In the first years of the reign of Alexander I, a Secret Committee (a circle of "young friends") was created, which had a certain impact on the formation of domestic and foreign policy. Its participants believed that they should focus on studying the state of affairs in the Russian Empire to further prepare and implement the necessary transformations. It was attended by P.A. Stroganov, his cousin N.N. Novosiltsev, V.P. Kochubey and A. Chartorizhsky. Under the influence of the Secret Committee, Alexander I carried out part of the reforms in the early 19th century. However, the "young friends" acted unofficially and with a certain degree of secrecy. Therefore, there was no official records management of its meetings. These factors will later lead to the emergence of different points of view regarding the activities of the Secret Committee. The authors of the article pursue several goals: to determine the chronological framework for the existence of the Secret Committee, the composition and goals of the Committee, to identify its place in the political system of the Alexander era, to establish its role in the balance of power in court circles, and to evaluate its activities. Sources and the currently existing literature on the Secret Committee were analyzed to reveal these goals. The authors conclude that the upper limit of the activities of the Secret Committee should be increased at least until 1805, and the lower limit should be considered not the first meeting on June 24, 1801, but the activities of the "young friends" circle in 1797–1799 as a kind of preparatory stage. According to the authors, Alexander I, who chaired its meetings and set the agenda, as well as F. La Harpe as a kind of associate member, should be included in the Secret Committee. On the question of the place of the Secret Committee in the alignment of political forces in court circles, the authors state that the Secret Committee played a dual role. On the one hand, it was a new "command" and support for the young emperor, created to develop and conduct serious political and social reforms, and at the same time served as a kind of barrier against attempts by "conspirators" and part of the Catherine's old men, led by G.R. Derzhavin, to limit the supreme power in aristocratic interests. After analyzing the list of events held by the Secret Committee, it was found that its activities were not inconclusive, although for a number of reasons not all of the plans were implemented.
Introduction. The purpose of this work is to study the gender aspect of Vietnam's public policy, to identify the real picture of women's political participation in the public administration system of modern Vietnam. The methodological basis is an interdisciplinary approach that allowed us to consider the evolution of Vietnam's gender policy, the peculiarities of gender stereotypes of Vietnamese culture, to analyze the documentary base, which included the decisions of the Communist Party of Vietnam on gender equality and the advancement of women (No. 178 / Decision-TTg), the scientific project "Women in public administration today – 2020"; statistical data of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Vietnam, the National Action Plan for Sustainable Development for the period up to 2030 (No. 622 / QD-TTg). Analysis. The historical and religious causes of gender inequality in Vietnamese society, including the importance of gender stereotypes in the perception of female leaders by the public consciousness, are investigated. Based on statistical data, the ratio of men and women in the leadership pool of state power in Vietnam, as well as the reasons preventing an increase in the number of women in the leadership of state and political power, are considered. Results. The results obtained indicate the fundamental nature of the legal framework of Vietnam on gender equality, the active formation of various mechanisms for the implementation of the National Strategy for Gender Equality. However, it is noted that its implementation is still formal due to the incompleteness of the institutionalization of the legal framework on this issue, the presence of various forms of hidden discrimination, socio-psychological, religious attitudes, as well as gender stereotypes. The results of the analysis indicate the need to create a system of monitoring and control over the implementation of gender programs, more active use of international experience, integration into regional personnel policy plans, the task of increasing the female leadership. The contribution of the authors. The concept of the article, its theoretical and methodological analysis, general editing belongs to T.V. Karadzhe. The collection and systematization of the regulatory framework, the resolutions of the Communist Party and the Government of Vietnam, the analysis of statistical data on the participation of women in state and political structures was carried out by Chan Thi Mi Ngoc.
The article reflects on the philosophical origins of semiotic and structuralist ideas that developed in linguistics in the 1960s. and have not lost their significance for the development of modern humanitarian knowledge. Appeal to them is not just of historical and scientific significance. They bring us back to the subjects that are important for the actualization of Russian philosophical thought of the 20th century. A.A. Reformatsky and R.O. Jakobson were Shpet's students and communicated with him in various philosophical and scientific communities. The author traces how Shpet's phenomenological and hermeneutical constructions influenced Reformatsky's phonological research and R. Jacobson's communicative linguistic concept. Shpet's influence on Jakobson has already been studied in the historical and philosophical literature, but this comparison is not enough to reveal the scientific potential of Shpet's ideas in their entirety, since it does not allow us to evaluate the transformations that these ideas experienced after they migrate to the humanities in 1960 in USSR. An appeal to the conceptual constructions of Reformatsky opens up an opportunity for us to reinterpret the role of Shpet's ideas in the development of the science of language and trace their further return to philosophy. But the phrase "We both learned from Gustav…", expressed by Reformatsky in a letter to Jakobson in 1975, today can be attributed not only to philologists and linguists but also to philosophers. The purpose of this article is to show the methodological potential of Shpet's ideas, transferred by Jakobson and Reformatsky to linguistic grounds, for modern philosophical approaches to the phenomenon of language.
"Gnoseology" and "epistemology", two terms widely used in the theory of cognition, have a history of use for about hundred years. During this time, they were interpreted very differently. In world philosophy, the first term is considered obsolete, and understanding of the second has developed in connection with the great interest in scientific knowledge. In Russia, the first term is much more common due to its use in dialectical materialism and official ideology, while the second has become widespread in the last fifty years due to the influence of works and translations in the field of philosophy of science. The paper's authors take into account the current practice and propose to use the term "gnoseology" to describe the theory of cognition, built on the maximum abstraction of the subject, and to use the term "epistemology" in the theory of cognition with a reduced level of abstraction of the subject, a level that takes into account such social characteristics of the subject as its communicativeness and values. In gnoseology, these components were either not studied, or they were fought with as unscientific and acceptable only in everyday knowledge. Despite the development of philosophical concepts of the sociality of the subject in the theory of cognition, in real technoscience the model of the most abstract mind is still very widely used, which is reflected, first of all, in the content and rhetoric of scientific papers. The paper provides examples from modern scientific texts published in high-ranking technical journals. It is concluded that the exceptional use the abstract representation of the subject prevents the scientists from formulating and realizing the current acute problems of their sciences.
The article is devoted to rethinking the place and role of Evald Vasilyevich Ilyenkov in the Russian epistemological tradition. His interpretation of the dialectic of the real and the ideal (in German: Ideelle) turns out to be strikingly consonant with the intellectual searches of Russian philosophers of the first half of the twentieth century (G.G. Shpet, P.A. Florensky, M.M. Bakhtin, A.F. Losev, etc.), who turned (each in their own way) to understanding the phenomena of the social world. This consonance for a long time remained outside the scope of research attention, and meanwhile, immersing the concept of Ilyenkov's "ideal" in the context of "positive philosophy" on Russian soil becomes relevant today for identifying continuity in the development of Russian philosophy as an integral cultural and historical phenomenon. Despite the apparent paradox, Ilyenkov, postulating the "ideal" as "really" existing, turns out to be much closer to the Russian philosophical tradition than the certain "socio-ideological" conjuncture of his time allowed to imagine. Exploring the "logic" of Marx's "Capital", Ilyenkov discovers a special layer of reality that exists exclusively in the social world and requires understanding. He became the first in Soviet philosophy who not only understood the concept of the "ideal" Marx, but also developed it, i.e. revealed the existence of the ideal in the sense of Ideelle not only in the external body of culture, which is the merit of K. Marx, but also in the inner spiritual world of man. In conclusion, the need to specify the concept of E.V. Ilyenkov is noted by comparing it with the ideas of Russian philosophers, in particular with the reasoning of M.M. Bakhtin about the relationship between architectonic and compositional forms, content and matter (material).
The purpose of the article is to analyze the role of intellectuals in the political life of France based on the study of the views and state activities of the famous French historian and political figure François Guizot (1787–1874). The author examines the relationship between the historical views of Guizot, his understanding of the main problems of French and European history, his public and state activities during the Restoration (1814–1830) and the July Monarchy (1830–1848). The theme of the intelligentsia in power is most vividly revealed through the personality and activities of F. Guizot. He was more than just the leading politician of the July Monarchy. He enriched such fields of knowledge as history, pedagogy, constitutional law, sociology, political science. Similarly to many of his contemporaries, Guizot pursued two careers at the same time: scientific and political. However, Guizot's failure as a politician overshadowed Guizot as a scientist. The article concludes that history and politics have always been closely intertwined for Guizot. Guizot searched in the past for answers to questions pertaining to modern France. Guizot saw history as a direct continuation of politics. In doing so, Guizot took into account not only the lessons of the past. He formulated his concept of French leadership in Europe and built a theoretical framework for his foreign policy based on knowledge of history. In addition, the article concludes: turning to the historical heritage of France and Europe for Guizot was important not only from a practical point of view, but also from the point of view of morality and education. For him, the history of the development of civilization was the history of the moral improvement of mankind.
Both in domestic and foreign literature on the philosophy of science, references to the works of Thomas Kuhn are quite common, as well as to his other postpositivist contemporaries – I. Lakatos, St. Toulmin, N.R. Hanson, P. Feyerabend and others. However, at the same time, the conceptual content of their ideas and the methodologically significant details of their models of knowledge dynamics are applied more than rarely and very selectively. The conceptual potential of postpositivism is used today mainly in the general explanatory background discourse about science: cognitive activity is socially conditioned, while science is historically changeable both in the forms of its organization and in its results. As for the actual Kuhnian model of the dynamics of science, the Lakatosian program for the development of science, and other postpositivist constructions, their conceptual content is resorted to rather in the context of general reasoning about the contours of scientific knowledge rather than as an epistemologically significant creative component of the philosophical and methodological understanding of modern scientific practices. The article attempts to show that the circumstance noted above indicates not so much that the views of postpositivists now belong to an honorable past, but not directly related to the development of modern problems, but how much about distancing the modern philosophy of science from the real methodological problems that modern science needs to solve.