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Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Chapter 1: "WALL STREET LAYS AN EGG -- Watching Their Fate -- The Crash -- Chapter 2: "THE BUSINESS OF AMERICA IS BUSINESS" -- The Roaring Twenties -- The Stock Market -- Crumbling Blocks -- The Great Engineer -- 1929 -- Stock Tumble -- Black Thursday -- Chapter 3: "BROTHER, CAN YOU SPARE A DIME?" -- Soup Lines, Bread Lines, and Apple Sellers -- Hooverville -- "In Hoover We Trusted" -- Bonus March -- Lame Ducks -- Chapter 4: FDR -- Young FDR -- Sunrise at Campobello -- The Happy Warrior -- "All You Have to Do Is Stay Alive" -- MAP - 1932 Presidential Election -- Chapter 5: "TRY SOMETHING" -- The First Hundred Days -- Alphabet Soup -- NRA -- Dear Mr. (or Mrs.) Roosevelt -- Only Maine and Vermont -- Chapter 6: DUST BOWL -- Storms and Foreclosures -- "I've Been Doin' Some Hard Travellin'" -- Woody Guthrie -- The Grapes of Wrath -- Chapter 7: "SHARE OUR WEALTH" -- An EPIC Campaign -- The Priest, the Doctor, and the Kingfish -- Labor Pains -- Flint, Michigan -- Memorial Day Massacre -- Chapter 8: THE SECOND NEW DEAL -- Court Packing -- The Roosevelt Recession -- Chapter 9: "MAIRZY DOATS AND DOAZY DOATS" -- Meet Me at the Fair -- Sports and Games -- Over the Rainbow -- Radio's Golden Age -- Chapter 10: "THE GREAT ARSENAL OF DEMOCRACY" -- "A Neutral Nation" -- "Better a 3rd Termer" -- "Air Raid . . . This Is No Drill" -- TIMELINE -- CHAPTER NOTES -- FURTHER READING -- INDEX -- Back Cover

This report covers Argentina's political and economic conditions and relations with the United States in 2000.

Does economics influence elections? How does such influence work? Under what conditions is it more or less likely to occur? These appear to be simple questions, but answering them is difficult. And they may appear to be trivial questions to those who contend that elections in the western democracies are, at best, placebos that disguise the real dynamics of power in societies still mostly characterized by the capitalist mode of production, even if the economy is directed by government. This is an argument we do not propose to address. We do believe that free, popular elections matter and that they make a difference precisely because, at periodic intervals, they set the limits or constraints within which capitalist as well as anticapitalist elites pursue their economic and political goals. To oppose the voice of the people to the people's manipulation by elites, it seems to us, creates an unnecessary dualism. This dualism is not useful because it cannot come to grips with the question of how and why popular electorates respond as they do to more or less elite-managed economies, and how and why elites, in turn, take account of or are responsive to whatever messages they may receive from the electorate.

Born in a period of great soc reform, the juvenile courts of the US promised a new deal for children caught up in the processes of criminal justice. For nearly 50 yrs, the courts were permitted to grow, & to develop, virtually without interruption, practices & facilities to comport with the philosophy of the court as a 'see agency,' designed not to punish but to help children in trouble. Examinations of the actual nature of the court & its procedures have, however, revealed that as a 'soc agency' the court remains largely an idea & an ideal. Its traditionally informal procedures, designed to reflect its noncriminal nature, have been criticized in recent Supreme Court cases. The resulting return to a more legalized approach may signal, therefore, a retrenchment in the work of the juvenile courts. HA.