Suchergebnisse

In a current culture where the public eye heavily criticizes the federal government's accrual of debt, what can be said of an individual's debt accumulation? What variables affect the changes in aggregate consumer debt? Common thought has been that as interest rates decrease, consumers are attracted to increase their borrowing because it becomes cheaper (interest payments decrease). As true as this observation is, the significance of this effect hasn't been measured against other variables associated with debt. For example, when comparing the effect of interest rates against the effects of unemployment rates on total national measures of consumer debt, credit card debt, non-credit card debt, and mortgage debt the latter variable inflicts more impact on the metrics. The significant effect of unemployment rates on the aforementioned debt measurements was evident after conducting multivariable regressions on the selected data. Understanding the significance of this effect provides insight into national debt dynamics, thus providing useful tools in deciding economic policy.

In a current culture where the public eye heavily criticizes the federal government's accrual of debt, what can be said of an individual's debt accumulation? What variables affect the changes in aggregate consumer debt? Common thought has been that as interest rates decrease, consumers are attracted to increase their borrowing because it becomes cheaper (interest payments decrease). As true as this observation is, the significance of this effect hasn't been measured against other variables associated with debt. For example, when comparing the effect of interest rates against the effects of unemployment rates on total national measures of consumer debt, credit card debt, non-credit card debt, and mortgage debt the latter variable inflicts more impact on the metrics. The significant effect of unemployment rates on the aforementioned debt measurements was evident after conducting multivariable regressions on the selected data. Understanding the significance of this effect provides insight into national debt dynamics, thus providing useful tools in deciding economic policy.

Korea's youth unemployment rate has rapidly ascended since 2013 while total unemployment remains little changed. The youth unemployment rate of high school graduates has been maintained at a stable level thanks to the growing number of service jobs. However, a rapidly rising number of college graduates are unemployed due to the slow creation of professional and semi-professional jobs. The government's youth employment support program has also contributed to the increase, but the extent is minor. To enhance the demand for skilled workers, economic innovation needs to accelerate and excellence in higher education must be achieved. - The youth (15-29) unemployment rate rapidly ascended from 2013. - The decline in the employment rate for men aged 25-29 stopped after 2009 while the unemployment rate has soared since 2013. - Youth employment is driven more by future careers than income. - The skill level of young Koreans is densely concentrated in the middle, which means that their skill level is high among the bottom but low among the top. - Advanced economies experienced a severe polarization of jobs in the 1980s, an increase in service jobs from the 1990s with the IT revolution, followed by a decrease in skilled jobs in recent years. - The impact from the demographic changes to the youth unemployment rate is insignificant as of now, but the population aged 25-29 is expected to rise by 390,000 in 2017-2021. - The Ministry of Employment and Labor's Employment Success Package Program partially increases the unemployment rate but with little significance. - With growing service jobs from 2010, the employment rate and the wages of high school graduates improved. - To increase service jobs, the gains from technological innovation must lead to a reduction in prices. But, this is only possible when regulations are eased and competition is encouraged. - The minimum wage system does not directly increase the wages of high school graduates, but it can serve as an institutional tool necessary for the protection of labor conditions. - The rising youth unemployment rate is driven by the increase in the unemployment rate of college graduates, particularly due to the decrease in semi-professional jobs. - Korea's innovation level must be enhanced to increase the number of skilled jobs. To that end, an environment must be created to motivate innovation, business growth dynamism and excellence in education.

Throughout the world, strong dispersions of both regional and national unemployment rates can be observed. The economic theory has developed various explanations on how this differences occur. Corresponding models mainly aim at institutional and political framework, insider effects, efficiency wages, collective bargaining and cyclical effects. However, the size of economies has received little attention in this discussion. In this paper, we will show that there is indeed a strong link between size and unemployment. Using data from 37 countries, 15 continents and trade areas as well as 496 federal states, we will demonstrate that larger economic regions tend to have higher unemployment rates. Subsequently, we show that this correlation is strongly determined by the degree of centralization of countries. Based on these findings, we develop a model that explains regional and national unemployment using size and centralization. We will point out that centralization parabolas can be derived for each country. These curves are strongly influenced by the size of economies in a way that different sizes lead to a shift of the parabolas. As we will demonstrate, country-specific parabolas explain the strong dispersion of unemployment rates quite accurately.

Differences in regional unemployment rates are often used to describe regional economic inequality. This paper asks whether changes in regional unemployment differences in West Germany are persistent over time. Only if such changes are persistent, the differences are a sensible measure of inequality and only then can policies be effective that aim at lowering the dispersion of unemployment rates. Our analysis follows a time-series approach to economic convergence and we test whether unemployment differences between regions are stationary or not. While univariate tests show that changes in unemployment differences are persistent, more powerful panel tests find them to be only transitory. However, these tests reveal only a moderate speed of convergence. Since there is a structural break following the second oil crisis, we also employ unit-root tests that allow for such break. Again we find strong evidence for convergence and now also the speed of convergence is found to be very high. Both results, the presence of regime-wise conditional convergence in regional unemployment rates and fast equilibrium adjustment, have important implications for economic policy targeted at regional unemployment. On the one hand, small government interventions loose their effect quickly as unemployment rates adjust back to their equilibrium levels. On the other hand, large interventions might move the economy from one equilibrium of regional unemployment rates to the other. This means the policy intervention needs to take the form of a substantial regime shift. Most policies that aim at reducing relative unemployment differentials are unlikely to make permanent contributions to social welfare.

The unemployment is an important issue for all other groups of society such as adults, women, people with disabilities, migrants and of course, the main goal is the fighting for this problem for the whole society. However, there is also a fact that the problem amongst young generation affects more deeply to the society's present and future. Furthermore, solving the unemployment problem of today's youth should be noted that this would mean to solve the employment problem of the adults of the future. Therefore, in this study, the phenomenon of the growing rates of unemployment especially amongst young people is drawn attention and the picture of youth unemployment in Europe will be explored. Generally, youth unemployment leads to several significant social and personal problems in the areas of physiological, psychological, economic due to that as the most efficient labour capacity, it remains idle, as it will be specified in detail in the study. The lack of homogeneous structure of youth unemployment and also, their very high mobility tend to be a problem with youth unemployment. Correspondingly young people are belonging to the different education, skills, psychological structure, it complicates the solution of the problem. This issue exists as well as almost in all parts of the world, such as both in developed and developing countries as a common problem. The result of this problem is a much more complex rather than it looks actually. For this reason, the changing rates of youth unemployment are calling for changes in policies and it raises some key issues that policy-makers will need to address. Different policies which are the reflection of the education systems, labour market institutions and socio-cultural characteristics of the EU countries have been evaluated by these Member States in the transition of young people from school to work. This can be carried out applying various policy recommendations in the different fields that are described in the current research study. In order to examine the youth unemployment driving factors and analyse their impact, empirical data was obtained for EU-15 countries as a whole. The statistical data was composed of the different variables, such as minimum wage, youth employment to population ratio, unemployment, poverty rate, GNI per capita, youth population. Then, when data analysis and review of academic literature finished, results and discussions were accomplished in the present paper. This also involved possible recommendations for a more effective development in the countries of EU.

A useful little illustration of the problem that the planners always have - the world's a complicated place.John Harris tells us that: Particularly in cities, selling council houses sooner or later eats away at places' sense of stability and continuity: once buy-to-let landlords enter the picture, most tenants tend to become transient and disconnected from where they live.It's even possible to accept that this is a real thing. And yet. Council housing also raises the unemployment rate. The issue was raised by Blanchflower and Oswald:We explore the hypothesis that high home-ownership damages the labor market…..We show that rises in home-ownership lead to three problems: (i) lower levels of labor mobility,Lower labour mobility - less ability to move to where the jobs are - leads to a higher unemployment rate. Now, true, the paper looks at home ownership, not council houses - but they are something that doesn't really exist in that US market analysed. For us we need to know that council house tenures are longer than private rentals (obviously) but also than direct ownership. Further, while it is theoretically possible it's something that takes many years, if achievable at all, to move council housing across a council boundary. That right to housing does, after all, depend rather upon "a local connection".From the way that British council housing works this means that the effect upon unemployment is higher than mere home ownership.Or, to put this the other way around, keeping the unemployment rate low (the structural that is, not the cyclical) depends upon there being some transience, possibly disconnection, in the labour force. Even, less stability and continuity.As oft said, there are no solutions, only trade offs. One of them being that the less of the population we have in the current form of council housing the lower - at that resting, structural, state - the unemployment rate will be. Stability and continuity can indeed be seen as virtues - less so when the jobs are now three towns over of course.

Although it has for years had a lower unemployment rate than other industrialized countries, Japan has begun to see an increase in unemployment since its economy was hit by the recession of the late 90's. The level of a nation's unemployment is commonly seen as a barometer of its economy's health, so that Japan's increased unemployment has worried the government and prompted it to consider several policy options. Unemployment rate in Japan varies by region. In general, while large metropolitan areas such as Tokyo have lower unemployment rates, smaller metropolitan areas have higher unemployment. Strangely, however, Osaka, the second largest metropolitan area after Tokyo, is suffering from a high unemployment rate. In October of 2002, the Kansai region including the Osaka metropolitan area recorded an unemployment rate of 7.2%, much higher than the average rate (5.5%). Theoretically, regional differentials of the unemployment rate are attributed to the friction resulting from adjusting for the mismatch between demand and supply of labor markets among regions. These frictional factors consist of the costs of information, moving, transactions related to housing, and psychological costs. Frictional components are important factors but are not all. Industrial structure differences also affect regional differentials of the unemployment rate. This paper investigated the relationship between unemployment rate and industrial structure in metropolitan areas, with the aim of testing the hypothesis that more industrially diversified metropolitan areas have lower unemployment rates. Previous studies have been done on the relationship between industrial diversity and unemployment rate but these do not provide concrete agreement because of the failure to control other factors affecting unemployment rate. This paper follows the theoretical justification of Simon (1988), who argues that industrial diversity attains a lower unemployment rate by assuming that the frictional component of employment fluctuations is a random variable and independent across industries. Because fluctuations are uncorrelated across industries, frictional hiring in some industries may coincide with frictional layoffs at others. Unemployed individuals can fill concurrently occurring vacancies. Therefore, the unemployment rate will be lower in the more industrially diverse metropolis. Simon's empirical analysis of 91 large U.S. SMSAs strongly supports the hypothesis. In this study, we analyze 117 metropolitan areas in Japan for the year 1995. Because there is no authoritative definition of a metropolitan area in Japan, we began by defining metropolitan areas and collected data for each. As for a variable expressing industrial diversity, the Herfindahl index is used, which is made of both numbers of employments and numbers of firms for ten industrial classifications. Other factors used in this analysis are size of metropolitan areas, transportation conditions, unemployment insurance, average schooling length, and so on. The basic equation for the empirical analysis of the relationship between industrial diversity and metropolitan unemployment rate is as follows: Metropolitan unemployment rate = f (Herfindahl index (industrial diversity), metropolitan size, transportation conditions, unemployment insurance, average schooling length in metropolis) In addition to this analysis, we also analyze whether or not a higher location quotient shows a lower unemployment rate. In the preliminary analysis, we found there are negative relationships in almost all industries.