Suchergebnisse

"This title was first published in 2003. Migration is a phenomenon which is at the heart of global politics and, within the EU, governments are continually trying to reinforce their controls of migration. These controls, designed to increase the security of European populations may, however, have the adverse effect of increasing the insecurity of migrants. This is particularly true for the many women who migrate to Europe and find themselves in insecure positions because of their lack of independent legal status, the difficulty of access to adequate health and social security provision and their particular vulnerability to both domestic and institutional forms of violence. They are often in economically weak positions, either unemployed or in badly paid part-time or domestic jobs with no forms of social protection. Gender and Insecurity addresses these various forms of insecurity and details ways in which they might be addressed. Further, it looks at the ways in which immigrant women have themselves tried to fight against these insecurities through their own political mobilisation."--Provided by publisher.

The author, a Mexican women immigrant currently being detained in San Diego, describes the poor conditions in federal immigrant detention facilities. The article notes that there is a lack of organizations providing help to the women detailed at these facilities, nor is the Mexican Consulate of much help. Women in these detention facilities need help in securing their constitutional rights that cover transfer to their countries of origin. Adapted from the source document.

This book proposes an original approach to analyse the social and professional trajectories of migrant women with tertiary education. It focuses on the role of essentialism in stratifying labour markets based on gender, class and racialisation, and in limiting migrant women's employment opportunities. Based on multi-sited fieldwork conducted in France and Italy, the book highlights how essentialism influences the assessment of working capacities, stressing that skills are socially constructed and valued depending on who embodies them. It also emphasises that migrant women and labour market gatekeepers are not only passively accepting essentialism, but some are also resisting and eventually challenging this process. Deconstructing essentialism enables us to better understand the mechanisms that produce stratifications and aids in designing paths towards more equal access to employment. Anne-Iris Romens is a postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Sociology and Social Research of the University of Milan-Bicocca, Italy. Her research interests regard migration, care, and labour processes which she analyses from an intersectional perspective.

Since coming to power in 2010, the UK Coalition government has enacted a series of cuts to public spending, under the auspices of austerity. Underpinning these cuts is a neo-liberal model of citizenship, in which citizens are expected to be autonomous, independent and economically productive, and in which the responsibilities of citizenship outweigh the rights. This model of citizenship is characterised by a paradoxical approach to social reproduction. The Coalition government has taken a significant interest in social reproduction as a means of creating the next generation of 'good' neo-liberal citizens; yet, the current austerity measures involve the withdrawal of state support for social reproduction activities. Drawing on participant observation carried out with migrant women's groups in Sheffield and Manchester, as well as interviews with group members, this article demonstrates how the government's paradoxical approach to social reproduction, combined with gendered and racialised discourses of citizenship and 'Britishness', have led to policies that place ethnic minority migrant women in an untenable situation. The social reproduction activities of ethnic minority migrant women are the subject of intense government interest, because of the concern that they will be unable to produce 'good' neo-liberal citizens. In some cases, this has led to government policies clearly intended to dissuade 'undesirable' migrants from having children. In other cases, migrant women are expected to show their commitment to integration, both for themselves and their children, specifically by learning English, even as the government has drastically cut funding for English as a Second or Other Language (ESOL) classes. While seemingly paradoxical, this is in keeping with a racialised neo-liberal model of citizenship under which the 'responsible' migrant mother should be able to parent and learn English without government assistance. Nonetheless, these policies are actually self-defeating, as they prevent migrant women from exhibiting the very characteristics of neo-liberal citizenship that they are ostensibly trying to encourage.

SummaryA demographic survey among a probability sample of 980 married migrant women was carried out in Sydney in 1988. The sample included 507 Lebanese, 250 Turkish and 223 Vietnamese women. The study revealed differences in family formation patterns within and between the three groups and between them and the general population. Family size had declined among all three groups compared with their family of origin, and it was clear that the younger women would not achieve the same family sizes as the older women. Migrant women tended to marry earlier than the general population and to start their families earlier. While they showed a strong preference for their children to marry within their own ethnic and religious group, nearly one-third said it was up to the choice of the individual. Overall, the future family size of younger migrant women is expected to converge towards the Australian norm. Migrant families are in a state of transition between two cultures which needs to be recognised by health and family planning service providers.