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1. SUBMARINE INCURSIONS IN OCTOBER 1982 FOREIGN SUBMARINES PENETRATED THE WATERS OF THE SWEDISH NAVAL BASE AT MUSKO IN THE SOUTHERN PART OF THE STOCKHOLM ARCHIPELAGO. IN THE FOLLOWING ANTI-SUBMARINE WARFARE (ASW) OPERATIONS, THE SWEDISH NAVY FOR THE FIRST TIME TRIED TO TRAP A SUBMARINE AND FORCE IT TO THE SURFACE. THE INCIDENT, KNOWN AS THE HARSFJARDEN INCIDENT, ENDED WITH THE FAILURE OF THE SWEDISH NAVY TO PREVENT THE SUBMARINE OR SUBMARINES FROM ESCAPING. THE HARSFJARDEN INCIDENT WAS NO SINGLE OCCURRENCE. AFTER THE STRANDING OF THE SOVIET SUBMARINE U-137 NEAR THE KARLSKRONA NAVAL BASE IN OCTOBER 1981, SWEDEN EXPERIENCED A SHARP INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF DETECTED SUBMARINE INCIDENTS.1 TO SOME EXTENT THIS INCREASE COULD PROBABLY BE EXPLAINED AS A CONSEQUENCE OF IMPROVED SURVEILLANCE, BUT THERE WAS ALSO AN IMPORTANT CHANGE IN THE NATURE OF THE INCURSIONS. WHEREAS PREVIOUSLY SUBMARINES HAD LEFT SWEDISH WATERS UPON WARNING, THIS TIME THE INTRUDERS OPERATING SEVERAL TOGETHER, DID NOT LEAVE BUT RESORTED TO EVASIVE ACTION. ALSO THE SUBMARINES APPEARED IN SUCH AREAS AND DURING SUCH CIRCUMSTANCES THAT THEY COULD EVEN BE SUSPECTED OF HAVING THE DELIBERATE INTENTION TO BE DETECTED AND HUNTED.

'REGRETTABLY, THE ARMS CONTROL AGREEMENTS HITERTO REACHED HAVE NOT HALTED THE ARMS RACE OR REDUCED THE MILITARY POTENTIAL OF STATES. IN MANY CASES, THE WEAPONS PROHIBITED HAVE HAD LITTLE, IF ANY, MILITARY IMPORTANCE, AND THE OUTLAWED ACTIVITIES HAVE NEVER BEEN SERIOUSLY CONTEMPLATED AS METHODS OF WAR. NEGOTIATIONS ON MEASURES WHICH COULD MAKE A SIGNIFICANT IMPACT ON THE ARMS SITUATION IN THE WORLD HAVE STAGNATED FOR YEARS. THUS, DURING THE PAST DECADE, VERY LITTLE HAS BEEN DONE IN THE FIELD OF NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL, EVEN THOUGH THE REMOVAL OF THE THREAT OF NUCLEAR WAR IS GENERALLY CONSIDERED TO BE THE MOST URGENT TASK OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY.' SIPRI, AGREEMENTS FOR ARMS CONTROL: A CRITICAL SURVEY, 1982, P. 355. 1. DISARMAMENT NEGOTIATIONS - A DREAM THAT CAME FALSE EVERYONE CONCERNED WITH INTERNATIONAL SECURITY PROBLEMS KNOWS IT - DISARMAMENT AND ARMS CONTROL NEGOTIATIONS HAVE NOT HALTED THE ARMS RACE. IN A FEW CASES, NEGOTIATIONS AND AGREEMENTS MAY HAVE SLOWED DOWN THE RATE OF ARMAMENT, WHILE IN MANY MORE CASES THEY HAVE SIMPLY CONTRIBUTED TO QUALITATIVE BUILD-UPS IN WAYS BENEFICIAL TO THE NEGOTIATING PARTIES BUT HARDLY TO THE REST OF THE WORLD. AT THE SAME TIME, DISARMEMENT NEGOTIATIONS AND HOPED-FOR AGREEMENTS ARE CHARACTERIZED AS 'THE HOPE OF SURVIVAL OF MANKIND'. AND THE ONLY ONE, IT SHOULD BE ADDED. NEGOTIATIONS ARE SUPPOSED TO LEAD TO THE OVERALL GOAL OF GENERAL AND COMPLETE DISARMAMENT SUPPORTED, IN PRINCIPLE AT LEAST, BY VIRTUALLY ALL GOVERNMENTS OF THE WORLPY: 1983

People with disabilities are the largest minority in the world—a minority that continues to experience direct, structural, and cultural violence during times of peace, as well as times of conflict and displacement. Contributing a unique perspective to the field, this analysis draws on academic and anecdotal evidence from a variety of fields and disciplines, together with the author's interviews with Colombian and Venezuelan refugees and asylum seekers with disabilities, to demonstrate the value of subjugated knowledge within Peace and Conflict Studies. These findings form the case for inclusive and accessible positive peacebuilding, and support the author's call to action for other researchers and practitioners to ensure their own Peace and Conflict Studies endeavors are inclusive of, and accessible to, diverse and marginalized populations.

This article outlines the case for peace and conflict researchers to formulate a research covenant to better shape their ethical obligations and responsibilities. This is an urgent necessity given that ethical debates have in some proponents become emotive and are not conducted in an ethical manner. In coming to this assessment, the article reviews trends in the research ethics literature and draws out some of the generic issues addressed in a review of the personal reflexivity that an assortment of individual peace and conflict researchers have engaged in when recounting their fieldwork experiences. These generic issues are reformulated in an attempt to codify appropriate ethical practice in peace and conflict research, and they go towards determining the contents of the research covenant. It is suggested that the research covenant is a more ethical way to debate the ethics of peace and conflict research.

"Als Teil seiner 'Social Cognitive Theory' führt Albert Bandura (z.B. 1986) einen Prozess ein, den er moralische Ablösung (moral disengagement) nennt. Er beschreibt acht verschiedene Mechanismen, durch welche Verhalten von der moralischen Selbstkontrolle des Individuums abgelöst werden kann und es so möglich wird, schädigendes Verhalten auszuüben, ohne dass das Selbst der Person negative Konsequenzen dadurch erleidet. Der vorliegende Aufsatz dient der Beschreibung der Neuentwicklung einer Messung von Moral Disengagement und erster Resultate. Damit folgt sie dem Beispiel von Studien von Grussendorf et al. (2002) und McAlister (2000, 2001), welche eine erste Skala zur Messung von Moral Disengagement berichten. Nach einer kurzen Beschreibung der acht Mechanismen des Moral Disengagement wird diese bereits bestehende Skala eingeführt und kritisiert. Die Notwendigkeit der Konstruktion einer neuen Skala, ihre Entwicklung, psychometrischen Eigenschaften und möglichen Schwächen werden diskutiert. Als ein verwandtes, aber konzeptuell verschiedenes Konzept wird die Einstellungsdimension Militarismus-Pazifismus erläutert und erste Ergebnisse bezüglich der Beziehung zwischen der neu entwickelten Skala und der Militarismus-Pazifismus-Skala von Cohrs et al. (2002) werden berichtet. Erste Anwendungen der neuen Moral Disengagement Skala werden vor allem in Hinsicht auf deren Eigenschaften dargestellt. Es folgt eine Diskussion der wesentlichen Ergebnisse und kritischer Fragen bezüglich des Konstruktes. Vorschläge für weitere Forschung werden gemacht." (Autorenreferat)

Since EU members have agreed to establish integrated military forces and to decide jointly on their deployment in European institutions, the EU's "democratic deficit" is no longer confined to issues of common market governance but also includes foreign, security and defense politics. Drawing on recent debates in peace and conflict research, I will argue that a democratic deficit in European security and defense politics is not only worrying for its own sake but also because a growing body of literature regards the democratic control of security and defense politics as the best guarantee to maintain peaceful and cooperative relations with other states.