Religion and the demand for membership in environmental citizen groups
In: Public choice, Band 94, Heft 3-4, S. 223-240
ISSN: 0048-5829
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In: Public choice, Band 94, Heft 3-4, S. 223-240
ISSN: 0048-5829
In: Policy studies journal: an international journal of public policy, Band 26, Heft 4, S. 748-759
ISSN: 0190-292X
The combined effects of federalism & interest group pluralism pose particularly difficult problems for hazardous waste siting & cleanup decisions. Most national environmental groups have only limited involvement in local hazardous waste politics, while local grassroots advocates have very different interests & sometimes are pitted against one another. In the US, both the Environmental Protection Agency & the Dept of Energy recently have begun to use site-specific citizen advisory boards at cleanup sites. This approach appears to improve communications at some sites, but does not address the issues of "not in my back yard" politics & alleged inequitable exposure to hazardous wastes. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: American political science review, Band 92, S. 759-774
ISSN: 0003-0554
Examines the way in which state fiscal policy affects election results, and the role of party labels, partisan control, and voter expectations in these results; US.
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 112, Heft 4, S. 712-713
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: American political science review, Band 91, Heft 2, S. 308-323
ISSN: 1537-5943
I reformulate Mancur Olson's by-product theory of collective action as a theory of resource allocation by interest group managers. I then test alternative hypotheses about managers' objectives drawn from exchange theory and commitment theory. Financial data for 16 environmental citizen groups show that the production of public goods is subsidized by other activities, and revenues from member dues are not affected by spending on public goods. Spending on selective incentives and information generates revenues but also may contribute to the pursuit of collective goals. Estimated marginal revenues from fund-raising and selective incentives show that environmental citizen group managers are not preoccupied with maximizing revenues. Rather, they seek to maximize either spending on public goods or net resources available for influencing public policy and the environment, subject to a budget constraint.
In: American political science review, Band 91, Heft 2, S. 308-323
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Public budgeting & finance, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 101
ISSN: 0275-1100
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 237-238
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Review of policy research, Band 14, Heft 1-2, S. 107-116
ISSN: 1541-1338
Private, nonprofit organizations constitute a growing portion of the United States economy that has, until recently, escaped significant attention by many scholars interested in public policy. The papers in this symposium address four types of interactions between nonprofits and public policymakers—service provision and program implementation, policy advocacy, public policies toward nonprofits, and public/private partnerships. In addition, many private nonprofit organizations produce public goods that can supplement or substitute for government action.
In: Publius: The Journal of Federalism, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 506-526
SSRN
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 66, Heft 2, S. 513-533
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 66, Heft 2, S. 513-533
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Journal of theoretical politics, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 379-406
ISSN: 1460-3667
Recent formal models of accountability allow us to make different conditional predictions about how transparency affects voters' willingness to re-elect incumbents and acceptance of higher taxes. We review two models and investigate empirical implications derived from or related to them, using panel data from 1972—2000 for U.S. state budget process transparency, gubernatorial elections, and tax increases in a small structural model. We do not find that budget transparency has a direct effect on incumbent retention, but we do find clear evidence that increased transparency dampens the negative effect of tax increases on retention of incumbent governors. Independent of this, we also find that increased transparency leads to greater fiscal scale. We suggest some possible directions for future models based on our results.
In: Journal of Theoretical Politics, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 379-406
Recent formal models of accountability allow us to make different conditional predictions about how transparency affects voters' willingness to re-elect incumbents and acceptance of higher taxes. We review two models and investigate empirical implications derived from or related to them, using panel data from 1972-2000 for U.S. state budget process transparency, gubernatorial elections, and tax increases in a small structural model. We do not find that budget transparency has a direct effect on incumbent retention, but we do find clear evidence that increased transparency dampens the negative effect of tax increases on retention of incumbent governors. Independent of this, we also find that increased transparency leads to greater fiscal scale. We suggest some possible directions for future models based on our results. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]
In: Journal of theoretical politics, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 379-407
ISSN: 0951-6298