Suchergebnisse

Despite being a peripheral actor in the Cold War, Ireland in the immediate post-war period was attentive to cold war developments internationally, and the influence of the Catholic Church over state and society predominantly shaped the state's response to the conflict. Irish diplomats
internationally sent home repo rts on communist activity in the countries in which they served. This article will discuss Thomas J. Kiernan, Ireland's Minister Plenipotentiary in Australia between 1946 and 1955, and his responses, views and perceptions of Australian anti-communism from his
1946 appointment to the 1951 plebiscite on banning the Communist Party of Australia, which ultimately failed. Through analysis of his reports in the National Archives of Ireland – including accounts of his interactions with politicians and clergy, the Australian press, parliamentary
debates and other sources – it argues that his views were moulded by the dominant Irish conception of the Cold War, which was fundamentally shaped by Catholicism, and his overreliance on Catholic and print sources led him to sometimes exaggerate the communist threat. Nonetheless, his
reports home to Dublin served to reinforce the Irish state's perception that communism was a worldwide malaise which the Catholic Church and Catholics internationally were at the forefront of combatting.

If there is no hierarchy of rights in Canada, then why does freedom of religion so often seem to lose in cases of conflicts with other rights? This article discusses five recent Canadian cases (involving same-sex marriages, controversial medical practices, the wearing of a niqab, and a Christian university's sexual conduct policy) in order to expose how the courts regularly characterize freedom of religion as being conceptually equal to other rights, before ruling against freedom of religion on the facts of the particular cases. This phenomenon within Canadian rights jurisprudence is then justified within the article by reference to a new combination of insights drawn from legal and liberal political theory. Specifically, the article suggests that religious freedom losses in the five cases can be justified because of considerations relating to (1) Rawlsian public reason, (2) third-party harms and dignitary harms, and (3) the special significance of emerging and emancipation rights. Thus, freedom of religion is only equal to other rights at a high level of abstraction; in its application, it is regularly subordinated to other rights in ways that can be defended where one or a combination of the three enumerated considerations is present. S'il n'existe pas de hiérarchie des droits au Canada, alors pourquoi la liberté de religion semble t-elle si souvent perdante en cas de conflit avec d'autres droits? Dans cet article, nous examinons cinq affaires canadiennes récentes (concernant des mariages entre personnes de même sexe, des pratiques médicales controversées, le port du niqab et la politique relative à la conduite sexuelle dans une université chrétienne) afin d'exposer comment les tribunaux caractérisent régulièrement la liberté de religion comme étant conceptuellement égale aux autres droits, avant de statuer contre la liberté de religion sur les faits de ces affaires particulières. Dans l'article, on justifie ce phénomène que l'on observe dans la jurisprudence canadienne en matière de droits par une nouvelle combinaison d'idées tirées de la théorie juridique et de la théorie politique libérale. Plus précisément, l'article suggère que les pertes de liberté de religion dans les cinq cas peuvent être justifiées par des considérations relatives à (1) la raison publique rawlsienne, (2) les préjudices causés aux tiers et à la dignité, et (3) la signification particulière des droits émergents et d'émancipation. Ainsi, la liberté de religion n'est égale aux autres droits qu'à un haut niveau d'abstraction; dans son application, elle est régulièrement subordonnée à d'autres droits d'une manière qui peut être défendue lorsqu'une ou une combinaison des trois considérations énumérées est présente.

This reflective essay describes and discusses numerous nudges Lyman Tower Sargent has given me during our interactions, dotting a timeline from my first Society for Utopian Studies conference in Memphis in the late 1990s through a recent e-mail about a conference on food utopias at Porto in April 2019. These moments—linked by their impact upon me—speak to his exemplary behaviors with both quantity and quality of scholarship. In the fields of communal as well as literary utopias, in genres as distinct as book reviews are from bibliographies, in providing definitions and classifications for others in the field, and finally, by demonstrating an openness to new ideas and to younger scholars, Sargent has influence that reaches far wider than anyone first touched by his gentle nudges would ever suspect. I am fortunate to have been one of those recipients.

A recent paper by Madden used concentration indices to examine the bases of party support in Ireland in the 2011 election. This note updates this work to incorporate the 2016 election using the latest wave of ESS data. The results show that in terms of the bases of party supports many of the features of the "earthquake election" of 2011 remain, in particular the widely differing support bases for Fine Gael and Sinn Fein. Concentration indices with respect to income show little change from the 2011 election. However, there is some evidence that the support base for Fianna Fail in 2016 was older and less well-educated than in 2011, with the change in support base for Fine Gael over the same period a mirror image.