Suchergebnisse

The article combines the research strategies developed by Bruno Latour and Niklas Luhmann to problematize how we interpret the world when discussing globalization. Two previous approaches – global modernity and global consciousness – interpret the world as completely objective (nature transcends culture). Another approach – global governmentality – interprets the world as completely subjective (culture transcends nature). Against these approaches, this article proposes a new one: the symmetrical anthropology (or sociology) of globalization. Inspired by Latour's variable ontologies, it considers multiple descriptions of the world and multiple descriptions of society simultaneously. It considers globalization as one description of society and searches for the description of the world corresponding to it. It distinguishes three descriptions of the world: (1) the world as natural order; (2) the world as external object; and (3) the world as levels of organization. It is argued that the description of the world that is the most closely connected with globalization is the third one.

Launched on the exile roads, after the 1915 genocide caused by the Jeune-Turc government, the Armenian refugees were in search of a territory open to welcome them. After an exodus which lasted several years and led them into the Balkan States and the whole Near East, some of them made the choice of France. The first refugees turned up in Valence in 1922 or 1923 (itdepends on the pieces of information). Others followed a few years later. My study attempts to show the Armenian families and children's geographical routes, from their places of origin to Valence. Several more or less varied waves of immigrants occurred. Very often, the trip from Marseille to the "Cité drômoise" was not straight. The different stages of their French itinerary appear as markers of their varied social and economic conditions before their arrival in Valence. My contribution will also attempt to show the different school careers they made in French schools. As soon as the first arrived, children were sent to primary school and had varied school careers, even if labor remained a priority at the end of their compulsory education. The school careers in the two main educational profiles- socially unequal- were not simple and many pupils had difficulties in completing their primary or secondary schooling. The French school welcomed these foreign pupils and the acquisition of the French language was the most important issue. Other pupils had outstanding courses. Affected by the local socio-economic circumstances, the Armenian families made choices for their children. For some of them, school had to promote the learning of a trade, as skilled labourers, technicians or office workers. Others expected their children to continue the family business. Compulsory schooling promoted the acquisition of the French language but also increased the qualification levels. The Armenians wanted a future for their children and resigned themselves to the choices of their parents. After their teenage years, their professions changed and the families' destinies advanced with new career opportunities. ; Lancés sur les routes de l'exil, suite au génocide de 1915 perpétré par le gouvernement JeuneTurc, les réfugiés arméniens sont à la recherche d'un territoire susceptible de les accueillir.Après un exode qui a duré plusieurs années, et qui les a conduits dans les pays de la péninsule balkanique et dans tout le Proche-Orient, certains font le choix de la France. C'est en 1922 ou 1923 (selon les sources) que les premiers réfugiés arrivent à Valence. D'autres leur emboîtent le pas les années suivantes. Mon étude tente de mettre en évidence les parcours migratoiresdes familles arméniennes valentinoises et des enfants scolarisés, depuis leurs lieux d'origine jusqu'à Valence. Plusieurs vagues migratoires, plus ou moins longues selon la durée de déplacements des populations, et parfois simultanées ou enchevêtrées, se succèdent. Très souvent, l'itinéraire, qui a conduit les familles arméniennes dans la cité drômoise, n'a pas été direct depuis leur débarquement à Marseille, mais jalonné d'étapes, qui sont autant de marqueurs des situations socio-économiques rencontrées avant leur installation à Valence, parfois définitive pour de nombreuses familles. Mon étude tente également de faire apparaîtreles différents parcours scolaires effectués au sein de l'école française. Dès les premières arrivées, les enfants entrent à l'école primaire et suivent des parcours variés, même si, pour les premiers arrivants, la préoccupation au sortir de la scolarité obligatoire reste l'obtention immédiate d'un emploi. Les parcours au sein d'un enseignement organisé en deux filièresprincipales et socialement inégalitaires ne sont pas simples et des difficultés diverses se dressent, amenant certains à abandonner soit leurs études secondaires, soit à se maintenir au sein de l'école primaire. Le système scolaire accueille ces enfants et l'enjeu linguistique passe au premier plan. D'autres élèves y mènent un parcours brillant. Sous l'influence de lasituation socioéconomique locale, les familles arméniennes opèrent des choix pour leurs enfants et des comportements se dessinent. Si pour certaines, le système scolaire doit permettre une émancipation et l'apprentissage d'un métier, au travers des professions d'ouvriers qualifiés ou de techniciens mais aussi d'emplois de bureau, pour d'autres, la reprise d'une affaire commerciale familiale ou l'apprentissage d'une profession artisanale s'impose. Le passage par l'école obligatoire permet d'atteindre un niveau linguistique plus sûr, mais aussi une qualification plus importante, qui enrichit l'affaire familiale. La destinée familiale a très souvent tracé un avenir scolaire aux enfants de la seconde génération, revu à l'âge adulte avec de nouvelles opportunités professionnelles.

Launched on the exile roads, after the 1915 genocide caused by the Jeune-Turc government, the Armenian refugees were in search of a territory open to welcome them. After an exodus which lasted several years and led them into the Balkan States and the whole Near East, some of them made the choice of France. The first refugees turned up in Valence in 1922 or 1923 (itdepends on the pieces of information). Others followed a few years later. My study attempts to show the Armenian families and children's geographical routes, from their places of origin to Valence. Several more or less varied waves of immigrants occurred. Very often, the trip from Marseille to the "Cité drômoise" was not straight. The different stages of their French itinerary appear as markers of their varied social and economic conditions before their arrival in Valence. My contribution will also attempt to show the different school careers they made in French schools. As soon as the first arrived, children were sent to primary school and had varied school careers, even if labor remained a priority at the end of their compulsory education. The school careers in the two main educational profiles- socially unequal- were not simple and many pupils had difficulties in completing their primary or secondary schooling. The French school welcomed these foreign pupils and the acquisition of the French language was the most important issue. Other pupils had outstanding courses. Affected by the local socio-economic circumstances, the Armenian families made choices for their children. For some of them, school had to promote the learning of a trade, as skilled labourers, technicians or office workers. Others expected their children to continue the family business. Compulsory schooling promoted the acquisition of the French language but also increased the qualification levels. The Armenians wanted a future for their children and resigned themselves to the choices of their parents. After their teenage years, their professions changed and the families' destinies advanced with new career opportunities. ; Lancés sur les routes de l'exil, suite au génocide de 1915 perpétré par le gouvernement JeuneTurc, les réfugiés arméniens sont à la recherche d'un territoire susceptible de les accueillir.Après un exode qui a duré plusieurs années, et qui les a conduits dans les pays de la péninsule balkanique et dans tout le Proche-Orient, certains font le choix de la France. C'est en 1922 ou 1923 (selon les sources) que les premiers réfugiés arrivent à Valence. D'autres leur emboîtent le pas les années suivantes. Mon étude tente de mettre en évidence les parcours migratoiresdes familles arméniennes valentinoises et des enfants scolarisés, depuis leurs lieux d'origine jusqu'à Valence. Plusieurs vagues migratoires, plus ou moins longues selon la durée de déplacements des populations, et parfois simultanées ou enchevêtrées, se succèdent. Très souvent, l'itinéraire, qui a conduit les familles arméniennes dans la cité drômoise, n'a pas été direct depuis leur débarquement à Marseille, mais jalonné d'étapes, qui sont autant de marqueurs des situations socio-économiques rencontrées avant leur installation à Valence, parfois définitive pour de nombreuses familles. Mon étude tente également de faire apparaîtreles différents parcours scolaires effectués au sein de l'école française. Dès les premières arrivées, les enfants entrent à l'école primaire et suivent des parcours variés, même si, pour les premiers arrivants, la préoccupation au sortir de la scolarité obligatoire reste l'obtention immédiate d'un emploi. Les parcours au sein d'un enseignement organisé en deux filièresprincipales et socialement inégalitaires ne sont pas simples et des difficultés diverses se dressent, amenant certains à abandonner soit leurs études secondaires, soit à se maintenir au sein de l'école primaire. Le système scolaire accueille ces enfants et l'enjeu linguistique passe au premier plan. D'autres élèves y mènent un parcours brillant. Sous l'influence de lasituation socioéconomique locale, les familles arméniennes opèrent des choix pour leurs enfants et des comportements se dessinent. Si pour certaines, le système scolaire doit permettre une émancipation et l'apprentissage d'un métier, au travers des professions d'ouvriers qualifiés ou de techniciens mais aussi d'emplois de bureau, pour d'autres, la reprise d'une affaire commerciale familiale ou l'apprentissage d'une profession artisanale s'impose. Le passage par l'école obligatoire permet d'atteindre un niveau linguistique plus sûr, mais aussi une qualification plus importante, qui enrichit l'affaire familiale. La destinée familiale a très souvent tracé un avenir scolaire aux enfants de la seconde génération, revu à l'âge adulte avec de nouvelles opportunités professionnelles.

The majority of experts agree to say that the big data is a rupture. Maybe are they right. But this rupture is not really material, nor even organizational. It has already been a long time that the big web actors daily exploring and exploiting the big data. If revolution there is, it is happening elsewhere, at the periphery of the great disruption that depict most of big data promoters. To being aware of, simply ask the following question: pointing the revolutionary nature of big data and devices are provided to treat, what these actors are they doing? They are preparing a massive integration of artificial intelligences within the various spheres of society. If there is a rupture, it is therefore rather here: in this movement that we know today and which consists, for a great diversity of socioeconomic actors, to appropriate of the calculation agents that are increasingly autonomous and powerful. So in order to better understand the issues of this democratization, we propose in this thesis to study the case of machines to produce of the economic futures: what is their role within the socio-technical collectives that compose the markets? To answer this question, we will draw on a multi-situated ethnography we conducted from 2012 to 2015 according to a posture situated at the intersection of market, science and technology sociologies. Specifically, we will be mobilizing a corpus of archives and an important investigative material collected from several professionals, companies and salons to discuss the design and operation of these machines to predict merchant futures. We will see at the level of design environment, these machines are interesting in so far as they generally have a local intelligence that has to happen, in the present, of futures allowing to optimize the economic interests of those that implement. Starting from a series of studies and experimentations dealing with the use of a recommendation agent, we will show that this intelligence is debatable because it may entail of considerable ambivalences ...

Launched on the exile roads, after the 1915 genocide caused by the Jeune-Turc government, the Armenian refugees were in search of a territory open to welcome them. After an exodus which lasted several years and led them into the Balkan States and the whole Near East, some of them made the choice of France. The first refugees turned up in Valence in 1922 or 1923 (itdepends on the pieces of information). Others followed a few years later. My study attempts to show the Armenian families and children's geographical routes, from their places of origin to Valence. Several more or less varied waves of immigrants occurred. Very often, the trip from Marseille to the "Cité drômoise" was not straight. The different stages of their French itinerary appear as markers of their varied social and economic conditions before their arrival in Valence. My contribution will also attempt to show the different school careers they made in French schools. As soon as the first arrived, children were sent to primary school and had varied school careers, even if labor remained a priority at the end of their compulsory education. The school careers in the two main educational profiles- socially unequal- were not simple and many pupils had difficulties in completing their primary or secondary schooling. The French school welcomed these foreign pupils and the acquisition of the French language was the most important issue. Other pupils had outstanding courses. Affected by the local socio-economic circumstances, the Armenian families made choices for their children. For some of them, school had to promote the learning of a trade, as skilled labourers, technicians or office workers. Others expected their children to continue the family business. Compulsory schooling promoted the acquisition of the French language but also increased the qualification levels. The Armenians wanted a future for their children and resigned themselves to the choices of their parents. After their teenage years, their professions changed and the families' destinies advanced with new career opportunities. ; Lancés sur les routes de l'exil, suite au génocide de 1915 perpétré par le gouvernement JeuneTurc, les réfugiés arméniens sont à la recherche d'un territoire susceptible de les accueillir.Après un exode qui a duré plusieurs années, et qui les a conduits dans les pays de la péninsule balkanique et dans tout le Proche-Orient, certains font le choix de la France. C'est en 1922 ou 1923 (selon les sources) que les premiers réfugiés arrivent à Valence. D'autres leur emboîtent le pas les années suivantes. Mon étude tente de mettre en évidence les parcours migratoiresdes familles arméniennes valentinoises et des enfants scolarisés, depuis leurs lieux d'origine jusqu'à Valence. Plusieurs vagues migratoires, plus ou moins longues selon la durée de déplacements des populations, et parfois simultanées ou enchevêtrées, se succèdent. Très souvent, l'itinéraire, qui a conduit les familles arméniennes dans la cité drômoise, n'a pas été direct depuis leur débarquement à Marseille, mais jalonné d'étapes, qui sont autant de marqueurs des situations socio-économiques rencontrées avant leur installation à Valence, parfois définitive pour de nombreuses familles. Mon étude tente également de faire apparaîtreles différents parcours scolaires effectués au sein de l'école française. Dès les premières arrivées, les enfants entrent à l'école primaire et suivent des parcours variés, même si, pour les premiers arrivants, la préoccupation au sortir de la scolarité obligatoire reste l'obtention immédiate d'un emploi. Les parcours au sein d'un enseignement organisé en deux filièresprincipales et socialement inégalitaires ne sont pas simples et des difficultés diverses se dressent, amenant certains à abandonner soit leurs études secondaires, soit à se maintenir au sein de l'école primaire. Le système scolaire accueille ces enfants et l'enjeu linguistique passe au premier plan. D'autres élèves y mènent un parcours brillant. Sous l'influence de lasituation socioéconomique locale, les familles arméniennes opèrent des choix pour leurs enfants et des comportements se dessinent. Si pour certaines, le système scolaire doit permettre une émancipation et l'apprentissage d'un métier, au travers des professions d'ouvriers qualifiés ou de techniciens mais aussi d'emplois de bureau, pour d'autres, la reprise d'une affaire commerciale familiale ou l'apprentissage d'une profession artisanale s'impose. Le passage par l'école obligatoire permet d'atteindre un niveau linguistique plus sûr, mais aussi une qualification plus importante, qui enrichit l'affaire familiale. La destinée familiale a très souvent tracé un avenir scolaire aux enfants de la seconde génération, revu à l'âge adulte avec de nouvelles opportunités professionnelles.

Launched on the exile roads, after the 1915 genocide caused by the Jeune-Turc government, the Armenian refugees were in search of a territory open to welcome them. After an exodus which lasted several years and led them into the Balkan States and the whole Near East, some of them made the choice of France. The first refugees turned up in Valence in 1922 or 1923 (itdepends on the pieces of information). Others followed a few years later. My study attempts to show the Armenian families and children's geographical routes, from their places of origin to Valence. Several more or less varied waves of immigrants occurred. Very often, the trip from Marseille to the "Cité drômoise" was not straight. The different stages of their French itinerary appear as markers of their varied social and economic conditions before their arrival in Valence. My contribution will also attempt to show the different school careers they made in French schools. As soon as the first arrived, children were sent to primary school and had varied school careers, even if labor remained a priority at the end of their compulsory education. The school careers in the two main educational profiles- socially unequal- were not simple and many pupils had difficulties in completing their primary or secondary schooling. The French school welcomed these foreign pupils and the acquisition of the French language was the most important issue. Other pupils had outstanding courses. Affected by the local socio-economic circumstances, the Armenian families made choices for their children. For some of them, school had to promote the learning of a trade, as skilled labourers, technicians or office workers. Others expected their children to continue the family business. Compulsory schooling promoted the acquisition of the French language but also increased the qualification levels. The Armenians wanted a future for their children and resigned themselves to the choices of their parents. After their teenage years, their professions changed and the families' destinies advanced with new career opportunities. ; Lancés sur les routes de l'exil, suite au génocide de 1915 perpétré par le gouvernement JeuneTurc, les réfugiés arméniens sont à la recherche d'un territoire susceptible de les accueillir.Après un exode qui a duré plusieurs années, et qui les a conduits dans les pays de la péninsule balkanique et dans tout le Proche-Orient, certains font le choix de la France. C'est en 1922 ou 1923 (selon les sources) que les premiers réfugiés arrivent à Valence. D'autres leur emboîtent le pas les années suivantes. Mon étude tente de mettre en évidence les parcours migratoiresdes familles arméniennes valentinoises et des enfants scolarisés, depuis leurs lieux d'origine jusqu'à Valence. Plusieurs vagues migratoires, plus ou moins longues selon la durée de déplacements des populations, et parfois simultanées ou enchevêtrées, se succèdent. Très souvent, l'itinéraire, qui a conduit les familles arméniennes dans la cité drômoise, n'a pas été direct depuis leur débarquement à Marseille, mais jalonné d'étapes, qui sont autant de marqueurs des situations socio-économiques rencontrées avant leur installation à Valence, parfois définitive pour de nombreuses familles. Mon étude tente également de faire apparaîtreles différents parcours scolaires effectués au sein de l'école française. Dès les premières arrivées, les enfants entrent à l'école primaire et suivent des parcours variés, même si, pour les premiers arrivants, la préoccupation au sortir de la scolarité obligatoire reste l'obtention immédiate d'un emploi. Les parcours au sein d'un enseignement organisé en deux filièresprincipales et socialement inégalitaires ne sont pas simples et des difficultés diverses se dressent, amenant certains à abandonner soit leurs études secondaires, soit à se maintenir au sein de l'école primaire. Le système scolaire accueille ces enfants et l'enjeu linguistique passe au premier plan. D'autres élèves y mènent un parcours brillant. Sous l'influence de lasituation socioéconomique locale, les familles arméniennes opèrent des choix pour leurs enfants et des comportements se dessinent. Si pour certaines, le système scolaire doit permettre une émancipation et l'apprentissage d'un métier, au travers des professions d'ouvriers qualifiés ou de techniciens mais aussi d'emplois de bureau, pour d'autres, la reprise d'une affaire commerciale familiale ou l'apprentissage d'une profession artisanale s'impose. Le passage par l'école obligatoire permet d'atteindre un niveau linguistique plus sûr, mais aussi une qualification plus importante, qui enrichit l'affaire familiale. La destinée familiale a très souvent tracé un avenir scolaire aux enfants de la seconde génération, revu à l'âge adulte avec de nouvelles opportunités professionnelles.

The majority of experts agree to say that the big data is a rupture. Maybe are they right. But this rupture is not really material, nor even organizational. It has already been a long time that the big web actors daily exploring and exploiting the big data. If revolution there is, it is happening elsewhere, at the periphery of the great disruption that depict most of big data promoters. To being aware of, simply ask the following question: pointing the revolutionary nature of big data and devices are provided to treat, what these actors are they doing? They are preparing a massive integration of artificial intelligences within the various spheres of society. If there is a rupture, it is therefore rather here: in this movement that we know today and which consists, for a great diversity of socioeconomic actors, to appropriate of the calculation agents that are increasingly autonomous and powerful. So in order to better understand the issues of this democratization, we propose in this thesis to study the case of machines to produce of the economic futures: what is their role within the socio-technical collectives that compose the markets? To answer this question, we will draw on a multi-situated ethnography we conducted from 2012 to 2015 according to a posture situated at the intersection of market, science and technology sociologies. Specifically, we will be mobilizing a corpus of archives and an important investigative material collected from several professionals, companies and salons to discuss the design and operation of these machines to predict merchant futures. We will see at the level of design environment, these machines are interesting in so far as they generally have a local intelligence that has to happen, in the present, of futures allowing to optimize the economic interests of those that implement. Starting from a series of studies and experimentations dealing with the use of a recommendation agent, we will show that this intelligence is debatable because it may entail of considerable ambivalences ...

Launched on the exile roads, after the 1915 genocide caused by the Jeune-Turc government, the Armenian refugees were in search of a territory open to welcome them. After an exodus which lasted several years and led them into the Balkan States and the whole Near East, some of them made the choice of France. The first refugees turned up in Valence in 1922 or 1923 (itdepends on the pieces of information). Others followed a few years later. My study attempts to show the Armenian families and children's geographical routes, from their places of origin to Valence. Several more or less varied waves of immigrants occurred. Very often, the trip from Marseille to the "Cité drômoise" was not straight. The different stages of their French itinerary appear as markers of their varied social and economic conditions before their arrival in Valence. My contribution will also attempt to show the different school careers they made in French schools. As soon as the first arrived, children were sent to primary school and had varied school careers, even if labor remained a priority at the end of their compulsory education. The school careers in the two main educational profiles- socially unequal- were not simple and many pupils had difficulties in completing their primary or secondary schooling. The French school welcomed these foreign pupils and the acquisition of the French language was the most important issue. Other pupils had outstanding courses. Affected by the local socio-economic circumstances, the Armenian families made choices for their children. For some of them, school had to promote the learning of a trade, as skilled labourers, technicians or office workers. Others expected their children to continue the family business. Compulsory schooling promoted the acquisition of the French language but also increased the qualification levels. The Armenians wanted a future for their children and resigned themselves to the choices of their parents. After their teenage years, their professions changed and the families' destinies ...