Suchergebnisse

Preferential policies, though they are not required by justice, are not seriously unjust; the system from which they depart is already unjust. Deliberate barriers against admitting blacks or women, however, had to be abolished--without explicit barriers discrimination could be conscious or unconscious (motivationally), thus giving support to a self-conscious effort to act impartially. The realization that a social system may continue to deny different races or sexes equal opportunity & equal access to desirable positions even after such barriers have been lifted became evident, since society automatically provides different rewards for different groups. The question is raised: How great is a social contribution to injustice, to what extent is it due to social causes not involving injustice, or to causes which are not social but biological? Can unjustly caused disadvantages be overcome by special programs of preparatory or remedial training? What grounds are to be used in assigning individuals to desirable positions? People less qualified, for whatever reason could be compensated for this disadvantage by having suitably different standards for these different groups. Obviously, this would not be a stable position. Compensatory procedures would then have to be applied in individual bases. The concept of differences advocated by liberals is too weak to combat inequalities dispensed by nature & ordinary workings of the social system. In most societies rewards are a function of demand, & many of the human characteristics most in demand result from gifts & talents. If racial & sexual injustice were reduced we would still be left with the injustice of the smart & the dumb; "at present we do not have a method of divorcing professional status from social esteem & economic reward. In the absence of this, what remains is the familiar task of balancing liberty against equality." S. Cummings.

Résumé La découverte récente de deux textes de John Rawls sur la religion, notamment de son mémoire de licence consacré à une analyse du péché et de la foi, constitue une invitation à s'interroger sur l'influence de ses croyances religieuses sur sa philosophie politique. Joshua Cohen et Thomas Nagel s'attachent à démêler les relations complexes entre les convictions morales et sociales exprimées sous une forme religieuse dans le mémoire et les principales idées des écrits ultérieurs de Rawls sur la théorie morale et politique. Les principaux points de contact qu'ils identifient sont l'adhésion à une morale définie par les relations interpersonnelles plutôt que par la poursuite du souverain bien ; l'insistance sur l'importance du caractère séparé des personnes ; le rejet de l'idée de société comme un contrat ou une négociation entre des individus égoïstes ; la condamnation de l'inégalité fondée sur l'exclusion et la hiérarchie ; le rejet de l'idée de mérite.