Suchergebnisse

Conventional and unconventional pilgrimages: conceptualizing sacred travel in the twenty-first century / Ellen Badone -- Old pilgrimages, new meanings; new pilgrimages, old forms: from the Ganges to Graceland / David M. Gitlitz -- Pilgrimage and the American myth / George Greenia -- Heaven on earth: political pilgrimages and the pursuit of meaning and self-transcendence / Paul Hollander -- Israeli youth voyages to Holocaust Poland -- through the prism of pilgrimage / Jackie Feldman -- The pilgrimage to the Hill of Crosses: devotional practices and identities / Darius Liutikas, Alfonsas Motuzas -- The saint and his cat: localization of religious charisma in contemporary Russian Orthodox pilgrimages / Jeanne Kormina -- Walking to Mother Teresa's grave / Brian Kolodiejchuk -- Reformulations of the pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela -- Linda Kay Davidson

This article reads the restructuring of European party systems in the 2010s as a transition from cartel to techno-populist parties, with a specific focus on left-populist challengers. Adopting a historical-institutionalist perspective, it demonstrates how a long-term cartelization and particular mode of crisis management after 2008 drove the gradual replacement of the party cartel with a cohabitation of populism and technocratic politics: techno-populism. Although this techno-populist template has been deployed for parties such as Five Star Movement and some right-wing populist outfits, it has usually been left aside for left-wing variants. This article investigates two techno-populist subtypes from the left: Corbynism in the United Kingdom and Podemos in Spain. The former took place within a cartel party ('intra-party'), while the latter occurred from outside the party cartel ('extra-party'). Although such party cartelization cuts across cases, the rise of Corbynism and Podemos took place under different institutional conditions: different electoral systems, different European Union membership and different dynamics of party competition on the left. The article concludes with the observation that rather than an anomaly, the presence of techno-populist tropes in and outside of parties and across institutional settings indicates the pervasiveness of these logics in contemporary European party politics.

This article reads the restructuring of European party systems in the 2010s as a transition from cartel to techno-populist parties, with a specific focus on left-populist challengers. Adopting a historical-institutionalist perspective, it demonstrates how a long-term cartelization and particular mode of crisis management after 2008 drove the gradual replacement of the party cartel with a cohabitation of populism and technocratic politics: techno-populism. Although this techno-populist template has been deployed for parties such as Five Star Movement and some right-wing populist outfits, it has usually been left aside for left-wing variants. This article investigates two techno-populist subtypes from the left: Corbynism in the United Kingdom and Podemos in Spain. The former took place within a cartel party ('intra-party'), while the latter occurred from outside the party cartel ('extra-party'). Although such party cartelization cuts across cases, the rise of Corbynism and Podemos took place under different institutional conditions: different electoral systems, different European Union membership and different dynamics of party competition on the left. The article concludes with the observation that rather than an anomaly, the presence of techno-populist tropes in and outside of parties and across institutional settings indicates the pervasiveness of these logics in contemporary European party politics.

The article examines the issues that arise when modifying various works with the help of "deepfake" technolo-gy (processing by a neural network of an already existing work of another author for various purposes). It is emphasized that the creation of such content causes contradictions in the field of intellectual property protec-tion, since, on the one hand, deepfakes are a secondary product, created by means of artificial intelligence, which is not human and therefore does not have copyrights, and on the other hand, their production uses the already existing intellectual property object, which needs to be protected. Mechanisms of legal regulation of the deepfakes usage sphere in the framework of foreign legislations are described; Russian regulatory norms touching upon the chosen topic are given. Opinions of the scientific community on the most probable way of elimination of gaps in the legislation are investigated. It is deemed that the main approach to copyright protec-tion used by the international community is the recognition of deepfakes as intellectual property. The necessity of changing the Russian legislation taking into account the trends of the world development is outlined.

In fighting for justice and equality in the face of American institutional racism, Muhammed Ali became an internationally known and respected figure. His 1976 auto-biography, The Greatest, with Richard Dunham and edited by Toni Morrison is a fast paced and well written book. It showcases the intellect, humanity, and determination behind the globally recognized icon. The auto-biography is interesting in the sense that it places boxing on the periphery and instead focuses on Ali's struggles and disappointments, to be recognized as a man in the American South, which would later morph into the greater struggle for civil rights for American minorities. In fighting against what this research terms 'structural racism, what emerged was a battle against the very fabric of core norms and culture, which establishes white American hegemony. In taking on established structures, Ali faced the wrath of 'the Establishment.' The idea of this term becomes vivid via comparative analysis of other case studies, which reveal that those who question American structural racism are met with similar reactions and consequences for their criticism. This study is thus relevant because it exposes how Ali's own fight for justice and racial equality 60 years ago is essentially no different than it is today.

In fighting for justice and equality in the face of American institutional racism, Muhammed Ali became an internationally known and respected figure. His 1976 auto-biography, The Greatest, with Richard Dunham and edited by Toni Morrison is a fast paced and well written book. It showcases the intellect, humanity, and determination behind the globally recognized icon. The auto-biography is interesting in the sense that it places boxing on the periphery and instead focuses on Ali's struggles and disappointments, to be recognized as a man in the American South, which would later morph into the greater struggle for civil rights for American minorities. In fighting against what this research terms 'structural racism, what emerged was a battle against the very fabric of core norms and culture, which establishes white American hegemony. In taking on established structures, Ali faced the wrath of 'the Establishment.' The idea of this term becomes vivid via comparative analysis of other case studies, which reveal that those who question American structural racism are met with similar reactions and consequences for their criticism. This study is thus relevant because it exposes how Ali's own fight for justice and racial equality 60 years ago is essentially no different than it is today.