Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- CHAPTER 1 Opening the Space of Interpretation -- CHAPTER 2 Catholic West Belfast: A Sense of Place -- CHAPTER 3 Gender Trouble and the Transformation of Consciousness -- CHAPTER 4 The Ritual Politics of Historical Legitimacy -- CHAPTER 5 The Gendered Politics of Suffering: Women of the RAC -- CHAPTER 6 The Power of Sexual Difference: Armagh Women -- CHAPTER 7 En-Gendering a Nation -- Afterword -- Notes -- References -- Index

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- Chapter 1: Opening the Space of Interpretation -- Chapter 2: Catholic West Belfast: A Sense of Place -- Chapter 3: Gender Trouble and the Transformation of Consciousness -- Chapter 4: The Ritual Politics of Historical Legitimacy -- Chapter 5: The Gendered Politics of Suffering: Women of the RAC -- Chapter 6: The Power of Sexual Difference: Armagh Women -- Chapter 7: En-Gendering a Nation -- Afterword -- Notes -- References -- Index

This article challenges broadly applied beliefs about the gendered nature of informality and the marginalization of single mothers to argue that many such women in Ayacucho, Peru routinely sought out formal-sector jobs and used these to exert authority over certain local processes of development. I argue that this situation, influenced in part by the male-dominated nature of the lucrative but completely informal coca economy, may also reflect Andean ideologies of maternal authority and the freedom afforded to single, rather than married, women. This article draws on over sixteen months of fieldwork in rural Ayacucho, during which time I observed women's efforts to diversify and reconfigure their households and analyzed their income strategies in relation to political involvement and kinship networks. As I describe, my interlocutors were primarily landless, and sold food from home, engaged in hacienda 'invasions', and took available jobs with NGOs and municipalities. These jobs were often short-term, part-time, and low paying, and development and municipal projects sought women specifically for such positions, believing men were unlikely to take them. Countering the global pattern of women's relegation to the informal sector, however, as well as the notion that single women are inevitably disproportionately marginalized, female heads-of-household in the Huanta region regularly sought formal, even government-sponsored jobs and used such positions to improve their own situations and direct community change.

Abstract: This is an article devoted to a woman political prisoner in Hong Kong, with a focus on the relation between freedom and political subjectivity. In prison, while she, Gwyneth Ho, continues to present well-crafted and relevant social commentaries in her social media, the prisoner also writes a lot about a gay popular star. She proudly participates in this fandom even in prison, made possible by other fans diligently sending her news and gossip through regular mail. This article discusses how she expresses ideas related to belonging, love, and freedom during incarceration. She is deprived of her right to liberty, but she insists on practicing her freedom of expression, giving us a new perspective on the meanings of freedom and will. Committed to developing Hong Kong's democracy while indulging in a queer amorousness, her prison writings also loosen up the identity politics that have been so central to Hong Kong's political life thus far, also bringing us new perspectives to theorize political subjectivity.

"This anthropological study of grassroots community leaders in Porto Alegre, Brazil's leftist hotspot, focuses on gender, politics, and regionalism during the early 2000s, when the Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores) was in power. The author explores the ways community leaders make sense of official notions of citizenship and how gender, politics, and regional identities shape these interpretations. Junge further examines the implications of leaders' deep ambivalence toward normative participation discourses for how we theorize and study participatory democracy, citizenship, and political subjectivity in Brazil and beyond."--

Since late 2010, the Arab World has witnessed regime changes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya; and revolts by Arab citizens are still underway in Syria, Bahrain and Yemen, along with reform initiatives at different levels. These processes cannot be accurately be described by Orientalist terms such as 'Arab Spring', 'Arab unrest' or the 'Facebook Revolution', where such categorizations fail to account for the radical transformation in politics and values that the Arab World is undergoing and the significance that resides in the confluence of social and democratic demands. The ultimate fate of these popular uprisings remains in the balance, but it is all too clear that they have produced the most dramatic changes in the region since the mid-twentieth century which marked the end of the colonial era. This article aims to elucidate the import of term 'the people' and to whom it applies in the popular slogan: 'The people want the overthrow of the regime' (al-shaʿb yurīd isqāṭ al-niẓām). It aims to identify the actors involved in the revolution, particularly the youth and participants among the labour movement. Through this analysis the study explores the new political subjectivity ushered in by these revolutions, in the specific form of individuality, or what is termed here reflexive individualism. This individualism, which is different from the neoliberal concept, is not a straightforward one predicated on anti-patriarchal authority, anti-tribe, anti-community or anti-political party sentiments. The political subjectivity of the individuals who have taken part is formed and shaped both within and across the shadowy edges of political institutions and their production of legitimacy and knowledge.

This article examines the relationship between an important local spirit cult and the construction of Isan political identity in Chaiyaphum province, northeast Thailand. Isan subjectivity has largely been studied through social or political-economic lenses. This study looks, however, at the spiritual experiences and ritual performances that crucially manufacture a local version of personhood. The spectacular annual performance of social memory and historical commemoration of Phaya Lae is constitutive of political identity for the people of Chaiyaphum province. I argue that the rituals surrounding the Phaya Lae cult enable the people of Chaiyaphum to perceive their subjectivity as Thais via the integration of the deity into the historical imagination of the state. I argue further that such local performances of spirit cults sustain Thailand as a 'ritual state' in which power and prestige are maintained by ritual enactments both in everyday life and ceremonial events. Through mediumship, the periphery draws charisma from the central Thai state and in turn ritually sustains the potency of the centre.

The study's main aim is to look for relationships between political beliefs and political subjectivity of grey voters (over 65). Political beliefs contain a motivational element, mainly due to being embedded in the values and needs of the respective individuals. This can affect the consciously created place of the citizen within the political system in different directions. The orientation of the study on the grey voters may be cognitively engaging due to the several sources related to historical events that took place in Poland. Political beliefs were conceptualized through dimensions on a left-right scale, where xenophobia and religious fundamentalism were diagnosed in the area of cultural beliefs. In contrast, acceptance of capitalism and anti-welfare were diagnosed in the area of economic beliefs. Political subjectivity was diagnosed using an original tool, whose preliminary analysis made it possible to distinguish three factors of the construct: political initiative, political sense, and identification with the political system.