Suchergebnisse

The paper presents how a European pick‐and‐mix confectionery company has employed a new forecasting approach – assortment forecasting – to reduce significantly time spent on forecasting by working with an entire assortment at a time instead of producing a forecast for each product individually. The implementation of a less time‐consuming forecasting method has enabled the company to involve its salespeople in forecasting and in this way gain access to their product and market knowledge. The case company's implementation of the new forecasting method is described and its forecasting accuracy and time spent on forecasting before and after the implementation are measured. The results demonstrate a remarkable increase in forecasting efficiency as well as improved communication within the company.

Drawing on two qualitative studies, we report evidence of pervasive black markets in confectionery, 'junk' food and energy drinks in English secondary schools. Data were collected at six schools through focus groups and interviews with students ( n = 149) and staff ( n = 36), and direct observations. Supermarkets, new technologies and teachers' narrow focus on attainment have enabled these 'underground businesses' to emerge following increased state regulation of school food and drink provision. These activities represent a new form of counter-school resistance to institutional constraints within the context of enduring, although less visible, class-based stratification in British secondary schools. These black markets also appear to be partly driven by the unsafe and unsociable nature of school canteens, which was a recurring theme across all schools. These findings highlight how new school food 'bans' ignore the complex, ecological drivers of poor diet in youth and the potential for iatrogenic effects which exacerbate health inequalities.

The EU's common agricultural policy seriously distorted not only EU commodity markets but also many world markets, through the subsidised export of large volumes of commodities – produced at double (or even treble) – the economic cost. This is not contested. Amongst those affected wereAfrican farmers who suffered from the depression of world market prices for commodities that they could produce cheaply, such as maize, sugar and beef. With CAP reform, which should soon see all EU-produced commodities trading on the world market without the need for export subsidies, Europe argues that it is now no longer distorting world markets, and so no longer harming African producers. This paper demonstrates how untrue this is. On the one hand, because Europe continues to produce the commodities in question at the same or higher volume (thanks to income support for farmers), the impact on the world market is unchanged. On the other hand, concessions to ACP countries designed to help them under the old regime (such as the 'protocols' which enabled them to earn the inflated European prices for quotas of beef and sugar) are disappearing, and preferences over third countries are eroding as tariffs fall. Other elements of policy related to CAP reform, such as the increasingly strict EU food safety standards, and the raised competitiveness of EU processed foods as the price of European inputs falls (a disguised subsidy), are discussed. The paper concludes with some concrete examples of the impact of this on the South African confectionery industry.

Understanding the public health implication of fiscal policies is crucial to combat recently increasing overweight and obesity rates in many low-and-middle income countries (LMICs). This study examines the implication of food policies, mainly tariff rates on "unhealthy" foods, including sugar and confectionery products as well as fats and oils, and governments' subsidies on individuals' body weight outcomes. We compile several macro- and micro-level datasets that provide for several LMICs macro-level information on food policies and micro-level anthropometric data. We exploit temporal dynamics in tariff rates on "unhealthy" foods and governments' spending on subsidies to estimate fixed effects models characterizing the evolution of body weight outcomes. We find that temporal dynamics in tariff rates on unhealthy and energy-dense foods are significantly and negatively associated with body weight. Conditional on several observable and time-invariant unobservable factors, a decrease in tariff rates on sugar and confectionary foods or fats and oils is associated with an increase in overweight and obesity rates. On the other hand, an increase in subsidy rates, as a share of government expenditure, is significantly associated with higher overweight and obesity rates. Interestingly, we find that the implications of these food policies are more pronounced among poorer individuals. This is intuitive because relatively poorer households are more likely to spend a larger share of their income on food consumption or unhealthy foods, and these types of households are beneficiaries of government subsidies in many LMICs. These findings have important implications for informing public health policies in LMICs, which are experiencing an unprecedented rise in overweight and obesity rates. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; EgyptSSP; Advancing Research on Nutrition and Agriculture (ARENA); CRP2 ; DSGD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

This article explores the differences in the types of handicrafts that are located in the Eastern Bukhara principalities, which include: In Karshi principality - carpet weaving, pottery, embroidery, jewelry, knitting, making weapons, blacksmithing; In Shakhrisabz principality - small cannons, various glass products, jewelry, leather craft; in Sherabad principality - mainly carpet weaving, pottery, boat building; in Baysun principality - blacksmithing and ironworking, manufacturing tools which are used in agriculture, confectionery; in Denau and Yurchi principality - carpentry (engraving, etc.), sewing clothes, making various decorations. In particular, the cities of Surkhandarya, Denau, Termez, Baysun, Sherabad, Karshi, Shahrisabz and Kitab were considered a kind of industrial and commercial center and played an important role in the economic, political and cultural life of the Southern Uzbekistan. Also, such types of handicraft as weaving, pottery, blacksmithing, carpentry, leather craft are the leading sector of the economy of Southern Uzbekistan. These cities played an important role in the economy of Bukhara Emirates. In addition, home-made craftsmanship for processing raw materials is well lit, these types of crafts are located near the city. In the study of handicraft of southern Uzbekistan, the development of ancient traditions can be traced. There are also examples that in the second half of the XIX century - the beginning of the XX century handicraft underwent a crisis, and the production of goods began a new period, in particular, when importing ready-made and high-quality products from foreign factories and plants, the quality of goods from local manufacturers, weaving significantly decreased and some types of handicraft failed. In the article the author irradiates the roles and revenge of the craft centres of the cities of Sherabad, Denau, Termez, Baysun, Karshi, Kitab, Shahrisabz, Guzar in the life of the population in the southern regions of Uzbekistan by the late XIX and early XX centuries. Also in the article the author gives valuable information about the industrial products of Russian and European facilities and factories displace the products of local handicraft counter of local markets

This paper investigates wages and working conditions of operators in the French food manufacturing sector. In many countries (especially the USA and the UK) the food processing sector employs by a very large fraction of low-paid workers. In France, as evidenced by our case studies in confectionery and meat processing, the model at play is quite different. It is rather characterised by high relative wages, high work intensity, and bad working conditions. This is essentially due to the fact that, in order to cope with increasing competitive pressures - due to the growing market power of retailers, the greater requirements in terms of health and security, as well as to changing consumer habits - French firms have been less able to compress compensation, in contrast with other countries, notably Germany and the United Kingdom. Indeed, the French regulatory framework reduces the margin for adopting "social dumping" strategies. As a consequence, French firms have reacted by increasing productivity by adopting "lean production" and new production processes in which physical burden is lower but mental strain is higher. As a consequence, even if from a foreign eye employment conditions of food processing operators may appear as rather good in France, dissatisfaction is high among workers. ; Cet article étudie les conditions de rémunération et de travail des ouvriers dans le secteur agro-alimentaire français. Dans de nombreux pays (en particulier les Etats-Unis et le Royaume-Uni), l'industrie agro-alimentaire emploie une proportion très importante de travailleurs à bas salaires. En France, les études de cas que nous avons menées dans les secteurs de la confiserie et de la préparation industrielle à base de viande montrent que le modèle à l'œuvre est assez différent. Il est plutôt caractérisé par des salaires élevés en termes relatifs, une productivité importante et de mauvaises conditions de travail. Cela tient pour l'essentiel au fait que, pour faire face aux pressions concurrentielles croissantes - liées à l'accroissement du pouvoir de marché des grandes surfaces, aux exigences croissantes en matière d'hygiène et sécurité et aux changements des habitudes alimentaires des consommateurs - les entreprises françaises ont eu moins de latitude pour faire pression sur les rémunérations que dans d'autres pays tels que l'Allemagne ou le Royaume-Uni. En effet, les institutions françaises régulant le marché du travail limitent considérablement les possibilités de dumping social. Par conséquent, les entreprises ont régi en augmentant la productivité grâce à l'adoption de nouvelles formes d'organisation du travail et de processus de production innovants. Ceux-ci ont permis de réduire la pénibilité physique mais ils ont contribué à accroître la charge mentale. De ce fait, même si, vu de l'étranger les conditions d'emploi des travailleurs de l'agro-alimentaire français peuvent paraître favorables, l'insatisfaction est grande parmi les ouvriers.

This paper investigates wages and working conditions of operators in the French food manufacturing sector. In many countries (especially the USA and the UK) the food processing sector employs by a very large fraction of low-paid workers. In France, as evidenced by our case studies in confectionery and meat processing, the model at play is quite different. It is rather characterised by high relative wages, high work intensity, and bad working conditions. This is essentially due to the fact that, in order to cope with increasing competitive pressures - due to the growing market power of retailers, the greater requirements in terms of health and security, as well as to changing consumer habits - French firms have been less able to compress compensation, in contrast with other countries, notably Germany and the United Kingdom. Indeed, the French regulatory framework reduces the margin for adopting "social dumping" strategies. As a consequence, French firms have reacted by increasing productivity by adopting "lean production" and new production processes in which physical burden is lower but mental strain is higher. As a consequence, even if from a foreign eye employment conditions of food processing operators may appear as rather good in France, dissatisfaction is high among workers. ; Cet article étudie les conditions de rémunération et de travail des ouvriers dans le secteur agro-alimentaire français. Dans de nombreux pays (en particulier les Etats-Unis et le Royaume-Uni), l'industrie agro-alimentaire emploie une proportion très importante de travailleurs à bas salaires. En France, les études de cas que nous avons menées dans les secteurs de la confiserie et de la préparation industrielle à base de viande montrent que le modèle à l'œuvre est assez différent. Il est plutôt caractérisé par des salaires élevés en termes relatifs, une productivité importante et de mauvaises conditions de travail. Cela tient pour l'essentiel au fait que, pour faire face aux pressions concurrentielles croissantes - liées à l'accroissement du pouvoir de marché des grandes surfaces, aux exigences croissantes en matière d'hygiène et sécurité et aux changements des habitudes alimentaires des consommateurs - les entreprises françaises ont eu moins de latitude pour faire pression sur les rémunérations que dans d'autres pays tels que l'Allemagne ou le Royaume-Uni. En effet, les institutions françaises régulant le marché du travail limitent considérablement les possibilités de dumping social. Par conséquent, les entreprises ont régi en augmentant la productivité grâce à l'adoption de nouvelles formes d'organisation du travail et de processus de production innovants. Ceux-ci ont permis de réduire la pénibilité physique mais ils ont contribué à accroître la charge mentale. De ce fait, même si, vu de l'étranger les conditions d'emploi des travailleurs de l'agro-alimentaire français peuvent paraître favorables, l'insatisfaction est grande parmi les ouvriers.

This paper investigates wages and working conditions of operators in the French food manufacturing sector. In many countries (especially the USA and the UK) the food processing sector employs by a very large fraction of low-paid workers. In France, as evidenced by our case studies in confectionery and meat processing, the model at play is quite different. It is rather characterised by high relative wages, high work intensity, and bad working conditions. This is essentially due to the fact that, in order to cope with increasing competitive pressures - due to the growing market power of retailers, the greater requirements in terms of health and security, as well as to changing consumer habits - French firms have been less able to compress compensation, in contrast with other countries, notably Germany and the United Kingdom. Indeed, the French regulatory framework reduces the margin for adopting "social dumping" strategies. As a consequence, French firms have reacted by increasing productivity by adopting "lean production" and new production processes in which physical burden is lower but mental strain is higher. As a consequence, even if from a foreign eye employment conditions of food processing operators may appear as rather good in France, dissatisfaction is high among workers. ; Cet article étudie les conditions de rémunération et de travail des ouvriers dans le secteur agro-alimentaire français. Dans de nombreux pays (en particulier les Etats-Unis et le Royaume-Uni), l'industrie agro-alimentaire emploie une proportion très importante de travailleurs à bas salaires. En France, les études de cas que nous avons menées dans les secteurs de la confiserie et de la préparation industrielle à base de viande montrent que le modèle à l'œuvre est assez différent. Il est plutôt caractérisé par des salaires élevés en termes relatifs, une productivité importante et de mauvaises conditions de travail. Cela tient pour l'essentiel au fait que, pour faire face aux pressions concurrentielles croissantes - liées à l'accroissement du pouvoir de marché des grandes surfaces, aux exigences croissantes en matière d'hygiène et sécurité et aux changements des habitudes alimentaires des consommateurs - les entreprises françaises ont eu moins de latitude pour faire pression sur les rémunérations que dans d'autres pays tels que l'Allemagne ou le Royaume-Uni. En effet, les institutions françaises régulant le marché du travail limitent considérablement les possibilités de dumping social. Par conséquent, les entreprises ont régi en augmentant la productivité grâce à l'adoption de nouvelles formes d'organisation du travail et de processus de production innovants. Ceux-ci ont permis de réduire la pénibilité physique mais ils ont contribué à accroître la charge mentale. De ce fait, même si, vu de l'étranger les conditions d'emploi des travailleurs de l'agro-alimentaire français peuvent paraître favorables, l'insatisfaction est grande parmi les ouvriers.

This paper investigates wages and working conditions of operators in the French food manufacturing sector. In many countries (especially the USA and the UK) the food processing sector employs by a very large fraction of low-paid workers. In France, as evidenced by our case studies in confectionery and meat processing, the model at play is quite different. It is rather characterised by high relative wages, high work intensity, and bad working conditions. This is essentially due to the fact that, in order to cope with increasing competitive pressures - due to the growing market power of retailers, the greater requirements in terms of health and security, as well as to changing consumer habits - French firms have been less able to compress compensation, in contrast with other countries, notably Germany and the United Kingdom. Indeed, the French regulatory framework reduces the margin for adopting "social dumping" strategies. As a consequence, French firms have reacted by increasing productivity by adopting "lean production" and new production processes in which physical burden is lower but mental strain is higher. As a consequence, even if from a foreign eye employment conditions of food processing operators may appear as rather good in France, dissatisfaction is high among workers. ; Cet article étudie les conditions de rémunération et de travail des ouvriers dans le secteur agro-alimentaire français. Dans de nombreux pays (en particulier les Etats-Unis et le Royaume-Uni), l'industrie agro-alimentaire emploie une proportion très importante de travailleurs à bas salaires. En France, les études de cas que nous avons menées dans les secteurs de la confiserie et de la préparation industrielle à base de viande montrent que le modèle à l'œuvre est assez différent. Il est plutôt caractérisé par des salaires élevés en termes relatifs, une productivité importante et de mauvaises conditions de travail. Cela tient pour l'essentiel au fait que, pour faire face aux pressions concurrentielles croissantes - liées à l'accroissement du pouvoir de marché des grandes surfaces, aux exigences croissantes en matière d'hygiène et sécurité et aux changements des habitudes alimentaires des consommateurs - les entreprises françaises ont eu moins de latitude pour faire pression sur les rémunérations que dans d'autres pays tels que l'Allemagne ou le Royaume-Uni. En effet, les institutions françaises régulant le marché du travail limitent considérablement les possibilités de dumping social. Par conséquent, les entreprises ont régi en augmentant la productivité grâce à l'adoption de nouvelles formes d'organisation du travail et de processus de production innovants. Ceux-ci ont permis de réduire la pénibilité physique mais ils ont contribué à accroître la charge mentale. De ce fait, même si, vu de l'étranger les conditions d'emploi des travailleurs de l'agro-alimentaire français peuvent paraître favorables, l'insatisfaction est grande parmi les ouvriers.

This paper investigates wages and working conditions of operators in the French food manufacturing sector. In many countries (especially the USA and the UK) the food processing sector employs by a very large fraction of low-paid workers. In France, as evidenced by our case studies in confectionery and meat processing, the model at play is quite different. It is rather characterised by high relative wages, high work intensity, and bad working conditions. This is essentially due to the fact that, in order to cope with increasing competitive pressures - due to the growing market power of retailers, the greater requirements in terms of health and security, as well as to changing consumer habits - French firms have been less able to compress compensation, in contrast with other countries, notably Germany and the United Kingdom. Indeed, the French regulatory framework reduces the margin for adopting "social dumping" strategies. As a consequence, French firms have reacted by increasing productivity by adopting "lean production" and new production processes in which physical burden is lower but mental strain is higher. As a consequence, even if from a foreign eye employment conditions of food processing operators may appear as rather good in France, dissatisfaction is high among workers. ; Cet article étudie les conditions de rémunération et de travail des ouvriers dans le secteur agro-alimentaire français. Dans de nombreux pays (en particulier les Etats-Unis et le Royaume-Uni), l'industrie agro-alimentaire emploie une proportion très importante de travailleurs à bas salaires. En France, les études de cas que nous avons menées dans les secteurs de la confiserie et de la préparation industrielle à base de viande montrent que le modèle à l'œuvre est assez différent. Il est plutôt caractérisé par des salaires élevés en termes relatifs, une productivité importante et de mauvaises conditions de travail. Cela tient pour l'essentiel au fait que, pour faire face aux pressions concurrentielles croissantes - liées à l'accroissement du pouvoir de marché des grandes surfaces, aux exigences croissantes en matière d'hygiène et sécurité et aux changements des habitudes alimentaires des consommateurs - les entreprises françaises ont eu moins de latitude pour faire pression sur les rémunérations que dans d'autres pays tels que l'Allemagne ou le Royaume-Uni. En effet, les institutions françaises régulant le marché du travail limitent considérablement les possibilités de dumping social. Par conséquent, les entreprises ont régi en augmentant la productivité grâce à l'adoption de nouvelles formes d'organisation du travail et de processus de production innovants. Ceux-ci ont permis de réduire la pénibilité physique mais ils ont contribué à accroître la charge mentale. De ce fait, même si, vu de l'étranger les conditions d'emploi des travailleurs de l'agro-alimentaire français peuvent paraître favorables, l'insatisfaction est grande parmi les ouvriers.

El sector transporte de carga terrestre en Colombia cobra gran importancia en la Economía y desarrollo de la competitividad Nacional. Este es un insumo para la distribución de los bienes dentro del territorio Colombiano, haciendo necesario analizar los diferentes modelos para la prestación de este servicio. Dentro de estos agentes se encuentran los Generadores de carga, quienes presentan diferentes redes de distribución logística, unas más complejas que otras por la naturaleza de la carga y las condiciones comerciales de sus clientes. Frente a este panorama se crea la necesidad de analizar las mejores opciones de transporte para cumplir con las metas de nivel de servicio al cliente, dentro de un marco de costos eficientes. Para conocer las necesidades directas de algunas Industrias como Alimentos (Subsector Confites y Chocolatería, Panificadora, Frutos secos, bebidas), Farmacéutico y Minerales no metálicos; se diseñó una encuesta compuesta por 5 módulos: Información Básica, Características de la carga, Red de Distribución, Transporte Propio, Transporte Tercerizado; permitiendo tener una sensibilidad de las redes de distribución de estas industrias. El enfoque del presente caso estudio, se basó en el análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de dos modelos de distribución: Modelo de tercerización y modelo de integración vertical hacia adelante, buscando concluir cuál de estos o que combinación se acopla mejor a las redes complejas de distribución de las organizaciones evaluadas. ; The land freight transport sector in Colombia becomes very important in Economy and development of national competitiveness. This is an input for the distribution of goods within the Colombian territory, making it necessary to analyze the different models for providing this service. For the last few years, the number of transport sector performance presents a similar trend of gross domestic product, showing the impact of GDP on the mobilized tons per year. This influence requires an analysis of the freight market and the factors affecting their regulation, starting front the agents of the production chain to the Government. Among these Industries, who have different logistics distribution networks, some more complex than others, depending on the nature of the cargo and the commercial terms with its customers. Given this situation is necessary to analyze the best options for transportation to meet the goals of customer service levels, within an efficient cost. For the direct needs of some industries such as Food (Confectionery and Chocolate, Bakery, Nuts, beverages Subsectors), Pharmaceutical and Non-metallic minerals, we designed a survey consisting of 5 modules: Background, Characteristics of the load, Distribution Network, own transport, Transportation Outsourced, allowing a sensitivity of distribution networks in these industries. The focus of this project was based on quantitative and qualitative analysis distribution of two models: Outsourcing and vertical integration Model, that allows conclude which of these models or the best combination that fits with the distribution of complex networks of the interviewed organizations.

This report presents a comparative analysis of the food legislation requirements of the European Union (EU) and the Customs Union. Its purpose is to guide food business operators and public authorities engaged in reforming national food safety systems in the peculiarities of EU and Customs Union legal requirements and help them evaluate their capabilities in meeting those requirements. This report supports the International Finance Corporation's efforts to facilitate the opening of new markets for the producers in emerging markets. This report compares the most critical aspects of food legislation of the EU and the Customs Union, such as: requirements and arrangements of food control; requirements to food quality; requirements to food labeling; food and food-related articles and materials that require special authorization; and laboratory control and food safety criteria. Ensuring food safety and consumer protection increasingly occupy the agendas of governments, which are looking to expand their trade networks. Likewise, food businesses interested in widening their export range need to understand quality and safety requirements in their target markets. This report offers unique, up-to-date information on the similarities and differences of the food safety requirements of the EU and Customs Union, with detailed assessments of the regulations that govern food safety.

A -- A. S. Yakovlev Design Bureau-- Abercrombie & Fitch Co. -- Allianz Aktiengesellschaft Holding -- American International Group, Inc. -- Angelica Corporation -- Aspen Skiing Company -- Assicurazioni Generali SpA -- B -- Baby Superstore, Inc. -- Badger Paper Mills, Inc. -- Banco Espirito Santo e Comercial de Lisboa S.A. -- Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi Ltd. -- Bass PLC -- Bekins Company -- Bertelsmann AG -- Blimpie International, Inc. -- Boatmen's Bancshares Inc. -- Borders Group, Inc. -- Brach and Brock Confections, Inc. -- British Telecommunications plc -- Brooke Group Ltd. -- C -- California Pizza Kitchen Inc. -- Callaway Golf Company -- Carborundum Company -- Carlton Communications plc -- Carson Pirie Scott & Company -- Caterpillar Inc. -- Catherines Stores Corporation -- Christie's International plc -- Chromcraft Revington, Inc. -- Cincom Systems Inc. -- Coles Express Inc. -- Columbia/HCA Healthcare Corporation -- Commercial Metals Company -- Community Psychiatric Centers -- Comprehensive Care Corporation -- Comverse Technology, Inc. -- Continental Can Co., Inc. -- Corel Corporation -- Crown Equipment Corporation -- Culbro Corporation -- D -- Daimler-Benz AG -- Donna Karan Company -- E -- Electronics for Imaging, Inc. -- English China Clays plc -- Esterline Technologies Corp. -- F -- Farrar, Straus and Giroux Inc. -- First Commerce Bancshares, Inc. -- Fisher Companies, Inc. -- Fleer Corporation -- Flexsteel Industries Inc. -- Fluke Corporation -- Food Lion, Inc. -- Fortis, Inc. -- G -- G.S. Blodgett Corporation -- Greif Bros. Corporation -- Grist Mill Company -- GTE Corporation -- Guccio Gucci, S.p.A. -- Guess, Inc. -- Gymboree Corporation -- H -- Hancock Holding Company -- Handleman Company -- Harman International Industries Inc. -- HarperCollins Publishers -- Hershey Foods Corporation -- I -- Ingersoll-Rand Company -- International Paper Company -- Inter-Regional Financial Group, Inc. -- The Intrawest Corporation -- Irvin Feld & Kenneth Feld Productions, Inc. -- J -- JG Industries, Inc. -- Jay Jacobs, Inc. -- Johnston Industries, Inc. -- Joseph T. Ryerson & Son, Inc. -- K -- Kay-Bee Toy Stores -- Kemper Corporation -- King Kullen Grocery Co., Inc. -- Knight-Ridder, Inc. -- The Kroger Company -- L -- Laclede Steel Company -- Lamonts Apparel, Inc. -- Landry's Seafood Restaurants, Inc. -- Levitz Furniture Inc. -- Lockheed Martin Corporation -- M -- MagneTek, Inc. -- Marisa Christina, Inc. -- Matra-Hachette S.A. -- Mike-Sell's Inc. -- Moran Towing Corporation, Inc. -- Mosinee Paper Corporation -- Mr. Coffee, Inc. -- Mr. Gasket Inc. -- N -- National City Corp. -- Nature's Sunshine Products, Inc. -- Netscape Communications Corporation -- New England Confectionery Co. -- O -- Oakwood Homes Corporation -- OfficeMax Inc. -- Old National Bancorp -- Ottaway Newspapers, Inc. -- Otto-Versand (GmbH & Co.) -- P -- Pamida Holdings Corporation -- Papa John's International, Inc. -- Paychex, Inc. -- Petrolite Corporation -- Pirelli S.p.A. -- Playtex Products, Inc. -- Ponderosa Steakhouse -- Precision Castparts Corp. -- Prince Sports Group, Inc. -- Progress Software Corporation -- Pulitzer Publishing Company -- Q -- Quixote Corporation -- R -- Recoton Corp. -- Rexel, Inc. -- Robbins & Myers Inc. -- Robert Mondavi Corporation -- Rollerblade, Inc. -- Ronco, Inc. -- Roper Industries Inc. -- Rosemount Inc. -- Roto-Rooter Corp. -- The Rouse Company -- Royal Appliance Manufacturing Company -- Ryan's Family Steak Houses, Inc. -- S -- S&C Electric Company -- Sanderson Farms, Inc. -- San Miguel Corporation -- The Sanwa Bank, Ltd. -- Sara Lee Corporation -- Science Applications International Corporation -- Scottish & Newcastle plc -- Seattle Times Company -- Seaway Food Town, Inc. -- Sierra Health Services, Inc. -- Sierra On-Line Inc. -- S-K-I Limited -- Skis Rossignol S.A. -- Smith Barney Inc. -- Smith International, Inc. -- Sportmart, Inc. -- Standard Register Co. -- Stanhome Inc. -- Super Food Services, Inc. -- Symbol Technologies, Inc. -- T -- Taco John's International Inc. -- Tillotson Corp. -- Timberline Software Corporation -- The Tokai Bank, Limited -- Toll Brothers Inc. -- The Tranzonic Cos. -- Trico Products Corporation -- Turtle Wax, Inc. -- TVI, Inc. -- U -- United Technologies Automotive Inc. -- V -- Varsity Spirit Corp. -- Veba A.G. -- Vitalink Pharmacy Services, Inc. -- W -- W.R. Berkley Corp. -- Watkins-Johnson Company -- Weis Markets, Inc. -- Western Company of North America -- WMS Industries, Inc. -- Wyse Technology, Inc. -- Z -- Zilog, Inc.

A review article devoted to the book of Andrzej
Blikle – Doktryna jakości. Rzecz o skutecznym
zarządzaniu. As pointed out by the Author,
the book is a case of a work rare on the Polish
publishing market, written by an outstanding
scientist, who successfully runs a business
activity. The combination of practical experience
with theoretical knowledge gave a result
that may be satisfying both for practitioners
as well as theorists, and also those who want
to get to know the ins and outs of an effective
and efficient business management. The Author
of the review believes that it is an important
voice for shaping an inclusive socio-economic
system, which constitutes a value in itself. Although
the book is mainly concerned with
business management, its message has a much
wider dimension and is concerned with real
measures of wealth, money and people's lives.
The book was awarded The SGH Collegium of
Business Administration Award "For the best
scientific work in the field of business administration
in the years 2014-2015".

Andrzej Jacek Blikle Doktryna jakości. Rzecz o skutecznym zarządzaniu (The Doctrine of Quality. On Effective Management) Gliwice, Helion Publishing Company, 2014, p. 546

Introduction

One of the distinctive features of the contemporary economy and contemporary world is a kind of obsession of quantity which is related to thoughtless consumerism, unfavourable to the care for the quality of the work and the quality of the produced and consumed goods and services. It is accompanied by culture (or rather non-culture) of singleness. Therefore, the book The Doctrine of Quality by Andrzej Blikle is like a breath of fresh air.

It is a different perspective on the economy and the model of operation of enterprises, on the model of work and life of people. A. Blikle proves that it can be done otherwise. He proves it on the basis of careful studies of the source literature – as expected from a professor of mathematics and an economist, but also on the basis of his own experience gained during the scientific and educational work, and most of all through the economic practice. In the world governed by the obsession of quantity, characterised by fragility, shortness of human relationships, including the relationship of the entrepreneur – employee, A. Blikle chooses durability of these relations, creativity, responsibility, quality of work and production, and ethics. The Doctrine of Quality is a rare example of the work on the Polish publishing market, whose author is a prominent scientist, successfully conducting a business activity for more than two decades, which has contributed to the development of the family company – a known confectionery brand "A. Blikle". The combination of practical experience with theoretical knowledge gave a result that may be satisfying both for practitioners as well as theorists, and also those who want to get to know the ins and outs of an effective and efficient business management, or develop the knowledge on this topic. In an attractive, clear narrative form, the author comprehensively presents the complexities of business management, indicating the sources of success, but also the reasons and the foundations of failures.

At the same time, he presents these issues with an interdisciplinary approach, which contributes to thoroughness of the arguments and deeper reflections.

Holism, typical to this book, is also expressed in the focus of A. Blikle not only on the economic, but also on social and ecological issues. Here, the author points to the possibility and need of reconciliation of the economic interests with social interests, and the care for the public good. Analyses of this subject are presented using the achievements of many areas of studies, in addition to economic sciences, including mathematics, sociology, psychology, medicine, and others. This gives a comprehensive picture of the complexity of business management – taking into account its close and distant environment.

There are no longueurs in the book, although extensive (over 500 pages), or lengthy, or even unnecessary reasoning overwhelming the reader, as the text is illustrated with a number of examples from practice, and coloured with anecdotes. At the same time, the author does not avoid using expressions popular in the world of (not only) business. He proves that a motivational system which is not based on the approach of "carrot and stick" and without a devastating competition of a "rat race" is possible. The author supports his arguments with references not only to the interdisciplinary scientific achievements, but also to the economic historical experiences and to a variety of older and newer business models.

There is a clear fascination with the reserves of creativity and productivity in the humanization of work. In fact, the author strongly exposes the potential of productivity and creativity in creating the conditions and atmosphere of work fostering elimination of fear of the future. He shows that such fear destroys creativity. It is not a coincidence that A. Blikle refers to the Fordist principles, including the warning that manufacturing and business do not consist of cheap buying and expensive selling. He reminds that Henry Ford, a legendary creator of the development of the automotive industry in the United States, put serving the public before the profit. The Doctrine of Quality is at the same time a book – proof that one of the most dangerous misconceptions or errors in the contemporary understanding of economics is finding that it is a science of making money, chremastics. Edmund Phelps and others warned against this in the year of the outbreak of the financial crisis in the USA in 2008, reminding that economics is not a science of making money but a science of relations between the economy and social life [Phelps, 2008]. Economics is a science of people in the process of management. Therefore, by definition, it applies to social values and ethos. Ethos is a general set of values, standards and models of proceedings adopted by a particular group of people. In this sense, ethos and economics as a science of people in the process of management are inseparable. Detaching economics from morality is in contradiction to the classical Smithian concept of economics, as Adam Smith combined the idea of the free market with morality. He treated his first work, The Theory of Moral Sentiments, as an inseparable basis for deliberations on the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, which was the subject of the subsequent work of this thinker [Smith, 1989; Smith, 2012]. Identifying economics with chremastics would then mean that all actions are acceptable and desired, if their outcome is earnings, profit, money. The book of A. Blikle denies it. It contains a number of case studies, which also stimulate broader reflections. Therefore, and also due to the features indicated above, it can be a very useful teaching aid in teaching entrepreneurship and management.

The appearance of a book promoting the doctrine of quality and exposing the meaning of ethos of work is especially important because today the phenomenon of product adulteration becomes increasingly widespread, which is ironically referred to in literature as the "gold-plating" of products [Sennett, 2010, pp. 115-118], and the trend as "antifeatures", that is intentionally limiting the efficiency and durability of products of daily use to create demand for new products. A model example of antifeature is a sim-lock installed in some telephones which makes it impossible to use SIM cards of foreign operators [Rohwetter, 2011, p. 48; Miszewski, 2013]. These types of negative phenomena are also promoted by the development of systemic solutions aiming at the diffusion of responsibility [Sennett, 2010]. This issue is presented among others by Nassim N.N. Taleb, in the book with a meaningful title Antifragile: How to Live in a World We Don't Understand? The author proves that the economy and society lose their natural durability as a result of the introduction of numerous tools and methods of insurance against risks, but mostly by shifting the burden of risks on other entities [Taleb, 2012]. N.N. Taleb illustrates his arguments with numerous convincing examples and references to history, recalling, inter alia, that in ancient times there was no building control, but the constructors, e.g. of bridges had to sleep under them for some time after their construction, and the ancient aqueducts are still working well until today. So, he shows that a contemporary world, focused on quantitative effects, does not create a sound base for ethical behaviours and the care for the quality of work and manufacturing.

Andrzej Blikle points to the need and possibility of opposing this, and opposing to what the Noble Price Winner for Economics, Joseph Stiglitz described as avarice triumphs over prudence [Stiglitz, 2015, p. 277]. The phrase emphasised in the book "Live and work with a purpose" is the opposition to the dangerous phenomena listed above, such as for example antifeatures.

convincing that although the business activity is essentially focused on profits, making money, limited to this, it would be led to the syndrome of King Midas, who wanted to turn everything he touched into gold, but he soon realised that he was at risk of dying of starvation, as even the food turned into gold. What distinguishes this book is that almost every part of it forces in-depth reflections on the social and economic relations and brings to mind the works of other authors, but at the same time, creates a new context for them.

So, A. Blikle clearly proves that both the economy and businesses need social rooting. This corresponds to the theses of the Hungarian intellectual Karl Polanyi, who in his renowned work The Great Transformation, already in 1944 argued that the economy is not rooted in the social relations [Polanyi, 2010, p. 70]. He pointed to the risk resulting from commodification of everything, and warned that allowing the market mechanism and competition to control the human life and environment would result in disintegration of society. Although K. Polanyi's warnings were concerned with the industrial civilization, they are still valid, even now – when the digital revolution brings fundamental changes, among others, on the labour market – they strengthen it. The dynamics of these changes is so high that it seems that the thesis of Jeremy Rifkin on the end of work [Rifkin, 2003] becomes more plausible. It is also confirmed by recent analyses included in the book of this author, concerning the society of zero marginal cost and sharing economy [Rifkin, 2016], and the analyses concerning uberisation [Uberworld, 2016].

The book of Andrzej Blikle also evokes one of the basic asymmetries of the contemporary world, which is the inadequacy of the dynamics and sizes of the supply of products and services to the dynamics and sizes of the demand for them. Insufficient demand collides with the rapidly increasing, as a result of technological changes, possibilities of growth of production and services. This leads to overproduction and related therewith large negative implications, with features of wasteful economy of excess [Kornai, 2014]. It is accompanied by phenomena with features of some kind of market bulimia, sick consumerism, detrimental both to people and the environment [Rist, 2015]. One of the more compromising signs of the economy of excess and wasting of resources is wasting of food by rich countries, when simultaneously, there are areas of hunger in some parts of the world [Stuart, 2009].

At the same time, the economy of excess does not translate to the comfort of the buyers of goods – as in theory attributed to the consumer market. It is indicated in the publication of Janos Kornai concerning a comparative analysis of the features of socio-economic systems. While exposing his deep critical evaluation of socialist non-market systems, as economies of constant deficiency, he does not spare critical opinions on the capitalist economy of excess, with its quest for the growth of the gross domestic product (GDP) and profits. As an example of the economy of excess, he indicates the pharmaceutical industry, with strong monopolistic competition, dynamic innovativeness, wide selection for the buyers, flood of advertisements, manipulation of customers, and often bribing the doctors prescribing products [Kornai 2014, p. 202]. This type of abnormalities is not alien to other industries. Although J. Konrai appreciates that in the economy of excess, including the excess of production capacities, the excess is "grease" calming down and soothing clashes that occur in the mechanisms of adaptation, he also sees that those who claim that in the economy of excess (or more generally in the market economy), sovereignty of consumers dominates, exaggerate [Kornai, 2014, pp. 171-172], as the manufacturers, creating the supply, manipulate the consumers. Thus, there is an excess of supply – both of values as well as junk [Kornai, 2014, p. 176]. Analysing the economy of excess, J. Kornai brings this issue to the question of domination and subordination. It corresponds with the opinion of Jerzy Wilkin, according to whom, the free market can also enslave, so take away individual freedom; on the other hand, the lack of the free market can lead to enslavement as well. Economists willingly talk about the free market, and less about the free man [Wilkin, 2014, p. 4].

The economy of excess is one of the consequences of making a fetish of the economic growth and its measure, which is the gross domestic product (GDP) and treating it as the basis of social and economic activity. In such a system, the pressure of growth is created, so you must grow to avoid death! The system is thus comparable to a cyclist, who has to move forwards to keep his balance [Rist, 2015, p. 181]. It corresponds with the known, unflattering to economists, saying of Kenneth E. Boulding [1956], criticising the focus of economics on the economic growth, while ignoring social implications and consequences to the environment: Anyone who believes in indefinite growth in anything physical, on a physically finite planet, is either mad or an economist. [from: Rist, 2015, p. 268].

GDP is a very much needed or even indispensable measure for evaluation of the material level of the economies of individual countries and for comparing their economic health. However, it is insufficient for evaluation of the real level of welfare and quality of life. It requires supplementation with other measures, as it takes into account only the values created by the market purchase and sale transactions. It reflects only the market results of the activity of enterprises and households. Additionally, the GDP account threats the socially desirable and not desirable activities equally. Thus, the market activity related to social pathologies (e.g. functioning of prisons, prostitution, and drug dealing) also increase the GDP. It was accurately expressed already in 1968 by Robert Kennedy, who concluded the discussion on this issue saying that: the gross national product does not allow for the health of our children, the quality of their education or the joy of their play. It does not include the beauty of our poetry or the strength of our marriages, the intelligence of our public debate or the integrity of our public officials. It measures neither our wit nor our courage, neither our wisdom nor our learning, neither our compassion nor our devotion to our country, it measures everything in short, except that which makes life worthwhile [The Guardian, 2012].

While Grzegorz W. Kołodko even states that it should be surprising how it is possible that despite a number of alternative measures of social and economic progress, we are still in the corset of narrow measure of the gross product, which completely omits many significant aspects of the social process of reproduction [Kołodko, 2013, p. 44]. In this context he points to the necessity of triple sustainable growth – economic, social, and ecological [Kołodko, 2013, p. 377]. Transition from the industrial civilisation model to the new model of economy, to the age of information, causes a kind of cultural regression, a phenomenon of cultural anchoring in the old system. This type of lock-in effect - described in the source literature, that is the effect of locking in the existing frames and systemic solutions, is a barrier to development. The practice more and more often and clearer demonstrates that in the conditions of the new economy, the tools and traditional solutions turn out to be not only ineffective, but they even increase the risk of wrong social and economic decisions, made at different institutional levels.

All this proves that new development models must be searched for and implemented, to allow counteraction to dysfunctions of the contemporary economy and wasting the development potential, resulting from a variety of maladjustments generated by the crisis of civilisation. Polish authors who devote much of their work to these issues include G.W. Kołodko, Jerzy Kleer, or Maciej Bałtowski. Studies confirm that there is a need for a new pragmatism, new, proinclusive model of shaping the social and economic reality, a model which is more socially rooted, aiming at reconciling social, economic and ecological objectives, with simultaneous optimisation of the use of the social and economic potential [Kołodko, 2013; Bałtowski, 2016; Kleer, 2015]. There is more and more evidence that the barriers to economic development growing in the global economy are closely related with the rooting of the economy in social relations. The book of A. Blikle becomes a part of this trend in a new and original manner. Although the author concentrates on the analyses of social relations mainly at the level of an enterprise, at the same time, he comments them at a macroeconomic, sociological and ethical level, and interdisciplinary contexts constitute an original value of the book.

Conclusion

I treat the book of Andrzej Blike as an important voice in favour of shaping an inclusive social and economic system, in favour of shaping inclusive enterprises, that is oriented on an optimal absorption of knowledge, innovation and effective reconciliation of the interests of entrepreneurs with the interests of employees and the interests of society. Inclusiveness is indeed a value in itself. It is understood as a mechanism/system limiting wasting of material resources and human capital, and counteracting environmental degradation. An inclusive social and economic system is a system oriented on optimisation of the production resources and reducing the span between the actual and potential level of economic growth and social development [Reforma, 2015]. And this is the system addressed by Andrzej Blikle in his book. At least this is how I see it. Although the book is mainly concerned with business management, its message has a much wider dimension and is concerned with real measures of wealth, money and people's lives.

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South Africa has rapidly reduced trade barriers since the end of Apartheid, yet agricultural production and exports have remained sluggish. Also, poverty and unemployment have risen and become increasingly concentrated in rural areas. This paper examines the extent to which remaining price distortions, both domestic and foreign, are contributing to the underperformance of the agricultural sector vis-a-vis the rest of the economy. The author draws on a computable general equilibrium (CGE) and micro-simulation model of South Africa that is linked to the results of a global trade model. This framework is used to examine the effects of eliminating global and domestic price distortions. Model results indicate that South Africa's agricultural sector currently benefits from global price distortions, and that removing these will create more jobs for lower-skilled workers, thereby reducing income inequality and poverty. The author also fined that South Africa's own policies are biased against agriculture and that removing domestic distortions will raise agricultural production. Job losses in nonagricultural sectors will be outweighed by job creation in agriculture, such that overall employment rises and poverty falls. Overall, the findings suggest that South Africa's own policies are more damaging to its welfare, poverty and inequality than distortionary policies in the rest of the world. Existing national price distortions may thus explain some of the poor performance of South Africa's agricultural sector and rural development.