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Abstract.This article analyses ethnic nationalism and liberalism as expressed in the views of Croatians in the aftermath of the 1991–5 war – a war during which ethnic‐nationalist rhetoric played a large role. Because the war was part of systemic change in the nation, including the adoption of more democratic and capitalist social formation, we also anticipated economic and political liberalism to be present among a sizeable portion of the population. We provide an analysis of the structural conditions fostering these sentiments, an analysis potentially applicable to a range of societies presently in transition. Based on 1996 survey interviews (N=2,202) conducted throughout Croatia, we show that ethnic nationalism in the Croatian context is more widely shared than is liberalism. The effect of religious fundamentalism, educational attainment and media exposure are as predicted, based on theories of liberalism and nationalism. Wartime experiences and position in the occupational system have a weaker and more mixed influence than hypothesised. Perhaps most importantly, we find that three out of five Croatians embrace both ethnic‐national views and views that are distinctly liberal, suggesting that liberal nationalism is now dominant in Croatia. The characteristics of groups holding differing views suggest that recent events and current changes in Croatia bode positively for continued growth of liberal sentiments, but this will not necessarily be at the expense of ethnic nationalism.

Introduction: parades, flags, and national pride -- Vexed links: perspectives on nationalism, the state, and modernity -- Fraught legacies: nationalism, colonialism, and race -- Redoubtable essences: nationalisms and genders -- Checking (homo) sexualities at the nation's door: nationalisms and sexualities -- In the name of God, community, and country: nationalisms, ethnicity, and religion -- Conclusion: speculations on the future of nationalisms.

The surprising case for liberal nationalism around the world today, nationalism is back--and it's often deeply troubling. Populist politicians exploit nationalism for authoritarian, chauvinistic, racist, and xenophobic purposes, reinforcing the view that it is fundamentally reactionary and antidemocratic. But Yael (Yuli) Tamir makes a passionate argument for a very different kind of nationalism--one that revives its participatory, creative, and egalitarian virtues, answers many of the problems caused by neoliberalism and hyperglobalism, and is essential to democracy at its best. In Why Nationalism, she explains why it is more important than ever for the Left to recognize these positive qualities of nationalism, to reclaim it from right-wing extremists, and to redirect its power to progressive ends. Provocative and hopeful, Why Nationalism is a timely and essential rethinking of a defining feature of our politics

Feminist Nationalism demonstrates how feminism is redefining nationalism by presenting case studies from Europe, the Middle East, Africa, Asia and the Americas. Consisting of social movements and cultural ideologies, feminist nationalism links struggles for women's rights with struggles for group identity rights and/or national sovereignty in their goals of self-determination. Many analyses of nationalism assume it is identical for women and men in its definition and operation. This collection challenges that framework by placing women at the center a.

There is widespread agreement that nationalism emerged in the historical fountainheads of modernity, and was subsequently diffused outwards. Contrary to that, there is a long standing view that nationalism precedes modernity even in the broadly accepted cradles of both modernity and nationalism, such as England or France, neither of which was modern when it engendered nationalism. Besides, some emergent nationalisms ran concurrent with their English or French counterparts, with little evidence of having been spawned by diffusion. Such early or protonationalisms often sprang from resistance to foreign conquest, putting in doubt the invention-diffusion hypothesis. I am therefore suggesting that nationalism has not emerged in few societies, but in many, and that it was engendered by social interactions, not by a particular social formation. While nationalism emerges within society, its genesis occurs in-between social groups and societies, making it a product of their interactions. That makes it u-topic, its cradles socially diverse, and its conception interactional, not gestational. (Nations and Nationalism)

Outside and Inside History -- Nationalism in the Age of Revolution -- Building Nations in the Age of Capital -- Waving Flags in the Age of Empire -- Do Workers Have a Country? -- Inventing National Traditions -- The Production of National Traditions -- Ethnicity Migration and the NationState -- WorkingClass Internationalism -- Defining nationalism: The Problems -- The State Ethnicity and Religion -- The Celtic Fringe -- The Limits of Nationalism -- Tower of Babel -- The Unconvincing 'Sociobiology' of Nationalism -- State of the Nations -- Are All Tongues Equal? -- Falklands Fallout -- Benefits of Diaspora Jews -- The Jews and Germany -- Ethnicity and Nationalism -- The Perils of the New Nationalism -- Reframing Nationalism.

"African Nationalism offers an innovative perspective on the creation of nations and nationalism, and the role of race in nationalism overall, by bringing together a compilation of debates on African nationalism, from Pan-Africanism up to the present day. The book examines African nationalism in comparative perspective, mainly with the UK, France, and the US: the birthplaces of modern nationalism. The author suggests that the origins of African nationalism lay outside the continent and demonstrates the similarities that abound between African nationalisms across a diverse range of countries. This volume is important reading for students and scholars of nationalism, history, political science, and African studies"--

International audience ; The international news during the summer of 2004 was full of ethnic fighting and a 'war on terrorism' that reached around the world. These events raise again the topic of nationalism. Using examples of rhetorical nationalism from two cases, Finland and the United States, this article examines these two distinct expressions of nationalism, how they are based on differing systems of valuation and on whether the message is directed to internal or external relations. Internally-directed nationalism may result in ethnic fighting but it is usually territorial, while externally-directed nationalism has global repercussions.