Suchergebnisse

Lalla Fatma N'Soumer (1830–1863) is one of the major heroines of Algerian resistance to the French colonial enterprise in the region of Kabylia. Her life and personality have been surrounded by myths and mysteries. Although her name is mentioned in colonial chronicles recording the conquest of Algeria, her exact role in leading a movement of local resistance to the French army doesn't seem to be very clear. This paper aims at shedding light on this exceptional Berber woman through the analysis of French colonial sources describing these military campaigns—despite their obvious bias—and later secondary sources. This paper focuses on the spiritual dimension which has been somehow overlooked in the existing literature. It precisely describes her family background whereby her ancestry goes back to a marabout lineage affiliated with the Raḥmāniyya sufi order. It argues that her level of education in spiritual and religious matters was probably higher than what had been so far assumed. This article discusses how this spiritual aspect helps explain the tremendous popularity she enjoyed among her people in Kabylia, where she has been considered almost a saint.

En Algérie, deux facteurs contribuent à creuser encore plus le clivage qui oppose frontalement les jeunes à la gérontocratie au pouvoir : d'une part le poids démographique de cette jeunesse, et d'autre part, le décalage générationnel avec tout ce que cela implique sur les pratiques quotidiennes, les attitudes, les expériences vécues, les références, les objectifs ou projets des jeunes. Cette contribution s'intéressera à la vision qu'ont les jeunes d'aujourd'hui de leur système de gouvernance ainsi qu'aux alternatives qu'ils pourraient imaginer pour le pays. Elle se basera sur les résultats d'une enquête avec questionnaires et d'entretiens réalisés dans les villes d'Alger et de Tiz Ouzou auprès de jeunes. ; In Algeria, two factors contribute even more to the cleavage between young people and gerontocracies in the power: on the one hand the demographic weight of this youth, and on the other hand the generational shift with all that implies on the daily practices, attitudes, experiences, references, objectives or projects of young people. This contribution will focus on the vision that today's youth have of their governance system and the alternatives they could imagine for the country. It will be based on the results of a survey and interviews carried out in the cities of Algiers and Tiz Ouzou among young people. ; En Argelia, dos factores contribuyen a ampliar aún más la división que opone frontalmente los jóvenes a la gerontocracia en el poder: por un lado, el peso demográfico de esta juventud, y por otro lado, la brecha generacional con todo lo que eso implica en términos de prácticas cotidianas, actitudes, experiencias, referencias, metas o proyectos entre jóvenes. Esta contribución se centrará en el análisis de la visión actual de los jóvenes sobre su sistema de gobierno y las alternativas que podrían imaginar para el país. Se basará en los resultados de un estudio con cuestionarios y entrevistas en profundidad realizado en las ciudades de Argel y Tiz Ouzou con jóvenes.

Lalla Fatma N'Soumer (1830–1863) is one of the major heroines of Algerian resistance to the French colonial enterprise in the region of Kabylia. Her life and personality have been surrounded by myths and mysteries. Although her name is mentioned in colonial chronicles recording the conquest of Algeria, her exact role in leading a movement of local resistance to the French army doesn't seem to be very clear. This paper aims at shedding light on this exceptional Berber woman through the analysis of French colonial sources describing these military campaigns—despite their obvious bias—and later secondary sources. This paper focuses on the spiritual dimension which has been somehow overlooked in the existing literature. It precisely describes her family background whereby her ancestry goes back to a marabout lineage affiliated with the Raḥmāniyya sufi order. It argues that her level of education in spiritual and religious matters was probably higher than what had been so far assumed. This article discusses how this spiritual aspect helps explain the tremendous popularity she enjoyed among her people in Kabylia, where she has been considered almost a saint.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF A MAJOR 'KABYLE QUESTION' IN Contemporary Algerian politics was made manifest in the spectacular events of the spring of 1980. In an earlier article I suggested that the reason why most observers did not anticipate this development was because of their failure, on the one hand, to appreciate the specificity of the Kabyle case – the extent to which it departs from the sociologists' stereotype of Berber societies – and, on the other hand, to recognize the leading role played by the Kabyles in the national revolution and, in consequence, the significance of their subsequent eviction from commanding positions in the Algerian political elite. The practical substance of the Kabyle question itself was referred to only in passing and remains to be dealt with. Why is Kabyle particularism, which in itself is nothing new, now taking the form of 'Berberism', that is, not only opposition to the Arabization policy of the Algerian government but also the demand for official recognition of the Berber language? Why, moreover, has 'Berberism' become a popular force in Kabylia, capable of mobilizing, on occasion, support throughout Kabylia and from all classes of the population, when it was previously confined to an unrepresentative coterie of intellectuals and remains so confined in respect of the other Berberophone populations of Algeria and Morocco? The answer to these questions lies in the singular economic history of the Kabyle population.

International audience ; In Algeria, two factors contribute even more to the cleavage between young people and gerontocracies in the power: on the one hand the demographic weight of this youth, and on the other hand the generational shift with all that implies on the daily practices, attitudes, experiences, references, objectives or projects of young people.This contribution will focus on the vision that today's youth have of their governance system and the alternatives they could imagine for the country. It will be based on the results of a survey and interviews carried out in the cities of Algiers and Tiz Ouzou among young people. ; En Algérie, deux facteurs contribuent à creuser encore plus le clivage qui oppose frontalement les jeunes à la gérontocratie au pouvoir: d'une part le poids démographique de cette jeunesse, et d'autre part, le décalage générationnel avec tout ce que cela implique sur les pratiques quotidiennes, les attitudes, les expériences vécues, les références, les objectifs ou projets des jeunes. Cette contribution s'intéressera à la vision qu'ont les jeunes d'aujourd'hui de leur système de gouvernance ainsi qu'aux alternatives qu'ils pourraient imaginer pour le pays. Elle se basera sur les résultats d'une enquête avec questionnaires et d'entretiens réalisés dans les villes d'Alger et de Tiz Ouzou auprès de jeunes

Les auteurs montrent que la tentative de Pierre Bourdieu de résoudre le problème de la « domination masculine» est limitée par l'application inconséquente de son propre répertoire conceptuel, par l'emploi d'exemples empiriques périmés et par l'utilité douteuse du cas des relations sociales en Kabylie. Un rejet des catégories fondamentales (« homme », « femme ») et le recours à une conception plus nuancée de la domination seraient une approche plus prometteuse.An uneven application of his own conceptual repertoire, outdated empirical materials and the questionable utility of the example of relations in Kabylia limit Bourdieu's attempts to come to grips with "masculine domination." A more useful approach would move beyond essentializing categories and engage with a more nuanced conception of domination.

There was widespread unrest in the Kabylia earlier this year following the Algerian government's decision, re-iterated most recently during the FLN Congress on 15 to 19 June, to introduce modern literary Arabic as the official national language. Moves have been made to reduce tension: the universities have reopened and clashes between Arab and Berber-speaking student groups have ceased. Those arrested during the April disturbances have now been released provisionally from prison until they appear before the State Security Court. The arrested musicians appear to have been released without any charges being made against them. Yet these gestures do not alter the basic confrontation between indigeneous Algerian culture and the Middle East mainstream that threatens to engulf it.