Location, Location, Location: Precinct Placement and the Costs of Voting
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 560-573
ISSN: 1468-2508
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In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 560-573
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism: JPICT, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 41-54
ISSN: 2159-5364
In: British journal of political science, Band 52, Heft 4, S. 1523-1543
ISSN: 1469-2112
AbstractDespite evidence that women win when they run for office, the number of women in the US House of Representatives has not increased substantially. I argue that women win when they run because women engage in strategic behavior by emerging in locations where they are most likely to win. While strategic behavior is a necessary condition for increasing women's representation in office, it is not a sufficient condition. Analyzing regularly scheduled elections between 1992 and 2014, I demonstrate that women engage in strategic behavior by emerging in elections where they are most likely to win. However, the electoral opportunities for women are far from "gender neutral" and are shaped by the parties. Democratic and Republican women are most likely to emerge as candidates in districts where they are likely to win the primary and general elections; however, Republican women face even more constrained electoral opportunities.
In: Journal of urban affairs, Band 23, Heft 3-4, S. 221-241
ISSN: 1467-9906
In: International journal of academic research in business and social sciences: IJ-ARBSS, Band 13, Heft 18
ISSN: 2222-6990
In: https://doi.org/10.7916/D8P85PTX
Through the hypothetical, but very plausible case of Julia, we illustrate that where a woman lives in the United States impacts her access to the best abortion care. Widespread state-level restrictions on abortion care have increased in recent years and negatively impact a woman's ability to access quality, unbiased, evidence-based care. Poor women and women of color are disproportionately affected by these restrictions. It is important as medical professionals to understand the political, not medical, motivations behind these laws so we can speak out against them.
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In: Aspects of geography
SSRN
Working paper
In: The international library of critical writings in economics 42
In: The journal of electronic defense: JED, Band 28, Heft 7, S. 62-65
ISSN: 0192-429X
In: The journal of electronic defense: JED, Band 25, Heft 9, S. 62-64
ISSN: 0192-429X
In: The journal of electronic defense: JED, Band 25, Heft 11, S. 62-64
ISSN: 0192-429X
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 155-180
ISSN: 1741-2757
Political scientists have extensively studied how the public forms its opinions about European integration, utilizing a variety of techniques and data sets while focusing on different units of analysis. Much of the public opinion literature suggests that lower-skilled workers are likely to have more negative evaluations of European integration. We argue, by contrast, that 'socio-tropic' evaluations of the effects of European integration on national redistribution and capitalist systems are more important than skill. To the extent that skill levels matter, they can be understood only through the frame of national factor endowments and varieties of capitalism. In addition, we find that other individual-level factors, such as ideology, are conditioned or attenuated by national contextual factors, suggesting that cross-level interactions are a promising direction for future research.
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 155-180
ISSN: 1465-1165