Suchergebnisse

The consequence of systemic and political changes in Poland involved reorientation of Polish policy in terms of perceiving security. It was reflected in newly defined policy directions which expression involved a search for the new guarantees of security. The problem of ensuring state security in new geopolitical conditions is expressed in the adopted hierarchy of priorities of implementation of the Polish national interest. The exercise of the specified policy priorities means Poland's obtaining a solid security basis. The Polish Army, the armed forces of the Republic of Poland, has become an element of NATO's broad security system. The implementation of the policy in this regard by the Polish government has recently been more and more unidimensional. Only cooperation with the USA is at the target of the Polish security policy. Issues related to its costs remain outside its determinants. There is no reflection on being dependent on another egoistic player.

Neben allgem. Beiträgen auch s. 47-70: Britisch trade union ... ; 71-88: America ...

During its 72-year history, China has gone through a difficult path of changing the diplomatic strategies of relations with the outside world. The first period, thirty years from 1949 to 1978, was ideological, directed by Mao Zedong and completely ignored international organizations (IOs). The second, the next 30 years (1978-2008) - economic, which was determined by Deng Xiaoping's policy of reforms and opening up, and the gradual embedding of the PRC in the IOs. Now China is implementing the third, political stage under the leadership of Xi Jinping, who set the country with the tasks of great power diplomacy and the formation of new / alternative international structures in which it plays a leading role and has a real impact on the future model of the system of international relations. The formation of the PRC in 1949 and the Korean War (1950-1953) that followed soon after, where Chinese "volunteer" soldiers fought with the united UN forces, blocked the possibility of contacts between the PRC and this universal international organization for two decades. The country's internal problems in the form of a "cultural revolution" also did not contribute to the solution of this problem. Even the restoration of the PRC's rights in the UN in 1971, the establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States in 1979, and Deng Xiaoping's reforms could not significantly accelerate the PRC's accession to other international organizations. This process took about twenty more years and, on the whole, ended only in 2001 with the entry into the WTO. In the 21st century, especially after the 2008 global financial crisis, China began to actively use existing and create new international organizations with partner countries. The purpose of the article is to analyze the Chinese academic discourse on the problem of relations between the PRC and international organizations and international system, where Western countries, headed by the United States, dominate to this day, and China does not see a prospect for itself to take a place worthy of its complex power. The article examines the history of the formation of relations between the PRC and international system, identifies the reasons for the dissatisfaction of the PRC with its status in its structures and traces the process of creating international organizations in which China occupies a dominant position and in global competition with the United States can influence the future model of the world.

Unlike other European countries, Austria has so far been spared from terrorist attacks in the context of radical Islamism. However, the perceived threat, several criminal cases of terrorist involvement as well as being indirectly affected by attacks in other countries led to a high level of public and governmental attention to the issues of radicalisation, terrorist involvement and deradicalisation in Austria. Due to strong public pressure and growing recognition of the existing problem and hazard areas by governmental and non-governmental actors, a number of (1) initiatives providing support and counselling in case of radicalisation have been launched (e.g. Extremism Information Centre; DERAD) or extended. Furthermore, (2) governmental agencies and political stakeholders have been pushing for enhanced means for the criminal prosecution and conviction of criminal offenses in the context of terrorism. The article presents an overview and review of new and renewed initiatives as well as (planned) policy changes countering radicalisation and deradicalisation and terrorist involvement (support of terrorist organisations, membership, plans for terrorist attacks, etc.) and thus a summarising insight into the case of Austria.