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This article discusses dilemmas of global civic activism from a neo-Gramscian
perspective as both subordinated and a potential challenge to hegemonic
neoliberal order. With the investigational focus on the People's Global Action
on Migration, Development and Human Rights (PGA) event, the space for
civic activism relating to the intergovernmental Global Forum on Migration
and Development (GFMD) and its associated Civil Society Days and Common
Space is analysed. The article asks how the future of PGA activism may be
influenced by its formalized representation within the GFMD. It posits that
the PGA has landed at a crossroad between becoming a global activist
counterhegemonic movement to a dominant neoliberal migration policy and
being captured in a tokenist subordinated inclusion within a truncated
'invited space' for interchange. This ambiguous position jeopardizes its
impact on global migration governance, discussed with reference to theories
of transversal politics and issues of counterhegemonic alliance-building.

The article explores movements for social transformation in precarious times of austerity, dispossessed commons, and narrow nationalism. The authors contribute to social theory by linking questions by critics of "post-politics" to precarity studies on changing conditions of citizenship, labour and livelihoods. They discuss an ambiguous constitution of precariat movements in the borderlands between "civil" and "uncivil" society and "invited" and "invented" spaces for civic agency, and posit that contending movements of today are drawing intellectual energy from past movements for democracy, recognition and the common. The paper discusses the issue of an urban justice movement in Sweden emerging from the precariat in this formerly exceptionalist welfare state's most disadvantaged urban areas. With its vision of reconstructing commons with roots in the working class movement, it has put forward claims for an egalitarian and non-racial democracy while confronting politically grounded frames of institutional conditionality. Doi:10.28991/HIJ-2020-01-02-02 Full Text: PDF

The article explores movements for social transformation in precarious times of austerity, dispossessed commons, and narrow nationalism. The authors contribute to social theory by linking questions by critics of "post-politics" to precarity studies on changing conditions of citizenship, labour and livelihoods. They discuss an ambiguous constitution of precariat movements in the borderlands between "civil" and "uncivil" society and "invited" and "invented" spaces for civic agency, and posit that contending movements of today are drawing intellectual energy from past movements for democracy, recognition and the common. The paper discusses the issue of an urban justice movement in Sweden emerging from the precariat in this formerly exceptionalist welfare state's most disadvantaged urban areas. With its vision of reconstructing commons with roots in the working class movement, it has put forward claims for an egalitarian and non-racial democracy while confronting politically grounded frames of institutional conditionality.

This article discusses dilemmas of global civic activism from a neo-Gramscian perspective as both subordinated and a potential challenge to hegemonic neoliberal order. With the investigational focus on the People's Global Action on Migration, Development and Human Rights (PGA) event, the space for civic activism relating to the intergovernmental Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) and its associated Civil Society Days and Common Space is analysed. The article asks how the future of PGA activism may be influenced by its formalized representation within the GFMD. It posits that the PGA has landed at a crossroad between becoming a global activist counterhegemonic movement to a dominant neoliberal migration policy and being captured in a tokenist subordinated inclusion within a truncated 'invited space' for interchange. This ambiguous position jeopardizes its impact on global migration governance, discussed with reference to theories of transversal politics and issues of counterhegemonic alliance-building.

This chaper discusses dilemmas of global civic activism from a neo-Gramscianperspective as both subordinated and a potential challenge to hegemonicneoliberal order. With the investigational focus on the People's Global Actionon Migration, Development and Human Rights (PGA) event, the space forcivic activism relating to the intergovernmental Global Forum on Migrationand Development (GFMD) and its associated Civil Society Days and CommonSpace is analysed. The article asks how the future of PGA activism may beinfluenced by its formalized representation within the GFMD. It posits thatthe PGA has landed at a crossroad between becoming a global activistcounterhegemonic movement to a dominant neoliberal migration policy andbeing captured in a tokenist subordinated inclusion within a truncated'invited space' for interchange. This ambiguous position jeopardizes itsimpact on global migration governance, discussed with reference to theoriesof transversal politics and issues of counterhegemonic alliance-building.

Within the EU, the so-called "refugee crisis" has been predominantly dealt with as an ill-timed and untenable financial burden. Since the 2007–08 financial crisis, the overarching objective of policy initiatives by EU-governments has been to keep public expenditure firmly under control. Thus, Sweden's decision to grant permanent residence to all Syrians seeking asylum in 2013 seemed to represent a paradigmatic exception, pointing to the possibility of combining a humanitarian approach in the "long summer of migration" with generous welfare provisions. At the end of 2015, however, Sweden reversed its asylum policy, reducing its intake of refugees to the EU-mandated minimum. The main political parties embraced the mainstream view that an open-door refugee policy is not only detrimental to the welfare state, but could possibly trigger a "system breakdown". In this article, we challenge this widely accepted narrative by arguing that the sustainability of the Swedish welfare state has not been undermined by refugee migration but rather by the Swedish government's unbending adherence to austerity politics. Austerity politics have weakened the Swedish welfare state's socially integrative functions and prevented the implementation of a more ambitious growth agenda, harvesting a potentially dynamic interplay of expansionary economic policies and a humanitarian asylum policy.

The winds of xenophobia hovering over Europe have swept the moral politicalfoundations of an inclusive Swedish migration policy into the dustbin of history and twistedan enlightened left-right consensus on an open and humanitarian asylum policy into its mirroropposite. Lured by advances of the extreme right the main political parties have, since2015, come to indiscriminately embrace the view that immigration, etno-cultural diversityand an open-door refugee policy is detrimental to welfare and, in consequence, curbing migrationhas become the all dominant political strategem in vying for votes. The authorschallenge this widely accepted narrative by arguing that the sustainability of the Swedishwelfare state has not been undermined by migration but by consecutive Swedish governments'unbending adherence to austerity politics since the beginning of the 1990s. Austeritypolitics have, step by step, weakened the Swedish Model's socially integrative functions andprevented the implementation of an ambitious agenda, harvesting a potentially dynamic interplayof expansionary economic and social policies and a humanitarian asylum policy. ; La sombra de xenofobia que se cierne sobre Europa ha arrojado al cubo de basuralos fundamentos morales de una política inclusiva de migración en Suecia y ha tergiversadoun consenso de izquierda y derecha sobre una política de asilo abierta y humanitaria hacia suextremo opuesto. Desde el 2015, atraídos por los avances de la extrema derecha, los principalespartidos políticos han aceptado indistintamente que la inmigración, la diversidad etnoculturaly la política de puertas abiertas para refugiados van en perjuicio del Estado de bienestar y, comoconsecuencia, frenar la migración se ha convertido en la estratagema política dominante parala obtención de votos. Los autores desafían esta narrativa ampliamente aceptada al argumentarque la sostenibilidad del Estado de bienestar en Suecia no ha sido socavada a causa de lamigración sino a la firme adherencia hacia políticas de austeridad por consecutivas gubernaturassuecas desde comienzos de los 1990. Las políticas de austeridad han debilitado, poco apoco, las funciones socialmente integradoras del Modelo Sueco y han impedido la implementaciónde una agenda ambiciosa que reúna una interacción potencialmente dinámica de políticaseconómicas y sociales expansionistas, así como una política de asilo humanitaria.Palabras clave: Modelo Sueco, Estado de bienestar, políticas migratorias, solidaridad social.