Suchergebnisse

The successor party to the Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP) has shown amazing adaptability in weathering the transition period to remain a major political force throughout the post-communist period. The LCP severed all formal ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and became the independent Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP) in late 1989. As the LDLP, the party was the governing party from 1992 to 1996. In early 2001 it merged with the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) to become the new LSDP. The LSDP has been the major party in governing coalitions from 2001 to the present. We explore the challenges that Lithuania's successor party has faced and the reasons for its remarkable success.

The successor party to the Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP) has shown amazing adaptability in weathering the transition period to remain a major political force throughout the post-communist period. The LCP severed all formal ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and became the independent Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP) in late 1989. As the LDLP, the party was the governing party from 1992 to 1996. In early 2001 it merged with the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) to become the new LSDP. The LSDP has been the major party in governing coalitions from 2001 to the present. We explore the challenges that Lithuania's successor party has faced and the reasons for its remarkable success. [Copyright 2008 The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

On April 6, 2004, Lithuania became the first country in Europe to impeach a sitting head of state. The national parliament found President Rolandas Paksas guilty on three charges of violating the constitution; under the law regulating impeachment, he was removed from office the same day. This article describes the events that culminated in the impeachment, & analyzes the impact on Lithuania's political system. It is argued that the seeds of the political conflict leading to the impeachment can be found in Paksas's 2002-2003 campaign for the presidency; thus, the electoral campaign is examined. It is further argued that Paksas's obstinate & uncompromising personality compounded the contentious situation that had been created during the election campaign. The controversy that marked Paksas's presidency from its beginning is then discussed, as is the impeachment process itself, &, finally, the implications for Lithuania's political system. 3 Tables. T. K. Brown

Lithuania's 2000 parliamentary elections were the first in the post-Soviet era to fail to produce a majority government. Further, neither the Homeland Union nor the Democratic Labor Party entered into the ruling coalition. In this article, Terry D. Clark and Nerijus Prekevičius explore two different ways of explaining why this occurred. To answer the broader question, the first approach focuses on the particular events that occurred in the run-up to the elections. To consider why particular parties fared better or worse than expected, the second approach evaluates a set of rational choice approaches, including spatial analysis. Neither approach is preferable to the other; instead, they are complementary, each helping to resolve certain questions that are appropriate to the particular approach. To conclude, they consider the implications of their findings for the consolidation of Lithuania's party system.

Intro -- CONTENTS -- CHAPTER 1 AN INTRODUCTION TO CENTER-PERIPHERY RELATIONS Daniel R. Kempton and Terry D. Clark -- PART I RUSSIAN CENTER-PERIPHERY RELATIONS: A FEDERAL EXPERIMENT -- CHAPTER 2 THREE CHALLENGES TO ASSESSING RUSSIAN FEDERALISM Daniel R. Kempton -- CHAPTER 3 KOMI AND THE CENTER: DEVELOPING FEDERALISM IN AN ERA OF SOCIOECONOMIC CRISIS James Alexander -- CHAPTER 4 THE CASE OF SAKHA: BARGAINING WITH MOSCOW Daniel R. Kempton -- CHAPTER 5 YELTSIN, SHAIMIEV, AND DUDAEV: NEGOTIATING AUTONOMY FOR TATARSTAN AND CHECHNYA Ann E. Robertson -- CHAPTER 6 THE KALININGRAD OBLAST- A TROUBLESOME EXCLAVE Ingmar Oldberg -- CHAPTER 7 FEDERAL REFORM AND INTRAPERIPHERAL CONFLICT: THE CASE OF NENETS AUTONOMOUS OKRUG Helge Blakkisrud -- CHAPTER 8 ASSESSING RUSSIAN FEDERALISM Daniel R. Kempton -- PART II CENTER-PERIPHERY RELATIONS IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION: DIVERSE SOLUTIONS -- CHAPTER 9 STUDYINGLOCAL POLITICS IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION Terry D. Clark -- CHAPTER 10 REGIONALISM IN POST-SOVIET UKRAINE Paul Kubicek -- CHAPTER 11 NATIONAL- LOCAL LINKS IN LITHUANIA Terry D. Clark -- CHAPTER 12 CENTRAL POWER AND REGIONAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN UZBEKISTAN Lawrence R. Robertson and Roger D. Kangas -- CHAPTER 13 IDENTITY/ DIFFERENCE IN CENTRAL ASIA: TRIBES, CLANS, AND MAHALLA Anthony Bichel -- CHAPTER 14 CONCLUSIONS AND ASSESSMENTS: STRATEGIES IN CENTER- PERIPHERY RELATIONS Daniel R. Kempton and Terry D. Clark -- INDEX -- ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS.

Efforts to test Duverger's law in the new democracies of postcommunist Europe have had mixed results. Research argues that mixed systems have an effect on the number of effective parties that is distinct from that of single-mandate district and proportional representation systems. Less attention has been given to the effect of other institutions on the party system, particularly strong presidents. Analyzing election results in postcommunist Europe, the authors find support for Duverger's law after controlling for the strength of the executive. They argue that strong presidents substantially reduce the incentive for parties to seize control of the legislative agenda. Hence, the restraint that electoral systems exercise on the proliferation of parties and independent candidates is weakened. The authors find that a further consequence of strong presidents is that the incentive for majority control of committees and the legislative agenda is weakened.