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This article evaluates the persistence of famine and hunger in Africa. It assesses Africa's food crisis and traces some of the key debates on famine and starvation since the 1970s. It examines the continuity and change in those debates and argues that many of the recent insights into the ways in which food systems may become vulnerable to famine can be provided by an assessment of the political struggles involved in agricultural modernisation.

Der Artikel gibt einen Überblick über die in der Literatur seit den 70er Jahren vorhandenen Erklärungsansätze für die Nahrungsmittelkrisen in Afrika. Dabei geht er auf gängige Thesen wie die abnehmende Pro-Kopf-Produktion und die kolonialen Folgeprobleme als Ursachen ein. Am Beispiel Mauretaniens entwickelt er seine These von einem kausalen Zusammenhang zwischen Machtkampf, Agrarpolitik und Nahrungsmittelverfügbarkeit. (DÜI-Spl)

An assessment of Africa's food crisis traces some of the key debates on famine & starvation since the 1970s. The continuity & change in those debates are examined, & it is argued that insights into how food systems may become vulnerable to famine can be provided by assessment of the political struggles involved in agricultural modernization. 1 Table, 69 References. Adapted from the source document.

There are two strategic silences in the debates relating to economic liberalisation in Egypt and especially to the current agricultural strategy. These refer to the role of the peasantry or fellahin and to the position of women. Little is being said about the effect of the economic crisis on Egypt's rural producers and the rural households where women are enduring the most harsh consequences of structural adjustment. Despite a Social Fund for Development, intended to soften the blow for the poor resulting from adjustment (and presently approximately a very low $US600 million ‐ about $US10 for each Egyptian) debates inside Egypt remain largely at the level of the macro‐economy and national planning. Concerns of policy makers in the state or international agencies, like the World Bank and USAID (US Agency for International Development), are not focused upon social and economic conditions in the rural areas nor on the possible social consequences of adjustment (World Bank, 1992; USAID, 1992). Policy makers and planners are simply not addressing the stresses and strains that rural households are experiencing during economic crisis and the ways in which the fellahin are promoting strategies to sustain and transform their livelihoods.
This article is a preliminary assessment of how Egypt's current economic crisis is affecting two villages in the contrasting Governorates of Giza and Dakhalia. We also begin an assessment of whether the strategy pursued by the international agencies, and the state, is likely to address the problems expressed by the fellahin and what the consequences of the current strategy may have for rural dwellers. Our argument is that official preoccupation with issues of markets and prices, and the supply of inputs, as a vehicle for economic recovery, neglects the way in which people's relations of production and reproduction are sustained and the uneven level of people's productive capabilities.