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The purpose of this article is to depict a process of 'tribal' reproduction and to describe the manifestation of this phenomenon in the current political system of Sudan. It focuses on 'tribal' structures, rather than other 'traditional' structures in Sudanese society. A 'tribal' logic pervades political practice in Sudan since the Turkish invasion in 1821, and politics in this country seems unworkable without the 'tribal' factor. Colonial rule with its peculiar politics, independence rule with its nation‐building ideology, and now Islamic fundamentalism with a universalist ideology, they all have preserved in one way or another the 'tribal' element as an essential component of the political system. A critical discourse of this system has to deconstruct this component.
This article examines the shifts in the nature of the 'tribal' in the colonial and post‐colonial contexts, and shows how it has become involved in the present regime's strategy of mobilization. It also describes how this factor mediates relations of domination/subordination, both at the national level — north versus south ‐ and the local level. Finally, a case study of the Dar Hamid tribe is used to illustrate the manner in which the 'tribal' has dominated the ethnic politics of the present Sudanese regime. In contrast to the primordial approach to ethnicity, the role of elites in reviving and exploiting 'tribalism' is emphasized. The thesis of the article is that 'tribalism' in many instances hides behind a secular facade, and in others it appears in a religious guise. Scrutinizing its history therefore is necessary for understanding the current situation.

Among the striking developments of modern history the growth of nationalism and the proliferation of nation-states must surely take high place. To numerous peoples in the post-Napoleonic era the possibility of modeling themselves on England and France seemed both desirable and feasible in a time when language groupings, the reach of political and economic control systems, and the capabilities of armaments appeared roughly to coincide. Together with patriotisms reinforced by popular education and increasing literacy these phenomena emphasized the defensibility of both the spiritual and the military frontiers. The result, in the latter half of the nineteenth century, was a series of wars of national unification which were followed in the twentieth century by great efforts to defend the nationality thus gained, socially, through such devices as immigration restriction, economically, by tariffs and various autarchic experiments, and militarily, in two great wars.

Historians, sociologists and political scientists have shown a great interest in tribalism, ethnicity and religious identities in the Middle East for many years, and have attempted to study their influence on the stability of the states in the region. The resilience of tribes towards the traumatic events of the twentieth century highlights their capacity to adapt to changing conditions on the ground, such as the shock of colonialism, which created new political borders in the Middle East, thus hindering tribal movement and migration, and the shock of Arab national-ism, which considered the tribe as a backward part of society that needed to be modernized and incorporated into modern society.

1.: The countries and tribes of the persian gulf. - 2012. - 264 S

The 'tribe' is a notion intimately related to the study of Afghanistan, used as a generic signifier for all things Afghan, it is through this notion that the co-constitution of coloniser and colonised is crystallised and foregrounded in Afghanistan. By tracing the way in which the term 'tribe' has been deployed in the Afghan context, the article performs two kinds of intellectual labour. First, by following the evolution of a concept from its use in the early 19th century to the literature on Afghanistan in the 21st century, wherein the 'tribes' seem to have acquired a newfound importance, it undertakes a genealogy or intellectual history of the term. The Afghan 'tribes' as an object of study, follow an interesting trajectory: initially likened to Scottish clans, they were soon seen as brave and loyal men but fundamentally different from their British interlocutors, to a 'problem' that needed to be managed and finally, as indispensable to a long-term 'Afghan strategy'. And second, it endeavours to describe how that intellectual history is intimately connected to the exigencies of imperialism and the colonial politics of knowledge production.

Throughout the history of the National Park Service, the question of whether Native AmericanÆs still have rights to traditionally used natural resources found within park lands has been debated. This debate is largely held in political, legal, and philosophical arenas, but there are ethnographic and ecological questions that need to be addressed in order for policy makers to make informed decisions. Addressing these questions also provides insight into how cultures develop sustainable harvesting practices. One of the parks that has been addressing traditional plant harvesting is Mount Rainier National Park, which has been working with the Nisqually Indian Tribe to develop a collecting agreement that would allow members of the Tribe to harvest twelve species of plants. In this dissertation, I ask two questions: first, how do members of the Nisqually Tribe traditionally harvest these plants? My other question is: what are the biological effects of harvesting beargrass (Xerophyllum tenax (Pursh) Nutt.) and pipsissewa (Chimaphila umbellata (R. BR.) Spreng,), and peeling bark of western redcedar (Thuja plicata Donn. Ex D. Don)? I used a combination of ethnographic and ecological methods to answer these questions. Based on the metrics I used, the Nisqually practices do not decrease the abundance of beargrass and pipsissewa. The traditional harvest of cedar bark does not change the treeÆs secondary growth rate. The lack of measureable change in these three species is a product of limiting the amount of biomass harvested to within the plantsÆ range of tolerance to damage. Results suggest that the NisquallyÆs methods of harvesting are based upon traditional ecological knowledge. The results of this research will help Mount Rainier managers and the Nisqually Tribe to develop policy that allows the Tribe to utilize these plants while not interfering with the parkÆs mission.

Introduction Uzi Rabi 1. - 1. From Abdullah (I) to Abdullah (II): The Monarchy, the Tribes and the Shaykhly Families in Jordan, 1920-2012 / Yoav Alon 11. - 2. Tribes and Patronage Networks in Qatar / Jill Crystal 37. - 3. Backgammon or Chess? The State of Tribalism and Tribal Leadership in the United Arab Emirates / Andrea B. Rugh 57. - 4. The Sultanate of Oman: Between Tribalism and National Unity / Uzi Rabi 76. - 5. AI Saud: An Ambivalent Approach to Tribalism / Sarah Yizraeli 95. - 6. Yemen: Tribes, the State, and the Unravelling / J. E. Peterson 111. - 7. Bedouin Tribes in Contemporary Syria: Alternative Perceptions of Authority, Management, and Control / Dawn Chatty 145. - 8. Tribes in Iraq: A Negligible Factor in State Formation / Ronen Zeidel 171. - 9. Bahrain: The Emiri State Systems Bloody Bulwark against the Arab Spring / Anthony B. Toth 187. - 10. Tribes and Modern States: An Alternative Approach / Philip Carl Salzman 207. - 11. The Nation in Tribal Societies: Reflections on K. H. al-Naqib's Studies on the Gulf / Joseph Kostiner 219

The English Tribe is about the crisis of nation and national identity facing the English - and the British - as we meet the challenges of the global economy and absorption into a federal Europe. It asks: what does it mean to be English - and British - at the very end of the twentieth-century? And it argues that as Britain becomes part of a federal Europe there will be no need for the centralized United Kingdom (monarchy, Westminster and Whitehall) as power is divided upwards to Brussels and downwards to the nations, regions and cities of Britain

The Constitution of the Navajo Tribe of Indians provides a definition of the Navajo Tribe. Included are the organization and powers of the tribal government and description of each of the offices. Also included is a Bill of Rights. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: The Raymond Nakai Collection contains material documenting his activities as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963 - 1971. He was responsible for the founding of Navajo Community College and helped legitimize The Native American Church. The collection consists of speeches, correspondence, photographs, scrapbooks, news clippings, and reports.