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The purpose of this article is to provide an overview and bibliography of international policy capacity research that has developed over the past 40 years and to highlight themes that constitute the field. Through an international and multi-disciplinary synthesis of 311 English abstracts in 172 peer-reviewed journals, we find that policy capacity research has been driven by a handful of widely cited researchers, maintained a predominantly qualitative methodology, and focused on governments located in the West. Empirical research is needed to understand the dynamics of policy capacity outside of governments in the West, with a focus on developing actionable recommendations for practitioners to improve the quality of public policy in their respective jurisdictions. This paper fulfils the need for a comprehensive bibliography of policy capacity research for use by both academics and practitioners.

Recently, there have been a number of Canadian-based studies of federal and provincial government policy workers. One key theme across all of these studies is the importance of well-established networks outside of government. However, these studies have demonstrated that government policy workers interact very infrequently outside the comfort of their own department cubicles. This stands in contrast to the considerable literature on new public governance theory, which suggests that non-governmental organizations (NGOs), including nonprofit groups, should, and do, play an important role in shaping public policy. This article provides some insights into this question and identifies where NGO–government interaction does exist. The descriptive results from a survey of non-governmental organization policy workers across four fields (environment, health, labour, and immigration) in three Canadian provinces (British Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Ontario) clearly illustrate the limitations, at all levels, on interaction between NGO groups and government officials. The article argues that this does not disprove the basic tenet of new governance theory—that non-state actors are engaged, to some degree, in the policy process. The article examines the results of an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model to determine what factors shape and drive NGO interaction with government. RÉSUMÉ Depuis peu, bon nombre d'études canadiennes sont apparues sur les stratèges des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux. Un thème clé dans ces études est l'importance de maintenir des réseaux viables au-delà du gouvernement. Pourtant, selon diverses études, les stratèges gouvernementaux interagissent très peu au-delà de leurs bureaux à cloisons. Cette situation ne reflète pas l'approche recommandée dans les nombreux écrits recourant à la théorie de la nouvelle gouvernance publique. Celle-ci recommande aux organisations non-gouvernementales (ONG), y compris aux groupes sans but lucratif, de jouer un rôle plus important dans la formulation des politiques publiques. Cet article explore cette question et identifie les domaines où existent des interactions entre ONG et gouvernements. Les résultats d'un sondage de stratèges d'ONG dans quatre domaines (environnement, santé, travail et immigration) dans trois provinces canadiennes (Colombie-Britannique, Saskatchewan et Ontario) illustrent clairement les contraintes, à tous les niveaux, sur les interactions entre ONG et gouvernements. L'article soutient que cette situation ne contredit pas le principe fondamental de la théorie de la nouvelle gouvernance publique, à savoir que des acteurs non gouvernementaux s'engagent effectivement, jusqu'à un certain point, dans la formulation de politiques. Cet article examine en outre les résultats de l'application d'une méthode des moindres carrés pour déterminer quels sont les facteurs qui influencent et motivent les interactions entre ONG et gouvernements

This collection of original essays explores the myriad expressions of austerity since the 2008 financial crisis. Case studies drawn from Canada, Australia and the European Union provide extensive comparative analysis of fiscal consolidation and the varied political responses against austerity. Contributions examine such themes as privatization, class mobilization and resistance, the crisis of liberal democracy and the rise of the far right. The potential impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in shaping future austerity and alternatives is signalled.

Transforming Provincial Politics is the first province-by-province analysis of politics and political economy in more than a decade, and the first to directly examine the turn to neoliberal policies at the provincial and territorial level.

AbstractThis article provides an empirical overview of federal lobbying in Canada, examining lobbying contacts by field and sector from 2011 to 2022. We track shifts in lobbying representation over this period, including across Harper Conservative and Trudeau Liberal administrations. The study reveals the dominance of business interests in lobbying in Canada and a high level of lobbying concentration. By sector, export-oriented industries with high environmental and climatic impacts—namely, agriculture, fossil fuel and manufacturing industries—predominate. With the transition to Trudeau, we find a significant increase in overall rates of lobbying and a modest increase in the ratio of public interest representation. Overall, the lobbying industry is characterized by greater access but unequal voice.

There have been calls for more diffused policy advisory systems where a plurality of actors, particularly actors from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), engage with government in deliberating policy interventions to address collective problems. Previous research has found that government-based policy workers tend to have low levels of interaction with outside actors. However, very little is understood about the nature of these interactions. To shed light on this important relationship, a multi-regression structural equation model examines the nature of government-based policy work across three Canadian provinces. From an online survey of 603 Canadian provincial government policy workers, we develop six hypotheses that focus on the drivers of policy capacity and their degree of interaction with non-governmental organizations. The results revealed that increased interaction by the respondents with stakeholders was an important determinant for inviting stakeholders to policy discussions and led to increased perceptions of policy capacity. However, the ongoing trend of politicization in policy work had a dampening impact on overall policy capacity. More importantly, it appears that undertaking more evidence-based policy work did not lead to a greater policy capacity perception or interaction with stakeholder groups. The survey design and model development have the potential to be replicated in other jurisdictions.

AbstractThis article compares profiles and policy-related activities of policy workers (PWs) in thirteen Canadian provinces and territories with PWs in the Czech Republic regions. Canadian data come from 13 separate surveys conducted in provinces and territories in late 2008 and early 2009 (N = 1357). The Czech data are from analogical large-scale survey carried out at the end of 2012 (N = 783). First, the paper compares basic characteristics of Canadian and Czech PWs. In the two countries the proportion of men and women is similar and PWs are equally highly educated. Examining other characteristics, however, reveals substantial differences. When compared with the Czech PWs, Canadian PWs tend to be older, more often having social science educational backgrounds, more frequently recruited from academia, stay in a single organization for a shorter period of time and anticipate staying in their current position for only a short time. Second, a comparison of policy-related work activities discerns three basic clusters of policy tasks: policy analysis work, evidence-based work, and consulting/briefing. Canadian PWs are much more involved in evidence-based work, especially in evaluation and policy research. They also deal more with policy analysis activities such as identification of policy issues and options. In contrast, Czech PWs are more engaged in consulting with the public and briefing managers and decision-makers. The article concludes with implications for further research and theory building.

A comparative analysis of results from the 2011 Institute of Public Administration Australia and Institute of Public Administration of Canada surveys of public service leaders is mapped against related public sector employee survey tools results. Alignment of past results with current leader perceptions shows remarkable consistency across the jurisdictions over time. This overarching coherence points to two broad hypotheses: either senior public service leaders possess a common set of preoccupations in the modern global context, or a more critical perspective would question the shortcomings of the instruments given that remarkable change has occurred that one would expect should have driven result variance. Regardless of the conclusion brought to this preliminary analysis, ongoing identification and mapping of senior leader perceptions through such tools is celebrated as an important contribution to ongoing public service organizational health.

The aim of this paper is to examine government–university–community partnerships for knowledge mobilization (KM) and knowledge transfer (KT) in the area of immigration and settlement research using the illustrative case of the Canadian Metropolis Project. The Metropolis Project in Canada began in 1995 with the goal of enhancing policy-oriented research capacity for immigration and settlement and developing ways to better use this research in government decision-making. Core funding for this partnership was provided jointly by Citizenship Immigration Canada (CIC), a department of the Government of Canada and the primary social science granting agency, the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC). As of 2012, and subsequent to three successful funding phases, the decision was made to end government and SSHRC core funding for this initiative, however, other non-governmental funding avenues are being explored. The longevity of this partnership and the conclusion of this specific initiative present an opportunity to reflect critically on the nature of such partnerships. This paper is an attempt to identify some of the key themes, issues and challenges related to research partnerships, KM and KT. Also, with the aid of an illustrative case, it aims to specify some of the possibilities and limitations of this kind of policy relevant knowledge mobilization. Special consideration will be placed on the context in which the demand for knowledge mobilization and knowledge transfer has emerged. This examination has considerable international relevance as the Canadian Metropolis Project offers the leading example of a research partnership in the field of immigration and settlement. ; Shields, J., & Evans, B. (2012). Building a policy-oriented research partnership for knowledge mobilization and knowledge transfer: The case of the canadian metropolis project. Administrative Sciences, 2(4), 250-272. doi:10.3390/admsci2040250

Governments in the Anglo-American democracies have restructured their relationships with nonprofit organisations (NPOs). New modes of control have emerged which represent the paradox of centralised decentralisation. We examine the impacts on NPO financing, accountability & human resources. While the experience of Canadian NPOs is used to illustrate the impact of neoliberal induced restructuring, comparative evidence suggests that the Canadian experience is broadly representative. The imposition of neoliberal governance structures on nonprofit service providers serves to compromise their autonomy & advocacy function, while commercialising nonprofit operations & imposing burdens that have strained organisational capacity. The neoliberal model of market-based regulation has moved many nonprofit service organisations away from their community oriented focus & towards a "business model." In various forms, the state has introduced quasi-markets or, at a minimum, required NPO's to engage in more competitive practices with negative consequences for nonprofit mission, culture & labour-management practices. The result is a growing level of instability within the sector. References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractGovernments in the Anglo-American democracies have restructured their relationships with nonprofit organisations (NPOs). New modes of control have emerged which represent the paradox of centralised decentralisation. We examine the impacts on NPO financing, accountability and human resources. While the experience of Canadian NPOs is used to illustrate the impact of neoliberal induced restructuring, comparative evidence suggests that the Canadian experience is broadly representative. The imposition of neoliberal governance structures on nonprofit service providers serves to compromise their autonomy and advocacy function, while commercialising nonprofit operations and imposing burdens that have strained organisational capacity. The neoliberal model of market-based regulation has moved many nonprofit service organisations away from their community oriented focus and towards a "business model". In various forms, the state has introduced quasi-markets or, at a minimum, required NPO's to engage in more competitive practices with negative consequences for nonprofit mission, culture and labour-management practices. The result is a growing level of instability within the sector.