El Intercambio de Archivos en Internet constituye una forma de "comportamiento virtual" que afecta las áreas socio-políticas, legales o culturales en razón a la naturaleza "revolucionaria" o "rebelde" de esta actividad. El presente trabajo examina algunos de los aspectos más relevantes de la práctica del Intercambio de Archivos. En primer lugar, se reflexiona epistemológicamente sobre la técnica y la tecnología como conceptos interrelacionados. Posteriormente se revisa como la imprenta se constituye como el sistema pionero de difusión con capacidad para influenciar a distancia a los individuos dando lugar a la "virtualidad", concepto más tarde concretizado y amplificado con el advenimiento del Internet. Seguidamente se examinan las ventajas que las complejizaciones técnicas ofrecen a las personas del común, y también a una especie de filosofía punk, al crear espacios virtuales donde conceptos como el "hazlo tu mismo" (con la ayuda del computador personal) adquieren gran relevancia al ofrecer a cualquier individuo la posibilidad de ser un creador en potencia. También se presenta un análisis integrativo en torno al concepto de derechos de autor (incluyendo algunas de sus implicaciones legales) y se analizan algunas de las alternativas propuestas para hacer más justa y tolerante esta figura. Por último, se revisan los conceptos de democracia, política y policía según Mouffe y Ranciére, para examinar cómo el Intercambio de Archivos podría generar colectivos con capacidad de dinamizar los procesos políticos y sus agendas ofreciendo espacios de discusión en favor del "Derecho a Pensar Diferente" frente a las denominadas "agenda hegemónicas".
This paper is an exploration of the concept of utopia proposed by theColombian philosopher Dario Uribe Botero, in relation to the conceptof dissent expressed by the French philosopher Jacques Rancière. Thepolitical thought of these two authors taking centre on the politicaltransformations and ethical individual movement in the form of politicalactions via the transformation of different forms of dominationpresent in today's societies. The intention then focuses on aestheticsas a dispute reformulation of the social, economic and political fields,which places the political in permanent contingency and grow, sothere is never last political or essentially "real" project, to a mannerof the large movements of the twentieth century, but in echoes thefoucaulitiana's proposal the two authors maintain as a form of aestheticsof the political action existence.Keywords: Politic, esthetic, utopic, dissent, democracy. ; El presente texto es una indagación del concepto de utopía propuesto por el filósofo colombiano Darío Botero Uribe, en relación con el concepto de disenso expuesto por el filósofo francés Jacques Ranciére. El pensamiento político de los dos autores toma como centro de las transformaciones políticas el movimiento individual ético en forma de acción política en vía de trasformación de diferentes formas de dominación presentes en las sociedades actuales. La intención entonces se centra en la estética como disputa de la reformulación del campo social, económico y político, que coloca lo político en permanente contingencia y devenir, por lo que nunca existe un proyecto político último o 'verdadero' esencial, a manera de los grandes movimientos del siglo XX, sino que en eco de la propuesta foucaultiana los dos autores sostienen una forma de estética de la existencia en cuanto acción política.
El presente escrito tiene por finalidad repensar las posibilidades del arte político contemporáneo. Para ello tomamos como punto de partida los aspectos dilemáticos explicitados por Jaques Rancière en su libro El espectador emancipado. Esto es, la caducidad de los esquemas de acción propuestos por el arte político. Sin embargo, tomamos distancia del trabajo genealógico por el cual asume que es la persistencia de determinada concepción teológica del tiempo, presente tanto en la modernidad como en la vanguardia, aquel aspecto sintomático que repite el arte contemporáneo. Nuestra estrategia consistirá en señalar que es posible elaborar un relato sobre las vanguardias que asuma otra concepción de la temporalidad. Si esto es así, el concepto de vanguardia se acercaría a la idea de régimen estético propuesto por Ranciére y tendría total vigencia para pensar los dilemas del arte político contemporáneo. ; This text is aimed to rethink the possibilities of contemporary political art. Consequently, we will use the dilemmatic aspects proposed by Jacques Rancière in his book The Emancipated Spectator, that is, the outdated frameworks developed by political art. Nevertheless, we will also take distance from Ranciere's genealogical work through which he assumes that the persistence of a certain theological conception of time −one that can be observed both in modernity and avant-garde− is a symptomatic aspect that contemporary art would later repeat. Our strategy consists of pointing out that is possible to create a narrative of avant-garde that assumes a different conception of temporality. If so, the concept of avant-garde would come closer to the notion of aesthetic regime proposed by Rancière, and it could also be still relevant to conceive the dilemmas of contemporary political art.
En el trabajo que sigue pretendo poner en tensión una serie de discusiones teóricas en torno los procesos de subjetivación en clave social y política. En la primera sección discutiremos los procesos de construcción subjetiva desde la propuesta de Slavoj Zizek, y su diálogo con el psicoanálisis lacaniano. En un segundo momento, avanzaré sobre las propuestas de Judith Butler y Ernesto Laclau como politizaciones de la subjetivación, tomando como contrapunto de ambos a Jacques Ranciére. El objetivo que persigo con esta lectura crítica es reflexionar, por un lado, sobre el carácter estrictamente político que algunos autores otorgan al proceso mismo de constitución subjetiva, al tiempo que plantearé las posibles divergencias entre quienes examinan dicho proceso en un marco más amplio y complejo de constitución de lo social. Nuestro punto de partida radica en la diferenciación que una miríada de autores posfundacionales han planteado entre lo político y la política, pensando el lugar del sujeto en esa arena. ; In this paper I intend to tense a series of theoretical discussions on subjetification processes, in a social and political view. The first section will discuss the processes of subjective setting-up from the perspective of Slavoj Zizek and his dialogue with the lacanian psychoanalysis. In a second moment, I will continue with Judith Butler and Ernesto Laclau's proposals which politize the subjetification, taking Jacques Rancière as a counterpoint of both of them. The goal I am pursuing with this critique is reflecting on the strictly political character that some authors give to the subjetive constitution process itself, as well as I will set the possible divergences on those that examine the process in a mayor and more complex frame, related to the constitution of the social. The basis of this reflections relies on the differentiation that a myriad of posfundacional authors have proposed between the political and the politics, and the spot of the subjecton that arena. ; Fil: Allevi, José Ignacio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario. Investigaciones Socio-historicas Regionales. Centro de Estudios Sociales Regionales - Nodo Cesor - Ishir; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina
En el trabajo que sigue me propongo poner en tensión una serie de discusiones teóricas en torno a lo que cada una de ellas entiende por procesos de subjetivación, en clave social y política. Para ello, organizo la escritura en dos secciones. La primera discutirá los procesos de construcción subjetiva desde la propuesta de Slavoj Zizek, a partir de su diálogo desde el psicoanálisis lacaniano, pensando sus aportes sobre el renovado lugar del sujeto en el marco del postestructuralismo. En un segundo momento, por otra parte, avanzaré sobre las propuestas de Judith Butler y Ernesto Laclau tomando como contrapunto a Jacques Ranciére, con la idea de resituar el énfasis en torno al proceso de subjetivación como apuesta política. El objetivo principal que persigo con esta lectura crítica consiste en reflexionar, por un lado, sobre el carácter estrictamente político que algunos autores otorgan al proceso de constitución subjetiva misma, mientras que, además, me interesan las posibles divergencias entre quienes examinan dicho proceso en un marco más amplio y complejo de constitución de lo social. El punto de partida de estas reflexiones se encuentra en la diferenciación que una miríada de autores comprometidos con una mirada posfundacional han propuesto entre lo político y la política, pensando el lugar del sujeto en esa arena. ; In the paper that follows, I propose myself to tense a series of theoretical discussions on what each one of them understand by subjetification processes, in a social and political key. With that purpose in mind, I organize the writing into two sections. The first one will discuss the processes of subjective setting-up from the perspective of Slavoj Zizek taking his dialogue with the lacanian psychoanalysis, thinking on its approaches on the renewed spot of the subject in the postestructuralist frame. In a second moment, I will continue with the proposals of Judith Butler and Ernesto Laclau, taking Jacques Rancière as a counterpoint with the aim of resituate the point on the subjetification process as a political commitment. The main goal I am pursuing with this critique relies on reflecting, on the one hand, on the strictly political character that some authors give to the subjetive constitution process itself, while, on the other hand, I am interested on the possible divergences on those that examine the process in a mayor and more complex frame, related to the constitution of the social. The starting point of this reflections is found on the differences that a myriad of authors compromised with a posfundacional view have proposed between the political and the politics, and on the spot of the subject on that arena.
El retorno del sujeto político en América Latina durante los primeros años del siglo XXI ha sido acompañado por la rearticulación de lo popular con lo democrático. Mientras el imperio de la democracia liberal en la tercera ola de las democracias suponía el protagonismo de figuras individuales (como el votante y el ciudadano), esta cuarta se sostuvo también sobre otras lógicas colectivas (el derecho y la soberanía popular). En Argentina y Bolivia, los movimientos asociados a demandas laborales y acceso a recursos básicos (como alimentos, subsidios, agua y gas) lograron dislocar la escena pública. Además, tuvieron éxito en plantear un litigio en torno al rol de la soberanía popular cobrando identidad frente a un enemigo común. No obstante, mientras en un caso tuvieron capacidad de establecer un programa común en contra de un enemigo, en otro caso no pudieron hacerlo. Las estrategias de los sujetos políticos fueron diferentes. Para mostrar estas diferentes se recuperan, de manera crítica, autores ligados al posestructuralismo como Laclau, Ranciére y Zizek. ; The return of the political subject in Latin America in the beginning of the XXI century has been articulated with the popular and the democratic. While the liberal democracy on the third wave of democracies the principal roll was for two figures - the voter and citizenship -, this forth was laid in other collectives logics - the logic of right and popular sovereignty. - The Bolivian and Argentinian movements bring on the public scene demands related with the workers and access to resources as food, subsidies, water and gas. These claims were successful on dislocate the community and also to bring the problem of "popular sovereignty". These movements established their political identities as they named a public enemy. Despite of these similarities, they were different political subjects because theirs strategies and ways to found litigation. In order to show these differences, the paper will debate with poststructuralist authors as Laclau, Ranciere and Zizek. ; O retorno do sujeito político na América Latina durante os primeiros anos deste século tem sido acompanhado pela rearticulação do popular com o democrático. Embora a regra da democracia liberal na terceira onda de democracia assumiu o papel de figuras individuais (como eleitores e cidadãos), o quarto também foi realizada em outra (lei e soberania popular) lógica coletiva. Na Argentina e na Bolívia, os movimentos associados com as demandas de trabalho e acesso aos recursos básicos (tais como subsídios alimentares, água e gás) conseguiu deslocar na arena pública. Além disso, eles conseguiram levantar uma disputa sobre o papel da soberania popular, cobrando identidade contra um inimigo comum. No entanto, enquanto em um caso foram capazes de estabelecer um programa comum contra um inimigo, caso contrário, eles não podiam. As estratégias de sujeitos políticos eram diferentes. Para mostrar esses diferentes recuperar, de forma crítica, os autores ligados ao pósestruturalismo como Laclau, Rancière, e Zizek. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación ; Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas
El retorno del sujeto político en América Latina durante los primeros años del siglo XXI ha sido acompañado por la rearticulación de lo popular con lo democrático. Mientras el imperio de la democracia liberal en la tercera ola de las democracias suponía el protagonismo de figuras individuales (como el votante y el ciudadano), esta cuarta se sostuvo también sobre otras lógicas colectivas (el derecho y la soberanía popular). En Argentina y Bolivia, los movimientos asociados a demandas laborales y acceso a recursos básicos (como alimentos, subsidios, agua y gas) lograron dislocar la escena pública. Además, tuvieron éxito en plantear un litigio en torno al rol de la soberanía popular cobrando identidad frente a un enemigo común. No obstante, mientras en un caso tuvieron capacidad de establecer un programa común en contra de un enemigo, en otro caso no pudieron hacerlo. Las estrategias de los sujetos políticos fueron diferentes. Para mostrar estas diferentes se recuperan, de manera crítica, autores ligados al posestructuralismo como Laclau, Ranciére y Zizek. ; The return of the political subject in Latin America in the beginning of the XXI century has been articulated with the popular and the democratic. While the liberal democracy on the third wave of democracies the principal roll was for two figures - the voter and citizenship -, this forth was laid in other collectives logics - the logic of right and popular sovereignty. - The Bolivian and Argentinian movements bring on the public scene demands related with the workers and access to resources as food, subsidies, water and gas. These claims were successful on dislocate the community and also to bring the problem of "popular sovereignty". These movements established their political identities as they named a public enemy. Despite of these similarities, they were different political subjects because theirs strategies and ways to found litigation. In order to show these differences, the paper will debate with poststructuralist authors as Laclau, Ranciere and Zizek. ; O retorno do sujeito político na América Latina durante os primeiros anos deste século tem sido acompanhado pela rearticulação do popular com o democrático. Embora a regra da democracia liberal na terceira onda de democracia assumiu o papel de figuras individuais (como eleitores e cidadãos), o quarto também foi realizada em outra (lei e soberania popular) lógica coletiva. Na Argentina e na Bolívia, os movimentos associados com as demandas de trabalho e acesso aos recursos básicos (tais como subsídios alimentares, água e gás) conseguiu deslocar na arena pública. Além disso, eles conseguiram levantar uma disputa sobre o papel da soberania popular, cobrando identidade contra um inimigo comum. No entanto, enquanto em um caso foram capazes de estabelecer um programa comum contra um inimigo, caso contrário, eles não podiam. As estratégias de sujeitos políticos eram diferentes. Para mostrar esses diferentes recuperar, de forma crítica, os autores ligados ao pósestruturalismo como Laclau, Rancière, e Zizek. ; Fil: Muñoz, María Antonia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina
In this work, we crossed the ways of the subjectivity's constitution asking us for the subjects and their identities. We propose that the identity is only in a relationship with another, retaking the theoretical perspectives from differents languages (the approaches about situations, the psychoanalysis, the political philosophy). The social bow, the situation, the identity project, the debt of life, the symbolic law and the words that name the subject, are concepts that speak, in differents ways, about the processes of emancipation in which the human beings become what they are, witth others, from others, next or separated from others. The "ignorant teacher", descripted by Jacques Rancière, is an interesting way to think a different form of emancipation in a relationship with another. ; El presente trabajo recorre los caminos de la constitución de la subjetividad preguntándose por los sujetos y sus identidades. Se plantea que la identidad sólo es tal desde otro, retomando diversas perspectivas teóricas: los enfoques situacionales, el psicoanálisis, la filosofía política. Los conceptos de el lazo social, situación, proyecto identificatorio, prestación de identidad y deuda de vida que es deuda debida, ley simbólica y palabra que nombra al sujeto que la busca mientras la hace propia, hablan &–en lenguas diversas- acerca de los sinuosos caminos de la emancipación en los que los seres humanos nos hacemos a nosotros mismos con otros, a partir de otros, unidos y separados de los otros. El trabajo en ese espacio intermedio entre-sujetos, en las instituciones donde la transmisión se despliega, demanda una y otra vez reavivar las preguntas, no tanto por quiénes son ellos y ellas: "los nuevos", sino por el papel de los adultos en relación a estos "recién llegados", lugares de padres, madres, maestros, autoridades, postas parentales, pasadores de cultura, referentes, anfitriones. y obliga a reformular la tarea irrenunciable de la transmisión. Finalmente, el trabajo propone pensar los procesos emancipatorios y su articulación en la transmisión a partir de la figura del maestro ignorante, propuesta por Rancière, la que habilita a reflexionar acerca del lugar de la autoridad en educación y la ley simbólica que encarna. ; Le texte parcourt les chemins de la constitution de la subjectivité tout en problématisant les concepts de sujet et d'identité. On propose penser que l'identité peut être definie à partir d'un autre, en reprenant différents perspectives théoriques: les perspectives de la situation, la psychanalyse, la philosophie politique. Les concepts de lien social, situation, projet identificateur, prestation d'identité et dette de vie, dette qu'on doit4, loi symbolique et parole qui donne un nom au sujet tout en s'appropiant d'elle, parlent &– dans des langues différentes- de l'émancipation et ses chemins, où les êtres humains, nous nous faisons à nous mêmes avec des autres, liés et separés des autres. Le travail entre sujets, dans les institutions où la transmission se déploie, nous demande faire à nouveau circuler les questions, pas tellement pour savoir qui sont les "nouveaux venus" mais pour connaître cette place que les adultes occupent en rélation avec les "nouveaux", des lieux de pères, mères, maîtres, autorités, postes, ceux qui passent la culture, ceux qui acueillent. et oblige à penser autrement la tâche irrévocable de la transmission. Finalement, ce texte propose penser les processus émancipatoires et son lien avec la transmission à partir de la figure du maître ignorant, celle de Ranciére, celle qui ouvre à la reflexión sur le lieu de l'autorité éducative et la loi symbolique.
The subject of study of this doctoral thesis is addressing to the nexus configuration between asylum and intern displacement migratory processes and the identifiable response in control and management migratory and border-crossing policies which state a "Border-crossing Order of things ". Additionally, analyzing the potential challenge/response to that identifiable order in "Transborder Citizenship Emerging Practices" by migrants, displaced people and refugees. A comparative study is carried out about/in the frontiers Spain-Morocco (European Union) and Colombia-Venezuela (Andean Community of Nations) in the period 1990-2010. In Chapter One, it is intended to made clear the coordinates about the What and How of the research as well as the results. This is done by three subsections: the literature review and the approach to the problem; research questions, hypothesis and research objectives; research methodology. The methodological design used poses a combination between qualitative and comparative research, which allow us to analyze and compare observations and descriptions (exploratory-descriptive research) and also to analyze and compare the addresses and representations (analytical-interpretive research). Generally, the type of comparison followed was the one proposed by Skocpol and Somers called " Contrast of Contexts " which is essential for the interpretive comparative variant in social sciences, different to the type of comparison by " hypothesis control ". On the other hand, we followed Charles Ragin's (1987) suggestions about the "Case-oriented Research " and about the complex problems of the " Conjunctural Causality ", in other words, causal models that vary " according to the context ". In Chapter Two, Global Order of Control and Management of Migrations and Borders. The emergence from the Migration-Displacement-Asylum nexus, the contextualization is made and the characteristics for this order are shown; in order to highlight transformation of the international migration tendencies to forced migrations and alongside with it, the emergence of the Migration-Displacement-Asylum nexus. The global order of control and migrations management as a border regime responds to a policy spin and to the policies that transform the frontiers into a mechanism for the migration control (Faist, 2003); just as shown in the detailed description of the global and regional control agendas, management and migration and border-crossing cooperation; migration and border-crossing policies, and the protection and asylum policies for refugees, asylum seeker and migrants in the frontiers Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela. In Chapter Three, emerging typologies related to the migration-displacement-asylum nexus that allowed us to make the analysis and the comparison in the specific border-crossing zones Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela; which have a big potential of being used in other case studies. These typologies correspond to: the closely related causes of forced and voluntary migration in their home countries; the diverse motivations of several migrants, displaced and asylum seekers; motivation changes during migration for many migrants, displaced and asylum seekers; motivation changes during migration for many migrants, displaced people and asylum seekers; the close relation between refugees and economic migrants in some transit countries in the Spain-Morocco frontier and the close relationship between refugees and economic migrants on the way through Colombian regions; the rising similarities in the migration process for both " forced " and " voluntary " migrants; refugees and migrant workers can have similar experiences in the host countries; the experience of return, repatriation or deportation can be similar. We have built an analytical-comparative proposal that includes theoretical contributions from anthropology and politics about frontiers and migrations, entering into conversation with political theories about frontiers, migrations and citizenship. Our proposal consists in analyzing control and migration/border-crossing management politics and the " transborder citizenship emerging practices " through two analytic triads " ( IBO-1 e IBO-2 ) ", known in critical literature about frontiers as " IBO ( IFO in spanish ) triad: Identities, Borders, Orders " ( Kearney, 1995; Albert, Jacobson and Lapid, 2001; Van Houtuum and Van Naerssen, 2001 ). The analytic and comparative effort allowed to integrate the two triads in three related pairs ( I-1 and I-2 ), ( B-1 and B-2 ), ( O-1 and O-2 ) between the state-built identities and their migration policies ( I-1 ) and the ways of identification-disidentification that the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers and refugees claim and negotiate ( I-2 ). Between the states border-crossing control ( B-1 ) and the unauthorized border crossing of the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers ( B-2 ). Between the states' power and the politics orders ( O-1) and the ways of political subjectivation from the migrants-displaced-asylum seekers and refugees (O-2 ). The IBO-1 triad corresponds to the border-crossing order of things and the IBO-2 triad to the potential challenge to that order via transborder citizenship emerging practices. In Chapters Four and Five, the previous analytical-comparative framework was applied in the Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela borders. In each case, the control and management migratory and border-crossing policies were analyzed taking into account three main aspects: identities production and classification, specially the political and civic identities. This is selectivity (Filter function); the frontierization practices, not only control and regulation but also the border-permeability function (Filter function), who can or cannot enter (citizens and non-citizens production ), taking into account the role of the States as well as their regional, global and local registry. In this dimension we talk about the border-crossing order of things. On the other hand, also in each case, the practices from the migrant, displaced, refugees, asylum seeker citizenships in other border games through de-frontierization practices; it is about authorized and unauthorized border-crossing agents and they answer to the Border Crossing Control but previously, they have been qualified and some identities have been attributed such as "irregulars", "illegals", "undesirables" and so on, against that, they answer de facto, claiming-verifying that "Any human being is illegal"; this through active processes of disidentification and disclassification, they will be rejecting, also de facto, their imputation as non-citizens; and in this process, they act as if they were citizens, in an equality verification as human beings and as a subject of universal law (Ranciére, 1999). Summarizing, these are "transborder citizenship emerging practices " from these migrant subjects alongside with their regional, global and local registry. In this analysis dimension, we talk about the (potential) challenge to the border-crossing order of things. Chapter Six gathers the compared analysis about the Spain-Morocco and Colombia-Venezuela borders. In this doctoral thesis, defining two case study was from the beginning the search for a comparative analysis that allowed addressing every case itself to give account of its own dynamics and evolution. From the particularities of the migration-displacement-asylum nexus in each border-crossing zone, there was an advance in a comparison, not as a migratory flows problem itself, but in its political articulations related to migration/border-crossing control and management politics and the citizenship practices. Actors and their political interactions related to their position in the face of borders. Borders are the matters of dispute that reconfigures constantly the concept of politics and the political Chapter Seven about conclusions was oriented to answer the question "How migrants, displaced people and refugees are constituted as political actors and are allowed to appeal to their community members condition? As exposed in the conclusions, in their transborder migrants condition and the democratization assertion from the borders, the transborder citizenship emerging practices take shape. Finally, we present some limitations, possible contributions from the doctoral thesis and some proposals for the future research development. The importance of contributing with studies that overcome the methodological nationalism and the internal focus was posed; also contributing to the methodological, epistemological and conceptual change in the borders, migrations and citizenship studies and strengthening a new epistemic community; and contribution to the ongoing research program about the relation between identity, borders and political orders in border-crossing zones. This analytical-comparative proposal pretends to be one step to the formation of a method or a theory about the comparative anthropology in the borders and periphery and more specifically, as the presentation of the border-crossing order of things and its challenge hypothesis. Therefore, the same questions that we have posed in this doctoral thesis could be asked concerning different borders and demarcation and policies regimes to perform compared works about how some borders are built and the migration processes that pass through it. A short-term future researching development could be addressing the migration-displacement-asylum nexus with a comparative analysis of the borders between Colombia and Venezuela and, Ecuador and Panama in the post-peace agreement transition process.
