Suchergebnisse

Speaking on "Bases of Islamic Political Thought," that means the general motivation behind the actions of the Mohammedan peoples in the world today.

In his public lecture delivered in 1943 at Smith College, in Northamp­ton, Massachusetts, and addressed to the Conference of Headmistresses Association of the East, Hans Kohn examines the general question of the place of history in liberal arts education. However, the core of his lecture is occupied with an attempt to explain the contemporaneous crisis of World War II and to chart the promises and dangers of an awakened sense of identity and nationalism in the situation of the war. The lecture includes a reflection on the arch of crisis from World War I and hopes for democracy through World War II, as well as the need to defend democracy against the odds of modern times. Публикуемая на английском языке лекция Ханса Кона "История и ее место в преподавании свободных искусств и наук" была прочитана в 1943 году в Смит Колледже на заседании Ассоциации директрис школ Восточного побережья США. В этой лекции Кон обсуждает общий вопрос о месте истории в высшем образовании и общественной роли историка. Центральная часть лекции посвящена попытке объяснить происхождение Второй мировой войны и наметить картину возмож­ностей и опасностей в связи с проснувшимся чувством патриотизма и национализма. Кон также рассуждает о континууме кризиса, начав­шемся в годы Первой мировой войны, и о разочаровании в торжестве демократии в межвоенный период. Он говорит о необходимости защиты демократии перед лицом противоречивых тенденций современности.

A few hours before his sudden death last year in Bonn, Hajo Holborn remarked that in spite of the ill health of his last years his life had been a happy one. He had an unusually successful career in his beloved profession, first as a young man in Germany, then as a leading scholar in his field in the United States; and he was able to finish his magnum opus,A History of Modern Germany, before his death. Its first volume appeared in 1959; its third and last, in 1969. As a disciple of Wilhelm Dilthey and of Friedrich Meinecke, Holborn gave special attention to the "realm of ideas," to the religious, intellectual, and artistic achievements of Germany. While he wrote primarily political history and succeeded in ordering the mass of information which he provides into a meaningful narrative which holds the reader's interest, the high points are his discussion of the thinkers and poets from Germany's rapid cultural rise in the late eighteenth century to its decline after the mid-nineteenth century. One of the best of these subchapters is the one on Marx and Engels, a masterpiece of objectivity. It is to be found in the second volume of theHistory, though chronologically Marx and Engels belong in the third volume, which covers the period from 1840 to 1945. (After all, the two young men met and their public activity began only after 1840 and their thought and dedicated life began to exercise their impact only decades later.) By 1945, when Holborn's History ends, Marx had become the most widely known German, whose influence shaped history on a worldwide scale and to a degree surpassing by far that of the other great German with whom Holborn starts hisHistory, Martin Luther.

The Franco-German treaty does not represent a move toward genuine European unity; it is a mistake in terms of promoting unification in that it is an exclusive treaty. An adequate defense of Western democratic values requires a multinational treaty that includes all the North Atlantic countries, one which repudiates authoritarianism, dogmatism, and exclusive nationalism and provides for mutual consulta tion and close co-operation on all levels. World War II was followed by a period of political and economic weakness in Europe during which old-style nationalism appeared to wane. Recovery, which Western Europe owes to the United States, led, at least in France, to the resurgence of old nationalism, which turned against the United States, and to the revival of hegemonic aspirations. NATO, conceived not solely to defeat the Soviets but also to strengthen democracy, freedom, and wel fare within Western civilization, was weakened as Europeans came to lose much of their fear of Soviet military aggression. It is principally President de Gaulle of France who does not believe in a united Europe or in an Atlantic community or in the United Nations. He is unable to understand that neither the United States nor Great Britain is as passionately national istic as he is He is anxious to assure primacy for France in Western Europe and to make of continental Europe a third force in world affairs. In view of this, the United States should not attempt to exercise its hegemony as such but should, rather, set an example of true co-operation and consultation.—Ed.