Suchergebnisse

We describe a simple mechanism for achieving two goals: (1) to encourage firms to take environmentally friendly action, and (2) to make environmental protection impervious to political change. We assert that there is wide evidence now that firms adopting an environmental management system (EMS) like ISO 14001 improve their environmental performance. This is because ISO 14001's third-party audits reduce the chance firms will fully fail to comply with regulations, and the EMS procedure reduces the chances firms will be in noncompliance due to ignorance. Our mechanism is intended to harness the power of EMS systems within firms, while reducing the chances that political change will nullify our solution. We argue that to achieve these goals, governments should make firms' participation in public procurement programs contingent on their adoption of an EMS such as ISO 14001.

The issuance of.The Constitution Number6 2014 concerning Villages, hereinafter referred to as the Village Law, becomes a starting point for the village's hopes to be able to determine its position, role and authority over itself. The hope is that the village can be socially powerful and politically sovereign as the foundation of village democracy, as well as being economically empowered and culturally dignified as the face of village independence and village development. This hope is even more exciting when the combination of recognition and subsidiarity principles appears as the main principle that becomes the spirit of this law. Village Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages supported by PP. 43 of 2014 concerning Implementation Regulations of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages, discusses the process of making Village regulations which are also regulated in the Minister of Home Affairs Regulation No. 111 of 2014, the formulation of the research problem wanted to know the process of making Village regulations according to The Constitution Number6 2014 concerning Village, the fund wants to know the authority of the village head in drafting village regulations in Ulak Pandan Village and Tanjung Pinang Village, Kecamata. West Merapi, Lahat Regency. based on The Constitution Number6 2014concerning Village, the theory used is the theory of coordination from Inu Dating, the methodology used in this research is descriptive analysis or qualitative research design with a case study model. In conducting this research the author uses a type of field research (Field Research), the result of this research is that the process of drafting village regulations in Ulak Pandan Village and Tanjung Pinang Village, District West Merapi, Lahat Regency is in accordance with The Constitution Number6 2014 on Villages which is supported by PP No. 43 of 2014 and Minister of Home Affairs Regulation No. 111 of 2014, drafting village regulations.

The exercise of conscience can have far reaching effects. Poor behaviour can be fatal, as it has occurred in various medical scandals over the years. This article takes a wide definition of conscience as its starting point, and argues that the decision-making processes open to society--legal regulation and professional regulation--can serve to limit the options available to an individual and thus her ability to exercise her conscience. The article charts the law's changing attitude to legal intervention, which now seeks to limit the use of conscience by individuals, and addresses concerns that this may serve to 'de-moralise' medicine. It also examines the reasons for this legal change of approach. ; Peer-reviewed ; Post-print

'Imperial Benevolence: Making British Authority in the Pacific Islands' by Jane Samson is reviewed.

How can Indigenous law-making affect state authority? I examine this in the context of Canada's extractive sector, where I question how and when Indigenous laws prevail over state laws to challenge colonial authority and reassert Indigenous self-determination. Although the state claims supreme authority, Indigenous governments are enacting their own laws, laws that are sometimes in tension with those of the state. I demonstrate that while the state usually responds to contentious Indigenous law-making with conflict, under certain conditions Indigenous communities can incite the state to reverse its position to one of acquiescence or cooperation. By drawing on insights from three Indigenous communities in Canada, I offer four conditions under which Indigenous peoples and governments may be able to compel the state to relent and accrue authority, including by preparing to engage in a long-term project, by fomenting community cohesion, by exploiting evolving international norms related to Indigenous rights, and by offering viable governance alternatives to colonial legislation. By highlighting new sites of authority and resistance, this work underscores the transformative possibilities of Indigenous politics

The development of Islamic landscapes in Europe, is first and foremost related to Islamic authority. Religious authority relies on persuasiveness and deals with issues of truth, authenticity, legitimacy, trust, and ethics with reference to religious matters. This study argues that Islamic authority-making among European Muslims is a social and relational practice that is much broader and versatile than theological proficiency and personal status. It can also be conferred to objects, activities, and events. The book explores various ways in which Islamic authority is being constituted among Muslims in Western Europe with a particular focus on the role of 'ordinary' Muslims.

Most political systems consist of multiple layers. While this fact is widely acknowledged, we know surprisingly little about its implications for policy-making. Most comparative studies still focus exclusively on the national level. We posit that both methodological nationalism and methodological subnationalism should be avoided. We argue instead that in multilevel systems national and subnational governments jointly affect policy-making. Their respective influence is, however, conditional on the distribution of policy authority. Moreover, we identify power asymmetries, as subnational governments hardly affect policy-making in centralized systems whereas national governments shape subnational policy-making even in decentralized polities. Empirically, we study the case of education policy. Novel data on regional education spending, regional and national governments' ideology, and regional authority over education in 282 regions in 15 countries over 21 years reveals strong support for the interplay between ideology and the distribution of authority across levels. We conclude by sketching a resulting research agenda.

This analysis of British imperialism in the south Pacific explores the impulses behind British calls for the protection and "improvement" of islanders. From kingmaking projects in Hawai'l, ̃ Tonga, and Fiji to the "antislavery" campaign against the labor trade in the western Pacific, the author examines the deeply subjective, cultural roots permeating Britons' attitudes toward Pacific Islanders. By teasing out the connections between those attitudes and the British humanitarian and antislavery movements, Imperial Benevolence reminds us that nineteenth-century Britain was engaged in a global campaign for "Christianization and Civilization." Students and scholars of imperial, Pacific, and maritime history will welcome this impressive work - one that appreciates the complexities of the past, thus extending significantly our understanding of this multifaceted period

Purpose: This paper aims to determine the most possible telecommunications regulatory system for the Palestinian Authority by investigating its institutional foundations. The paper highlights the problem of setting sophisticated institutions in fragile states that do not fully control their resources and investigates possible solution in terms of foreign investments. Design/methodology/approach: The paper follows a qualitative research approach in two parts. The first part examines the institutional endowment framework set by Levy and Spiller and Levy and Spiller but considers critique of the framework. It also investigates institutional problems in fragile states in order to identify similar patters identified in Levy and Spiller framework. The second part focuses on the Palestinian Authority institutional foundations. Data are collected through interviews with key stakeholders of the Palestinian telecommunications sector. Findings: The case of the Palestinian Authority shows a mix of political investment cycles and a genuine attempt of regulatory reforms. Endogenous fragility of the government magnified the effect of corruption and the maintenance of business-politicians ties. Also, the Palestinian telecommunications sector suffers from exogenous fragility in terms of Israeli control of radio spectrum, international gateway, and importing of equipment. Inability of the Palestinian Authority to invoke GATS BTA conflict resolution mechanism and the crucial role foreign investors played to secure release of spectrum for the second mobile operator indicates the need for the Palestinian Authority to attempt attracting foreign investment. However, foreign investments require regulatory effectiveness that the Palestinian Authority lacks; thus eliminating endogenous fragility becomes a prerequisite to exogenous fragility. Originality/value: This paper sheds light on problems regarding setting up an institution-based regulatory system in unstable states. It contributes to the argument that "one size fit all" might not be the answer for some countries, especially fragile ones.

In this paper I wish to begin addressing a number of questions concerning Muslim religious authority, to which I do not have ready answers myself and which, I believe, have only incidentally been touched upon by earlier research. Given the fact that Islamic knowledge – by which I mean that which Muslims consider to be correct Islamic beliefs, values and practices — is inherently contested, how do certain forms of Islamic knowledge become authoritative among Muslims in Western Europe? There exists a range of would-be Muslim authorities, which are eager to define correct Islam for other Muslims as well as to represent it towards non-Muslims. There are also states as well as non-state actors in European societies that have a strong interest in favouring or rejecting certain interpretations of Islam. What are the strategies used by individuals and institutions to establish their authority or to delegitimatise that of others? Why have some of these strategies been successful or failed? To what extent does the European social, political and cultural context play a part in these strategies or in the forms of Islamic knowledge represented? Whereas these questions concern what may be called the "supply" side of religious knowledge, there is a corresponding series of questions concerning the "demand" side: How do Muslims in Europe, especially second- and third-generation immigrant Muslims, acquire their knowledge of Islam? Whom do they seek out as teachers, counsellors or role models, and on what grounds? What is the impact of their linguistic competence on the type of knowledge demanded or acquired? To what extent does the life-world of young Muslims in Western Europe give rise to new questions, new values, new practices, new interpretations?