/2648617515200/?spt=su. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m2 Other defectors, including those from the DGI who defected, also voiced their views on the trial. Jorge Masetti, a DGI officer and Tony de la Guardia's son-in-law who defected from Cuba in 1990, claimed in an interview, "If this operation really existed, it could only have existed if Fidel and Raúl Castro knew about it. They made these accusations, which were supposed to make the case against Ochoa. Arnaldo Ochoa was never proven to have smuggled drugs. The direct evidence does not exist, but they accused Ochoa, and why? Because Fidel wanted to send a message to all the officials with high authority".205 Juan Reinaldo Sánchez, a seemingly credible defector206 from Cuba's MININT who was the personal bodyguard to Castro for seventeen years, wrote in his book The Double Life of Fidel Castro that Castro had knowledge of subordinates' involvement in the drug trade and sanctioned it. Sánchez recalls overhearing a conversation in 1988 between Minister of the Interior Jose Abrantes and Castro in "centered on a Cuban [drug trafficker] living in the United States" who wanted to travel to Cuba to visit his parents; Castro approved the trip along with allowing the trafficker to, as a cover, say he was a Cuban intelligence operative while also requesting that Tony de la Guardia handle "the logistics of the trip".207 This conversation, while innocuous, seems to indicate that Castro did maintain a friendly relationship with some drug traffickers, yet reveals no legitimate information of Castro's involvement in the drug trade. Into the 1990s, working off the indictments against the Ruiz Family in 1988 and the 1992 Noriega trial, the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida began investigating senior level members of the Cuban government. In 1993, the USAO-SDFL "drafted a [proposed 205 The Cuba Libre Story, season 1, episode 7, "Secrets and Sacrifices," directed by Emmanuel Amara, Kai Christiansen, & Florian Dedio, aired 11 December 2015, https://www.netflix.com/title/80109535. 206 Edward A. Lynch, "All Socialists Are Equal, but Some Are More Equal Than Others," Military Review (November-December 2019), p. 124, https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Portals/7/military-review/Archives/English/ND-19/ND-19-Book-B.pdf. 207 Juan Reinaldo Sánchez with Axel Gyldén, The Double Life of Fidel Castro: My 17 Years as Personal Bodyguard to El Líder Máximo (New York, NY: St. Martin's Griffin, 2015), p. 230. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m3 indictment that] would have charged Raul Castro and 14 other top Cuban officials [including Manuel Piñeiro, head of the Departamento América] with conspiracy and racketeering for allegedly providing safe passage for Medellin cartel cocaine loads, including permission to fly over Cuba and use its waters".208 Among others allegedly involved in this large enterprise was Abelardo Colomé Ibarra, the Minister of the Interior who replaced Jose

- n i-f^Jk^ t A; NOVEMBER, 1899 ooTheoc Qettysbur Mercery that the drama was indebted for a great improvement in this respect. He gave to the dithyramb a regular lyric form, and arranged it to be sung at these festivals by a trained chorus of fifty. To this chorus was given the name cyclic, inas-much as it was grouped around the altar. The chorus now be-came a very important factor in the drama. Neighboring towns vied with one another in producing the best bodies of trained singers ; large prizes were frequently offered to this end, and as a result of constant emulation numerous improvements were con-tinually being made. Although the Dorians had most to do in originating the drama, it was allotted to the Athenians to bring it to its greatest perfec-tion. Thespis (536 B. C), seeing that the existing mode of per-formance was more or less wearisome to the audience, conceived the idea of a dialogue between the leader and one of the members of the chorus, chosen especially for the purpose. The leader stood upon a raised platform, and in the pauses of the choral song, conversed with this member of the chorus, or the answerer (hypo-crites) as he was called. Besides the addition of this actor, or a?iswerer, Thespis made various other improvements. He in-vented dances in which he carefully trained the choristers; he changed the metre of the chorus, and gave to the whole perform-ance a larger element of unity than had theretofore characterized it. The organization of the chorus was further improved by Phrynichus (512-476 B. C.) who introduced the custom ofsub-divid-ing it into smaller bands when the nature of the play seemed to demand it. He dismissed everything light and farcical, and for the themes of his plays resorted to the mythology and history of his country. Instead of satyrs and buffoonery we now have heroes, princes and their attendants. In this we see the dawning of real tragedy. Although there were a number of writers intervening between Phrynichus and Aeschylus (525-456 B. C), they were ofminor im-portance; and it is to Aeschylus that we now turn our attention. It was reserved for this great writer to make some important and lasting changes in the drama; of these we state but a few of the most important. Aeschylus introduced a second actor, and thus THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 201 made possible a dialogue, independent of the chorus. This change had the effect of making the choral song secondary to the dia-logue and thus bringing the drama to its maturity in permitting the presentation of a complete scene before the eyes of the audience. He furthermore introduced into his tragedies many imposing spectacles, and made their execution more vivid by improving the expression of the mask, making the costumes richer, and intro-ducing the use of the cothurnus. Aeschylus was a very prolific writer, and his works rank among the very best in the language. It is interesting to note that he was the first to set the example of competing with trilogies, combinations of three tragedies, con-nected more or less in thought and supposed to be acted successi vely. We come now to the part played by Sophocles (495-405 B. C.) who was in his time the favorite tragic poet of Athens. L,ike Aeschylus he was a very prolific writer of plays, and his produc-tions are of the highest merit. He also made some improvements in the drama as he found it. Of these the principal are the fol-lowing : He added a third actor; made further improvements in the costume; invented the krepis, a boot of white color, worn by both actors and chorus. He furthermore increased the number of singers in the chorus from twelve to fifteen. His plays abound with grand and heroic personages, and are frequently character-ized by the supernatural element. His language is pure, majestic and highly poetical. He and Aeschylus stand forth as the two great masters of tragedy. To complete the list of the great dramatic writers of Greece who are known to us of the present day, we need but add the name of Euripides (480-406 B. C). This writer though ranking in general popularity with Aeschylus and Sophocles, was in some respects greatly inferior to them. His independent and at times reckless style has caused him to be greatly criticised. He has been accused of breaking in upon poetic harmony for the sake 01 novelty and effect, as well as of belittling the dignity of the gods. Euripides instituted the following changes in the drama: a cur-tailment of the function of the chorus and an expansion of the function of the messenger. He was also the first to use the pro-logue. Euripides was inferior to Aeschylus and Sophocles in the vigor and artistic moderation as well as beauty of his works, but he nevertheless was the author of many excellent productions and deservedly ranks with the world's great tragedians. —C, '00. 202 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. MUSIC AND SHAKESPEARE. IT is always interesting to examine the opinions of a man con-cerning the work of a fellow-craftsman ; but it is still more interesting to examine the expressions of a great artist about the nature and functions of an art differing from his own. There seems to be a somewhat widely-spread belief, that litterati are most miserably misguided in their opinions about a corresponding line of art work, i. e. music; but it will become evident upon an examination of the works of any great writer, e.g. Shakespeare, that this opinion is fallacious. It must be born in mind while we consider this subject, that the music described by Shakespeare, differed somewhat from that of to-day; the very term "music" would invoke different ideas among different classes of people and at various periods. It is probable that Shakespeare never heard anything like a Modern Concert Grand Piano, unless with the imaginative ears of genius ; so we must be careful not to think of sixteenth century music in nineteeth century ideas. No poet or musician has written more brilliantly or sympathetically about music than did Shakespeare. Possessing wonderful versatility, handling an immense array of subjects with great mastery of detail and happiness of expression, we find the '' Bard of Avon'' as much at home when he touches the bounds of the tonal art, as he is in all the other departments of knowledge. Besides recognizing the beauty of music, he appre-ciates its great power and influence, and shows his complete mas-tery of the art, such as it then was, by his frequent expressions of technical ideas. In Merchant of Venice, Act 3, Sc. 2, he puts into the mouth of Portia this poetical description of the character of music : "And what is music then ? Then music is Even as the flourish when true subjects bow, To a new-crowned monarch : such it is As are those dulcet sounds in break of day That creep into the dreaming' bridegroom's ear, And summon him to marriage." Further on in the same play, Lorenzo and Jessica hold quite a discourse about music; it is full of beautiful imagery : "How sweet the moonlight sleeps upon this bank, Here will we sit and let the sounds of music Creep in our ears, soft stillness and the night Become the touches of sweet harmony. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 203 Sit, Jessica. Look how the floor of heaven Is thick inlaid with patines of bright gold : There's not the smallest orb which thou behold'st But in his motion like an angel sings, Still quiring to the young-eyed cherubim ; Which harmony is in immortal souls; But whilst this muddy vesture of decay Doth grossly close it in, we cannot hear it." And further, Lorenzo gives us the familiar,— "The man that hath no music in himself, Nor is not moved with concord of sweet sounds, Is fit for treasons, stratagems and spoils; The motions of his spirit are dull as night And his affections dark as Erebus: Let no such man be trusted." This passage, however, when tested by actual experience, will not always hold true; Shakespeare evidently felt thus it ought to be. Somewhat similar to it is the following from Julius Caesar, Act i, Sc. 2,—characterizing a cynic : "he looks Quite through the deeds of men ; he loves no plays, As thou dost, Anthony ; he hears no music ; Seldom he smiles." About the great power of music this passage from Midsummer Night's Dream, Act 2, Sc. 2, bears witness: "I sat upon a promontory, And heard a mermaid, on a dolphin's back, Uttering such dulcet and harmonious breath, That the rude sea grew civil at her song ; And certain stars shot madly from their spheres, To hear the sea-maid's music." Again in Two Gentlemen of Verona, Act 3, Sc. 1, we have:— "For Orpheus' lute was strung with poets' sinews, Whose golden touch could soften steel and stones ; Make tigers tame and huge leviathans Forsake unsounded depths to dance on sands." Of its power over the human soul and mind, Benedick, in Much Ado about Nothing, Act 2, Sc. 3, tells, in this figure:— "Now Divine air! Now is his soul ravished ! Is itnot strange that sheeps'guts should hail souls out of men's bodies?" And in Romeo and Juliet, Act 4, Sc. 5, this passage, with a similar idea, occurs: 204 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "When griping- griefs the heart doth wound, And doleful dumps the mind oppress, Then music with her silver sound, With speedy help doth lend redress." Then, too, the King in Henry IV., when stricken and looking about him for relief, commands: "Let there be no noise, my gentle friends Unless some dull and favourable hand will music whisper to my weary spirit." Lucrentio, in Taming of the Shrew, gives expression to a well-known use of music, when he says : "Preposterous ass! that never read so far to know the cause why music was ordained, Was it not to refresh the mind of man after his study and his usual pain?" The mental effect is brought out by the King in Richard III:— "This music mads me." And the Duke in Measure for Measure, tells of the moral effect: " 'Tis good; though music oft hath such a charm, that it makes bad, good and good, provokes to harm." Allusion to the close connection between music and love, is made in Act i, Sc. i, Twelfth Night, when the Duke says:— "If music be the food of love, play on; Give me excess of it, that, surfeiting, The appetite may sicken, and so, die." And Cleopatra asks for the same kind of food, "Give me some music; music, moody food Of us that trade in love." In Love's Labor Lost, Act 4, Sc. 3, we find a musical simile of love: "For valor, is not Love a Hercules, Still climbing trees in the Hesperides? Subtle as Sphinx; as sweet and musical As bright Apollo's lute, strung with his hair; And when Love speaks, the voice of all the Gods Make Heaven drowsy with the harmony." So, also in Romeo and Juliet, Act 2, Sc. 2, we have "How silver-sweet sound lovers' tongues by night, Like softest music to attending ears." The "Music of Nature" is referred to, in many passages through-out Shakespeare's works; such expressions as "murmuring THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 205 brooks," "high-singing larks" are frequent. In The Tempest, Act 3, Sc. 2, Caliban reassures Stephano, after hearing Ariel's pipe, "Be not afeard; the isle is full of noises, Sounds and sweet airs, that give delight and hurt not." And Stephano replies—with a note of self-interest:— "This will prove a brave kingdom for me, where I shall have my music for nothing." In the next scene of the same play, Alonzo says:— "The winds did sing it to me and the thunder, That deep and dreadful organ pipe, pronounced The name of Prosper." That our author was well acquainted with the technique of music, is evidenced by the frequent occurance of such terms as "divi-sion," "discord," etc., and by the several passages concerning time-keeping. The King in Richard III., Act 5, Sc. 5, utters these words: "Music do I hear? Ha! ha! Keep time. How sour sweet music is When time is broke and no proportion kept." And the base Iago says, in Othello, Act 4, Sc. 1;— "That's not amiss; But yet keep time in all." In Romeo and Juliet and in Two Gentlemen of Verona, other especially good examples of a technical use of musical terms are afforded, that deserve mention. One finds many places in Shakespeare's works where inciden-tal reference to the art is made, throughout his other productions too, aside from the plays, there are numerous bright gems that glow with musical beauty and to follow up and present them, is a most interesting and enjoyable pursuit. In conclusion we would quote the words of the tired king, Pericles: "The music of the spheres, list my Marina; most heavenly music It nips me unto listening and thick slumber Hangs upon mine eyes; let me rest." a^p —W. W. P., '00. It would be an unspeakable advantage both to the public and the private, if men would consider the truth that no man is wise or safe, but he that is honest.—Sir Walter Raleigh. 206 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. A CHANCE MEETING. NOT many years ago, on a beautiful day early in the fall of the year, a Southern gentleman left his home in Georgia to visit the battlefield of Gettysburg. This battlefield had a peculiar interest for him because he had taken part in the great Gettysburg battle. It was the first time he had visited the battle-field since the day of the battle. He was accompanied by his wife and daughter, an accomplished young lady just passing out of her 'teens. They arrived at Gettysburg and went to a hotel. At this same hotel was John H. Stephens, from New York, who had taken part in the same battle. His son was with him and as they sat in the lobby of the hotel, the Southern veteran, entering with a paper in his hand, took a seat near them and began to read. The Union veteran glanced at him and thought he had seen that large Roman nose before. Several times afterward, he saw the man and thought that he had seen the face but was un-able to place it. In the afternoon of the next day both parties visited the battlefield. On the other side of Culp's Hill the New York gentleman and his son alighted from their carriage and walked toward Spangler's Spring. The old gentleman led his son to a large rock which was hollowed out on one side and said to him : "On the second day of the battle we were struggling in this vicinity and were driving the rebels back. I was rushing on with the rest of my comrades through the dead and wounded, when suddenly I was seized by the leg and almost fell to the ground. I looked down to see the cause of this sudden hindrance and there lying at my feet was a rebel soldier beckoning me with his hand. I stooped down to examine him and found that he was badly wounded in his hip and the blood was streaming from a wound on his head. He began to talk in a low voice and I bent lower in order to hear what he had to say. He began. 'There is a small village down in Georgia where a mother and small child are waiting for the return of the father, but he never will return. I feel that I am getting weaker and I would like to ask a favor of you before my lips are sealed forever. That mother is my wife and that child, my daughter. My name is Ralph D. Benson. If it would not be asking too much, I would THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 207 like you to send a message to them if you can get a chance to do so. This is the last request of a dying man and I believe you will not disregard it.' I told him to go on as I saw his voice was getting weaker. 'You just tell her,' he said, 'my love for her has remained the same throughout the trials and turmoils of this war. Tell her that I kept up my spirit with the thought of returning to my dear home never to leave it again. But that dream has now faded away. Tell her my last prayer is, that God may protect her and the child.' He murmured a few more words which were unintelligible and then became unconscious. His appeal had touched me, for my thought went to a home in New York State. The man's face had such an earnest look while he was speaking, and as he lay there a sad, but tender smile played about his lips. He still breathed heavily and I resolved to remove him to some shelter if in someway he might yet recover. I lifted him up and half dragged, half carried him to this very rock you see before you and I placed him in this cavern. From the small spring you see yonder," he said, pointing his finger toward Spangler's spring, "I brought water and bathed his face and forced some water through his lips. I left my canteen with him in hopes that he might regain consciousness and have use for it. Then I was at once compelled to leave and hurry after my regiment." "That was indeed, a very peculiar happening," replied the son, "but it seems strange to me that you should try so hard to save the life of a rebel, especially in the midst of battle." "That may be strange," answered the father, but as I said before, the man's tale touched me and there was something about the man that I admired—he had such a noble, honest-looking face." At this moment their attention was attracted by the creaking noise of a carriage descending the winding driveway and the voice of a guide repeating the story of that portion of the battle which occurred in that particular place. As the carriage approached they recognized the occupants to be the venerable gentleman, whom they had seen at the hotel, his wife and daughter. When they came nearer the rock, the old man arose from his seat and told the driver to stop the horses. He then said to the guide, "I know too well about the contest which took place here, for I participated in it myself. The battle is as fresh in my mind as though it had happened but yesterday. We were being driven r^ 208 r//^ GETTYSBURG MERCURY. back when I received this wound which I carry to-day," he said, laying his hand on his hip, "and as I fell, I struck my head against the gun of one of my fallen comrades. It dazed me for a few moments, but I soon awoke and found that my regiment was being driven back by a New York regiment. I was bleeding freely from my head and side and was beginning to think that my end was close at hand. My thoughts went back to my home in the South and I would have given anything to be there if only for a few minutes. The thought struck me then to send a message, if possible, to the dear ones at home. I attracted the attention of a passing soldier, gave him what I thought would be my last messsge on earth which he promised to send to my wife. Here is a link in my story which I often have wished could be supplied, but there is only one person who can do that and he may be dead now. The next thing I remember, I awoke with a great pain in my head and everything in utter darkness. I felt around with my hand and touched nothing but cold stone. Be-side me lay a canteen from which I took a draught. I soon called the attention of some passing soldiers who lifted me from the shelter in which I was placed. I recognize this very rock and I have kept the canteen on which are inscribed the initials, J. H. S." By this time Stephens knew the man before him to be the man he had saved and, as he finished his story, Stephens stepped up to him and said: "If you can recall the rock in which you were placed, look at me and see if you can not recall the soldier who placed you there. My name is John H. Stephens and it is my canteen from which you drank. So give me your hand, comrade, we have drunk from the same canteen." Benson was struck speechless for a few moments by this unexpected revelation but gave a hearty grasp to the hand which was placed in his own. He soon regained himself and said: "This meeting I consider one of the most fortunate events of my life. Often have I longed to see the brave man who so generously saved nry life and to whom I am so deeply indebted. That moment has at last arrived and when least expected. What is most surprising is that we meet where we last parted, but, thank God in very different relations." They chatted on in this way until the sun had descended behind the hills and it was time to depart. They still had much to say so they arranged that both the old gentlemen should go back in THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 209 the same carriage and leave the younger members to take the other. This arrangement was very satisfactory to the younger pair and they made no objections. They went back to the hotel and spent the evening together. The old gentlemen told stories principally of their own experience in the war, while the young folks found no difficulty in enjoying themselves. It was a late hour when they retired that night but they were all up early as Stephens and his son intended to leave that morn-ing. They parted with many regrets and arrangements for future meetings. As they were about to separate Benson said, "Don't let anything hinder you from coming to see me next month, as we have arranged and be sure to bring your son with you." "I will come," answered Stephens, "but I can not speak for my son as he never did like the southern climate." But the merry twinkle in his eye and the smiles that appeared on the faces of all told that there was not much danger on that score. The two old gentlemen entertained a very warm friendship for each other from this time and made annual visits together to the battlefield of Gettysburg. But a still stronger friendship sprung up between the son and daughter which finally resulted in making a still closer connection between the two families. —H. A. L., '01. "SHE STOOPS TO CONQUER." Considered Historically and Critically. [GRAEFF PRIZE, HONORABLE MENTION.] OLIVER GOLDSMITH lived and died, and considered as a man, his life was a failure; but thought of as an author, one is obliged to exclaim "One of the few, the immortal names That were not born to die." Literary work always betrays in some manner the life and characteristics of its author, and in no production of merit is the writer revealed more fully than in the works of Goldsmith. In his essays we recognize the hand-to-mouth journalist and the struggling genius ; in the compiled histories we see both the hand of a master of beautiful style and the carelessness of a debtor ; in the Vicar of Wakefield we get an inside view of his father's family as it was during his boyhood days ; in the Traveler we see N 2IO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. the homesick wanderer ; in the Deserted Village we hear the la-ments of the man over the decaying surroundings of youth ; in the Good-natured Man to have a testimony of his generous na-ture ; and She Stoops to Conquer immortalizes a supposed episode of his school-days. Thus all through his works we see the author as he was. But after all he is best revealed to us through the agency of his novel and his poems ; and it is a conceded fact that when he abandoned poetry for prose, the world became that much poorer. However, necessity, as a law, considers only self, and when the need is money it bows not to the general good of mankind. Poetry made him famous, but poor men cannot live upon fame ; so to supply the money to silence impatient creditors, he compiled histories. " I cannot afford to court the draggle-tail muses," he said to Lord Lisburn, " they would let me starve, but by my other labors lean make shift to eat, to drink, and have good clothes." While he was working at paying compilations however, he wrote the Vicar of Wakefield. That work elevated him to the front rank of prose writers, and " the success which had attended him as a novelist emboldened him to try his fortune as a drama-tist." Accordingly, " he wrote The Good-natured Man, apiece which had a worse fate than it deserved." " In 1773 Goldsmith tried his chances at Convent Garden with a second play,—She Stoops to Conquer." The history of the production of this play is rather peculiar, and illustrates the error of judgment, by which even competent men are led astray at times. At the time a coolness existed between Garrick, the great English actor, and Goldsmith, caused, it is said, by the actor's criticism on the character of Lofty and other supposed defects in the Good-natured Man ; but this coolness was not as frigid as it had been shortly after the unpleasant criticism ; and it is evident from his conduct, that the author would have submitted the new play to his estranged friend at Drury Lane had it not been already promised to Colman, the manager of Convent Garden. It is also evident from subsequent developments that Garrick would have ac-cepted the play. Goldsmith was usually reckless in the matter of fulfilling his promises, but in this he was honorable and gave the play to Colman. It seems that Colman was unconscious of the real merits of the manuscript, and kept it in his possession for months • THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 211 without replying to the author, impatient for a decision. Finally, when the "fountain of patience" was exhausted, Goldsmith wrote to the manager, begging him to give a decisive answer, and not keep him in suspense any longer. He promised to remove, without argument, any objectionable parts of the play ; and said that he would refuse to allow it to be submitted to any other judg-ment save the manager's own. He concluded by saying, " I have, as you know, a large sum of money to make up shortly ; by ac-cepting my play I can readily satisfy my creditors that way, at any rate I must look about to some certainty to be prepared. For God's sake take the play and let us make the best of it, and let me have the same measure at least which you have given as bad plays as mine." To this appeal Colman replied by returning the manuscript, upon the blank leaves of which he had written "distasteful re-marks," renewing his previous promise, however, to produce the play at some future time. This discourtesy provoked Goldsmith to such an extent that he offered the play to Garrick, but Johnson, the author's tried friend, persuaded him to withdraw it, saying, as an argument, that it would be disadvantageous to take it from Convent Garden in such an abrupt manner. Then Johnson had a strong interview with Colman and persuaded him with "much solicitation, nay, a kind of force" to produce the play. Colman disliked the play and predicted its failure, even after he was seemingly compelled by Johnson to produce it. After considering its merits, such a judgment seems very strange to us. Colman was not alone in the matter of condemning it, how-ever, for some of the best actors joined in chorus with his dislike and refused to take any part; but their places were filled by others and the rehearsal began. But even then the end of all difficulties was not yet in sight, for the piece was without a dignified name. The Mistakes of a Night, which is now the second title, was considered too low for the play. "We are all in labor," said Johnson, whose efforts to have the play produced were enthusiastic throughout the whole period of disappointment and delays, "for a name to Goldy's play." The Old House a New Inn was suggested by one of the literary wits, but that, too, was dismissed on the plea of its awk-wardness. Then Reynolds, the great artist, announced to the I f 212 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. members of the club what he thought would be an appropriate title—The Belle's Stratagem. This name was still under consid-eration when, it is said, Goldsmith, in whose mind Dryden's lines may have reverberated, "But kneels to conquer but stoops to rise," suggested, She Stoops to Conquer. The night of March 15, 1773, having arrived, the play was produced by Colman at Convent Garden. It is said, that Gold-smith dined that day with his friends, and, says Sir Joshua, "nearly choked" with agitation. When they started for the theatre, he turned his steps in a contrary direction, and wandered about in St. James Park. But the triumph of his grand comedy was complete. Contrary to the expectations of the manager and many of the actors, it proved a very brilliant and triumphant success for its author. George M. Towle says, speaking about Goldsmith's death, "Exactly one year after the hisses at the Good-natured Man had been gloriously avenged by the roars of applause and laughter over She Stoops to Conquer, Goldsmith was struggling with his fatal illness. Still a drudge and a debtor, still struggling with money troubles, still a poet for fame, but a hack for bread, his buoyant spirits at last succumbed." A uervous fever laid him prostrate, and on the morning of April the 4th, 1774, when asked by his doctor, "Is your mind at ease?" he replied, "No, it is not." These were his last words: the great genius sank untimely, though wearied, into an unmarked grave, leaving "She Stoops to Con-quer" as a lasting monument of his literary triumph. "The candid critic is a gentleman of whom all authors approve if he praises their last volume. 'What I wanted,' they explain, 'is no gush of praise, as from a friend; but simply a calm, just re-view, slating my work if it deserves slating, commending it if it deserves commendation.' Noble fellows. Then when the critic, who is very young in this case, observes that the work bears dis-tinct traces of genius, is Shakespearian without Shakespeare's coarseness, reminds one of Milton in his best moments, and sug-gests Tennyson before the Poet Laureate's hand lost its cunning, the author smiles gently to himself, and repeats that what he wanted was an honest criticism, and he thinks he has got it." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 213 The kind of criticism which Mr. Barrie describes in the fore-going quotation is only too common in current literature. Praise, not justice, is that which is wanted by the average author. But when we consider the fact that there are only a few living master-critics, we will not be surprised when we read the so-called criti-cisms of literary productions. Criticism is an art, and only those who devote a whole life-time to its study can ever hope to master it. To criticise any work, whether of a poetical, fictional, scientific, philosophical, historical, or dramatic character requires a master-knowledge of the subject on the part of the critic. Dramatic criticism requires an additional preparation—that of observation, for only by observation can the technique of acting be mastered,—perhaps, even then, participation in the renderings of the play may be required. If this be true, dramatic criticism is the most difficult of all. Nevertheless with all due regard to the greatness of the task before us, we humbly offer the following criticism of She Stoops to Conquer. Time establishes the value of anything ; and when a play con-tinues to be popular one hundred and twenty-six years after it was written, it must be of more than ordinary merit; and such, indeed, is She Stoops to Conquer There is, however, a dispute about this play which has never been settled, i. e. is it a comedy or a farce? The Encyclopedia Britannica says, '"The Good-natured Man had been too funny to succeed; yet the mirth of the Good-natured Man was sober when compared with the rich drollery of She Stoops to Conquer, which is, in truth, an incomparable farce in five acts." In Chambers Encyclopedia we read that "he escaped from enforced compilations (Histories of Rome and England, History of Animated Nature) with his best poetical effort, The Deserted Village (1770); and three years afterward achieved the highest dramatic honors by She Stoops to Conquer; still one of the most popular of English acting comedies.'' Horace Walpole, as quoted by Mr. Black in his Life of Goldsmith says that She Stoops to Conquer is only a farce. Prof. Ward in his Eng. Dramatic Literature says that Farquhar's Beaux Stratagem "is written in the happiest of veins; and may be regarded as the pro-totype of Goldsmith's She Stoops to Conquer, like which it hovers rather doubtfully on the borders—not always easy to determine— 214 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. between comedy and farce." Black's Life of Goldsmith speaks of the play as being a comedy ; so does Forster in his Life and Times of Oliver Goldsmith. Other authorities, such as English Men of Letters, Irving's Biography of Goldsmith, essays and magazine sketches could be quoted ; sufficient could be adduced to show conclusively that this question is a mooted one. But what is a comedy ? What is a farce ? The Encyclopedia Dictionary, one of the stardard works of its kind, says that a comedy is " a dramatic representation of a light and amusing nature, in which are satirized pleasantly the weak-nesses or manners of society and the ludicrous incidents of life." If this is a true definition of the limits of pure comedy, then She Stoops to Conquer is not a comedy in all its parts. It is a " dra-matic representation of a light and amusing nature," but it is not a satire on the "weaknesses or manners of society;" and the "ludicrous incidents of life " which form the ground-work of the play are either the work of the poet's imagination or a grossly exaggerated " incident of life." The best narrative of this " incident " is given by Forster ; " at the close of his last holidays, Goldsmith, then a lad of nearly seventeen, left home for Edgeworthtown, mounted on a borrowed hack, which a friend was to restore to Lissoy, and with stores of unaccustomed wealth, a guinea, in his pocket. The delicious taste of independence beguiled him to a loitering, lingering, pleas-ant enjoyment of the journey ; and instead of finding himself under Mr. Hughes' roof at nightfall, night came upon him, some two or three miles out of the direct road in the middle of the street of Ardagh. But nothing could disconcert the owner of the guinea, who with a lofty, confident air, inquired of a person passing, the way to the town's best house of entertainment. The man ad-dressed was the wag of Ardagh, a humorous fencing-master, Mr. Cornelius Kelly; and the school-boy's swagger was an irresistible provocation to a jest. Submissively he turned back with horse and rider till they came within a pace or two of the great Squire Featherstone's, to which he respectfully pointed as the ' best house' of Ardagh. Oliver rang at the gate, gave his beast in charge with authoritative rigor, and was shown as a supposed-ex-pected guest, into the comfortable parlor of the squire. Those were days when Irish inn-keepers and Irish squires more nearly THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 215 approximated than now, and Mr. Featherstone, unlike the- ex-cellent but explosive Hardcastle, is said to have seen the mistake and humored it. Oliver had a supper which gave him so much satisfaction that he ordered a bottle of wine to follow; and the attentive landlord was not only forced to drink with him, but with a like condescension the wife and pretty daughter were invited to the supper-room. Going to bed he stopped to give special in-structions for a hot cake to breakfast, and it was not till he had despatched this latter meal and was looking at his guinea with a pathetic aspect of farewell that the truth was told him by the good-natured squire. The late Sir Thomas Featherstone, grand-son of the supposed inn-keeper, had faith in the adventure, and told Mr. Graham that as his grandfather and Charles Goldsmith (Oliver's father) had been college acquaintances, it might be the better accounted for." Was this episode a real one in Goldsmith's life? If so, why did he wait so long before he used it ? The question is un-answerable. It is very probable, however, and may have oc-curred ; and if did occur it comes within the limits of pure comedy, although it is grossly exaggerated in She Stoops to Con-quer, and that exaggeration comes near, if not altogether within the domain of faice. A farce, according to the previously-quoted dictionary, was " originally a petty show exhibited in the street; now a recog-nized performance at the theatres. The difference between farce and comedy is that the latter keeps to nature and probability, and therefore is confined to certain laws allowed by critics ; whereas farce sets aside all laws upon occasion. Its end is to make merry, and it sticks at nothing that may further it.'' Hence the dialogue is usually low, the persons of inferior rank, the fable or action trivial or ridiculous, and nature and truth everywhere heightened and exaggerated to make more palpable ridicule." If this be a correct definition, then a number of the parts of She Stoops to Conquer are really farcical. Scene II of Act I is farcical to the de-gree of vulgarity ; too low for reception by polite ears. It was, we are told, incorporated into the new play by the author to get revenge on the public for condemning the scene of the bailiffs in the Good-natured Man. Other scenes of the play are farcical; but so far as unnaturalness and palpable ridicule are concerned, noth-ing in the entire play exceeds Scene II, Act V. 2l6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Taken altogether, She Stoops to Conquer is neither wholly a comedy nor wholly a farce; for if we draw a line between the provinces of comedy and farce we will see that this play could not be placed on either side of the line entirely,—in one place it must be classed as a farce and in another as a comedy. But it is unimportant so far as the merits of the play are concerned—they are so numerous and evident that everything else appears of small moment. The ambition of the author was to please the public and for financial profit, not binding himself in so doing by the rules laid down by critics. Rules of grammar and criticism are good enough for the talented writer but, the genius is above them. Goldsmith has been accused of stealing ideas from Farquhar, the great Irish dramatist, but whether he did or not is a secret which died with him. It is true that the junior Marlowe's charac-ter resembles that of Capt. Durette in Farquhar's, The Inconstant, but the resemblance is too weak to convict our author of stealing, for there were undoubtedly bashful men in real life when Gold-smith lived and wrote whom he could study and use as proto-types. Perhaps he himself is the original of the character, for we know that he was "free among creatures of another stamp," but we have no accurate knowledge of his conduct "among women of reputation and virtue" during hisyouuger days. Again it is said that Farquhar's "Beaux Stratagem" is the prototype of "She Stoops to Conquer." This may be true, but it seems strange that a man of superior literary attainments should copy from an inferior or use as a model the work of another man when the ground work of his own production was suggested by an episode in his life. Perhaps Goldsmith was present at a performance of Beaux Stratagem or he may have read it, and the impressions made upon his mind in either case might have influ-enced him while he was writing his second play; but if such an influence was present why was it felt only in the second play,— excluding utterly the first? The author is dead; his lips are sealed; so it is impossible to gain an answer from that source ; but the fact seems evident that Goldsmith invented his own plot, employed his own methods and constructed his own form. Whatever resemblance exists between the two plays is merely accidental. From a literary point of view, She Stoops to Conquer is a great improvement on The Good-Natured Man. The dialogue is THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 217 more easy and natural, the style is more refined, and the thought more lofty; but, then, defects are nevertheless apparent, able to be seen by the critic at a glance. —JOSEPH H. KEUER. "THE RISE OF THE DUSKY OLD MAN ELOQUENT." "The conditions of success are universal and unchangeable." —Douglas. MANY visitors to the Nation's Capital have fixed their gaze upon a tall, broad-shouldered man, whose strong, intelli-gent, and kindly face, framed in snowy beard and hair, seemed to possess an irresistible attraction. Inquiry brought the answer, " It is Frederick Douglas." This foremost of Africo-Americans was born a slave,—he supposed in 1817,—on the eastern shore of Maryland. He was separated from his mother in babyhood. When he was seven years old she made a last visit, walking twenty-four miles in a single night that she might see him. At the age of nine years he was sent to Baltimore where a kind mistress taught him to read; but her husband forbade her to give further instruction, declaring it would unfit him to be a slave,—the best reason for learning him to read. He learned all possible from his playmates; and picked up the art of writing at a ship-yard and from the copy-books of his young master. Soon there fell into his hands a copy of "The Columbian Orator," in which there were speeches of Fox and Pitt. These he read and studied repeatedly, each time with increased delight; and to them attributed the development of the oratorical ability which afterwards enabled him to command the applause of listen-ing throngs. When he was sixteen, he was sent back to the plantation and, for the first time, made a farm hand. Here he saw the lash and felt its stinging stroke. His first attempt to escape failed, but in 1838, in the disguise of a sailor, he boarded a train for New York, and in twenty-four hours was in a free state ; but he was not a free man,—only a fugitive,—nor did he ever feel safe until eight years later he "made a present of himself to himself, the expense being $750." I I s 218 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. When this negro bought himself he was famous, not only in America, but also in England, where he was kindly received. In 1839 this "graduate of a peculiar institution with his di-ploma written upon his back " made a speech before an Abolition meeting, which speech W. L,. Garrison declared to be worthy of Patrick Henry. From that day to the day of his death—a few years ago—Frederick Douglas was the recognized leader of his race. " He was not only the leader, organizer and adviser of his race, but he was an eminent man among men " and held positions of prominence under the government. He was one of the greatest orators and one of the greatest men of the century. His work is done; his deeds are recorded ! The world knows his worth as a statesman and reformer, and recognizes his power as an orator ; but a more important lesson may be learned by the student from his surmounting obstacles and overcoming difficulties. L,et him impress upon our minds the truth of the opening sentence and the following lines :— " It is a great thing to be an Englishman ; it is a great thing to be an Irishman ; it is a great thing to be a German ; but it is an incomparably greater thing to be a man." —'01. EDITORIALS. THERE are three men in college whose departure would be a blessing. One is the man whose marvelous abilities are never appreciated. Somehow or other, though his talents beyond doubt indicate highest genius, his narrow-minded fellow students cannot see them. Therefore he grumbles and talks con-stantly of " how things are run around here." The second man is he whose destructive tendencies show themselves whenever a body of students assemble at night. Certainly his nature is very low whose impulse on such occasions is to destroy college or any other property. The third man is he whose conversation ostra-cises him from nearly every student in college, for few of our stu-dents are not gentlemen. Without these three men, who we are glad to say are few and far between, Gettysburg would be better off. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 219 A few weeks ago in an editorial of the Gettysburgian were re-marks complimentary to the MERCURY. Since the Gettysburgian always has been most loyal to Gettysburg in spite of dishearten-ing opposition and ridicule, we make no apologies for giving our sister paper the praise she has so long deserved from us. When the Gettysburgian was first published college sentiment strongly opposed it. It was thought that the paper was gotten out for the financial interests of its publishers, irrespective of the effects its publication might have upon the regular college journal. However, its founders believed that the Gettysburgian, as a weekly, not publishing " literary" articles, would in no way in-terfere with the success of the monthly, but in fact would stimu-late the latter and benefit college by giving it a weekly publica-tion ; as for the financial success of the paper complete reliance was placed upon its merits. That the founders in their expecta-tions were right, two years of hard-earned and triumphant suc-cess have proven. Although the Gettysbitrgian, whose existence compelled the MERCURY to assume a form exclusively literary, was for a long time regarded by the monthly as an unfriendly rival, to-day the two papers are published without thought of competi-tion other than the most pleasant. The Gettysburgian publishes the news of college, while the MERCURY publishes examples of the literary work done in college. Each has its own sphere, and we are glad to say is keeping in it. As for " personalia," prob-ably the most interesting news to alumni, the Gettysburgian ranks with the first college papers in Pennsylvania. Most college publications contain in each of their issues ar-ticles on exchanges. On account of rivalries and differences be-tween institutions, no college paper cares to say much about the defects in exchanges and so the exchange article, though invari-ably interesting, is too often pardonable flattery. The MERCURY seldom contains an article on exchanges because if her true criti-cism is given, she will be misunderstood and she does not wish to give any but her true criticism. We do not say that very favor-able criticism should not be given when deserved, but criticism favorable when not deserved is altogether wrong; and of this wrong, publications of colleges in the highest standing are fre-quently guilty. 220 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE HEROES OF MANILLA BAY. I. They come, they come— And the rolling; drum is drowned by the nation's cheer. Huzzah, they come ! Our sailors come! Back from the Orient wave, they come— The bravest of the brave, they come ! Rejoice, rejoice, Columbia— Raise high thy voice, Columbia: "Our brave come home !" Thunder the cry From zone to zone Nor let it die Until its echoes carried hig-h Reach the patriots gone before ! Oh, the story of their glory Is and evermore shall be A tribute to the great and free Land of God and Liberty. II. And home they came, Strong, true, the same brave hearts that knew not fear. In peace, they hear again the roar That they had heard in distant war On that great day The First of May, When Dewey steamed into Manilla Bay. To enter meant death— And the world held its breath As, "Steam ahead," The hero said, And they steamed straight ahead ! Then the guns shook the deep, And the breezes that sweep Round the world Bore to us the news of the fight— And we knew when they hurled Solid death at the foe, Since God loves the right, How the battle would go. Yes, our thundering guns shook the deep, And the heart of Spain sank with her fleet— A famous day, That First of May, When Dewey steamed into Manilla Bay ! THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 221 We praise them not for what they did So much as what they dared to do, For every man on every crew Faced what he thought was death. III. Over the plains, across the sea That knocks at the Golden Gate, We offer the hand of Liberty To a benighted state. We would give all men freedom, We would give life for right; We cannot withhold army or gold While man has not the light! * * * * Our God, who made us Do Thou aid us To do right! Remove our blindness And in kindness Give us light ! The great Republic, loving right, Implores Thy guidance through the night— In Thee we trust, For Thou art just, In Thee, our only King, we trust: Roll back the clouds, great God, and give us light! —"ZUR.' The wild November comes at last Beneath a veil of rain ; The night winds blow its folds aside, Her face is full of pain. The latest of her race, she takes The autumn's vacant throne: She has but one short moon to live, And she must live alone. —Stoddard. In rattling showers dark November's rain, From every stormy cloud, descends amain. —Ruskin. 222 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. HARMONY OF CHARACTER. CHARACTER exhibits man at his best. As a circle can be a perfect one, only when every part of its line is equidis-tant from a common centre, so man can be perfect only when his conduct is controlled by the action of some great central principle. As the beauty and the splendor of a painting depends upon the proper blending of its colors, so the beauty and the splendor of human character depends upon the proper combina-tion of every good and essential quality. As a diamond reaches its highest worth and shines at every point only when cut and polished with the greatest care and attention, so man reaches his highest development, and shines before the world and before his Maker, only when he has pruned himself of every excessive prop-erty and has polished and refined every good and essential quality to the standard of God himself. The effect of great success is produced by a harmonious combination of every good and essen-tial quality. As the lack of a single shade of color may hinder the productiveness of the artist's picture, so the lack of a single qualification may hinder the productiveness of all the rest: or as, the excess of one atom of oxygen in its composition changes water, that aqueous element without which there can be no life, into hy-drogen di-oxide, which, if taken into the system is poisonous, so the excess of one qualification may undo all that the proper action of the rest have accomplished. "Men carrying the stamp of one defect, their virtues, else be they as pure as grace, as infinite as man may undergo, shall, in the general censure take corruption from that particular fault.'' How was it with that most interest-ing young man of the Scriptures, who in all the eagerness of self-confidence stood complacently before his master and asked: "Good master what shall I do to inherit eternal life?" And with what elation of soul did the young deceiver listen to the words of the great heart-searcher. "If thou wilt enter into life keep the commandments." And with what audacity and feelings of ex-ultation did the young man reply: "All these have I kept from my youth up. What lack I yet?" By a single stroke: "Yet lackest thou one thing," all his hopes are crushed. However spotless he may have been, however energetic or industrious or intelligent, he yet lacked that one essential quality, the absence of which for aught we know, was fatal to the life of that young man. Who will deny that Lord Byron's life was a failure ? Lord THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 223 Byron's? a life which but for low and degrading passions would have gone down to posterity as a model of excellence and of beauty; a life which but for that wayward and irritable temper should thunder in the ears of every young man as a model. "Character is the spiritual body of a person and represents the individualization of vital experience, the conversion of uncon-scious things into self-conscious beings." By character we mean the possession of such qualities of heart and mind and soul as shall give a useful, valuable and beneficial direction to human effort, stimulate it to untiring diligence in its pursuits and fortify it against great discouragements. Its aim is high in every depart-ment of life, social, moral and intellectual. It seeks the greatest possible good to the greatest possible numbers. Its benevolence spends itself upon the wants of others and in its ample folds it embraces the wants and the necessities of man whenever and wherever found in all pursuits and conditions of human life. It travels over land and sea. Like an angel of mercy descending from above and winging its flight throughout the world, it goes wherever the footsteps of man have gone and dispenses blessings, wherever human misery may be relieved or human want assisted. Such is the proper standard of human character. We take it that success in life depends upon the degree of effort put forth and its continued application. "I went by the field of the slothful and by the vineyard of the man void of understanding and lo, it was all grown over with thorns, and thistles had covered the face thereof, and the stone wall was broken down; then I saw and considered, I looked upon it and received instruction." In all the pursuits of life, emulation is the most powerful spring of the efforts and improvements of man. A virtuous, praiseworthy and commendable desire to excel, constitutes one of the safest prin-ciples by which a young man can be guided. The pages of history glow with instances of heroic daring and devotion that seem in-credible, and can only be accounted for by this principle. The plains of Marathon and Thermopolse furnish striking examples of the prowess and undaunted energy of man when this principle is fully developed. What was it that enabled Columbus to conquer the most unsurmountable obstacles and peril the dangers of an unknown sea ? What was it that made Regulus proof against the tears of his friends, thelove of his wife, the affection of his children, the fear of death ? —"FRITZ." 224 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Fie upon thee, November ! thou dost ape The airs of thy young- sisters;—thou hast stolen The witching- smile of May to grace thy lip, And April's rare, capricious loveliness Thou'rt trying to put on ! —-Julia C. R. Dorr. Dreary is the time when the flowers of earth are withered.- Bryant. C P. SOLT MERCHANT TAILOR Masonic Bldg., GETTYSBURG Our collection of Woolens for the coming-Fall and Winter season cannot be surpassed for variety, attractive designs and general completeness. The latest styles of fashionable novelties in the most approved shades. Staples of exceptional merit, value and wearing-durability. Also altering, repairing, dyeing and scouring at moderate prices. .FOR UP-TO-DATE. Clothing, Hats, Shoes, And Men's Furnishing Goods, go to. I. HALLEM'S MAMMOTH CLOTHING HOUSE, Chambersburg St., GETTYSBURG, PA. ESTABLISHED 1867 BY ALLEN WALTON. ALLEN K. WALTON, President and Treasurer. ROBT. J. WALTON, Superintendent. flummelstomn Broom Stone Gompany Quarrymen and Manufacturers of Building Stone, Sawed Flagging and Tile Waltonville, Dauphin Co., Pa. Contractors for all kinds of Cut Stone Work. Parties visitinjr the Quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station on the P. & R. R. R. Telegraph and Express Address. BROWNSTONE, PA. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. The Century Double-Feed Fountain Pen. Fully Warranted 16 Kt. Gold Pen, Iridium Pointed. GEO. EVELER, Agent for Gettysburg College PRICE LIST. No. 1. No. 1. No. 3. No. 3. Chased, long- or short $2 00 Gold Mounted 3 00 Chased 3 00 Gold Mounted 4 00 Spiral, Black or Mottled $2 50 Twist, " " 2 SO Hexag-on, Black or Mottled 2 50 Pearl Holder, Gold Mounted 5 00 THE CENTURY PEN CO., WHITEWATER, WIS. Askyour Stationer or our Agent to shovJ them toyou. Agood local agent wanted in every school. ^mmmwmwmmmmmwMmmmmmmwmmgg Printing and Binding "We Print. This Book THE MT. HOLLY STATIONERY AND PRINTING CO. does all classes of Printing- and Binding-, and can furnish you any Book, Bill Head, Letter Head, Envelope, Card, Blank, or anything pertain-ing to their business in just as good style and at less cost than you can obtain same elsewhere. They are located among the mountains but their work is metropolitan. You can be convinced of this if you give them the opportunity. Mt. Holly Stationery and Printing Co. *SPRINGS, PA. ^iUiUlUilUUiUiUiUiUilUUJUiUiUiUiUlUiUiUiUMR H. S. BENNER, .DEALER IN. Groceries, Notions, Queensware, Glassware, Etc., Tobacco and Cigars. J7 CHAMBERSBURG ST. WE RECOMMEND THESE BUSINESS MEN. Pitzer House, (Temperance) JNO. E. PITZER, Prop. Rates $1.00 to $1.25 per day. Battlefield a specialty. Dinner and ride to all points of interest,including the three days' figrht, $1.25. No. 127 Main Street. MUMPER & BENDER Furniture Cabinet Making, Picture Frames Baltimore St., GETTYSBURG, PA. You will find a full Hue of Pure Drugs and Fine Sta- People's Drug Store Prescriptions a Specialty. .GO TO. f?otel Gettysburg Barber Sfyop. Centre Square. B. M. SEFTON J. A. TAWNEY 9. Is ready to furnish Clubs and Bread, Rolls, Etc. At short notice and reasonable rates. Washington & Middle Sts., Gettysburg. W.F.CODORI, sS^ti Dealer in Beef, Pork, Lamb, Veal, Sausage. Special rates to Clubs. York St., GETTYSBURG. Davib Croxd, Dealer in ^tne (groceries anb notions «_x_4Jork Street. .GO TO. CHAS. E. BARBEHENN, Barber In the Eagle Hotel, Cor. Main and Washington Sts. YOHN BROS. Agents for the Keystone State, Waldo, Washburn, Groupner & Meyer. Highest Grade Mandolins, Guitars, Banjos, Mandollas and Mandocellos. Headquarters for Phonographs, Graphophonesand supplies. Trimmings of every description. All sheet music one-half off. Large discounts on Books and studies. 326 Market St., Harrisburg, Pa. FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. Baseball ^applies, .SpalOfng's Xeague J6all, /TIMte, /Tlbasfts, Etc. Managers should send for samples and special rates. Every requisite for Hennis, ©olf, Crfcftet, Uracfe anO ffielo, ©Bmnaeium Equipments ano ©utfite Complete Catalogue Spring- and Summer Sports Free. The Name the Guar-antee.' 1 a. ©. SpalDing & 3Broe. New York .". Philadelphia V Chicago ROWE. YOUR GROCER Carries Full Line of Groceries, Canned Goods, Etc. Best Coal Oil and Brooms at most Reasonable Prices. OPPOSITE COLLEGE CAMPUS. S. J. CODORI, %* Druggist*** Dealer in Drugs, Medicines, Toilet Articles, J- Stationery, Blank Books, Amateur Pho-tographic Supplies, Etc., Etc. BALTIMORE ST. R. H. CULP PAPER HANGER, Second Square, York Street. COLLEGE EMBLEMS. EMIL ZOTHE, ENGRAVER. DESIGNER AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER. 19 S. NINTH ST. PHILADELPHIA. FA. SPECIALTIES: Masonic Marks. Society Badges, College Buttons, Pins, Scarf Pins, Stick Pins and Athletic Prizes. All Goods ordered through C. H. Tilp. Gotrell Leonard) 472-474 Broadway, Albany, N. Y. nakers of CAPS, GOWNS and. HOODS To the leading American Colleges. Illus-trated Manual, etc., upon application. Meneely Bell Co. TROY, N. Y. MANUFACTURERS OP SUPERIOR BELLS The 2000 pound bell now ringing in the tower of Pennsylvania Col-lege was manufactured at this foundry. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. You can't expect to create the im-pression that you are well dressed unless your clothes are MADE FOR YOU. Equivocate as you may, the fact remains that ready-made garments lack that air of exclusiveness which custom work possesses. J. D. LIPPY, Merchant Tailor 39 Chambersburg- St., Gettysburg-, Pa. G. E. SPANGLER, Dealer in Pianos, Organs, Music, Musical Instruments, Strings, Etc. YORK STREET, 1ST SQUARE. GETTYSBURG. L. D. Miller, GROCER Confectioner and Fruiterer. Ice Cream and Oysters in Season. 19 Main St. GETTYSBURG City Hotel, Main St. Gettysburg. *J* Free 'Bus to and from all Trains Thirty seconds' walk from either depot Dinner with drive over field with four or more, $1.35 Rates $1.50 to $2.00 per day. John E. Hughes, Prop. fm. FAMILY ONE YEAR/ rA6AINST ILLNESS. PHYSICIANS"* PLUMBERS' BILLS.DUETO IMPURE AIR. ^FR0HCL066EDDj»INS. n receipt ot $|oo KLBANYN: A&V Yort. Sos/on. PAJMe/p/>/d. CMcdgo. Sdflf/snasco, /.one/on. Ps/7S.SerM Co/os/?e. CALL ON F. Mark Bream, The Carlisle Street Grocer Who always has on hand a full line of Fine Groceries. .Photographer. No. 3 Main St., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. Our new effects in Portraiture are equal to photos made anywhere, and at any price