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Some social scientists are sceptical of the explanatory power of ethnicity and seek to explain ethnic differences by references to non-ethnic factors such as discrimination. We challenge this scepticism by considering two theoretical objections: there is no such thing as ethnicity and ethnic categories are unable to explain social processes; and by showing how ethnic strategies affect outcomes that cannot be captured in standard ethnic penalty analyses, we offer a new way to examine ethnic penalties in unemployment. We calculate a set of net ethnic penalties and then analyse longitudinal labour-force data to examine how strategies such as self-employment change ethnic penalties in unemployment amongst six different ethnic groups in Britain. The results show that self-employment reduces the ethnic penalty for Indians, Pakistanis-Bangladeshis and others, but not for Blacks, White-Others and White-British. This supports the argument that ethnicity can provide an explanation for some of the ethnic differentials in the labour market.

Transnational migration flows have revitalised the interest in ethnicity in social sciences. The ethnic boundary approach (Barth, Wimmer) argues for a non-essentialist understanding of ethnicity and calls for detecting the factors that turn migrants into ethnic minorities. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among Dutch police officers between 2008 and 2013, this article presents three factors that together constitute a structural framework that produces events of ethnic boundary construction (salient ethnic identity plus ethnic closure) between migrant and non-migrant officers: (1) ethnicised precarity; (2) ethnic conflicts triggered by the ethnicising discourse in Dutch media and politics on migrants and migration; and (3) the quasi-therapeutic management style applied in the police organisation. It further calls for a differentiated understanding of migrants' precarity, questions explanations of ethnic closure in terms of stereotypes and critically scrutinises socio-psychological approaches of ethnicity and diversity management.

L'analyse factorielle d'items de type Likert administrés à des étudiants sousgradués suggère que six facteurs peuvent décrire les modalités d'identification ethnique: la religion, l'endogamie, la langue utilisée, les organisations ethniques, l'éducation paroissiale et le choix d'amis à 1'intérieur du groupe. Une comparaison des profils factoriels de sept groupes ethniques révèle plusieurs variations. Les étudiants juifs s'identifient fortement avec l'endogamie et les choix d'amis à 1'intérieur du groupe, mais donnent relativement peu d'importance à la religion et à l'utilisation de la langue ethnique. Les étudiants français sont fortement identifiés à leur langue et à leur religion. Les étudiants français et juifs attachent de la valeur à l'éducation paroissiale. L'identification au groupe ethnique est la plus faible chez les Scandinaves et les Polonais. Les modalités d'identification tendent á varier avec les expériences qui ont une importance historique pour le groupe ethnique. C'est pourquoi les mesures de ces modalités révèlent une structure à facteurs multiples.Factor analysis of Likert‐type items administered to undergraduate students suggests that modes of ethnic identification can be described in terms of six factors: religion, endogamy, language use, ethnic organizations, parochial education, and choice of ingroup friends. A comparison of the factor profiles of seven ethnic groups revealed considerable variations. For example, the Jewish students identified strongly with endogamy and ingroup choice of friends but ranked low on the importance of religion and the use of their ethnic language. The French students' identification with their language and religion was high. Both the French and the Jewish students valued parochial education. Scandinavian and Polish ethnic ingroup identification was the lowest of all seven groups compared. The modes of identification tended to vary with the historically important experiences of ethnic groups. Therefore the measures of the modes exhibited a multifactor structure.

The purpose of this study was to better understand school factors influencing ethnic minority students' science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) preparation in Inclusive STEM High Schools (ISHSs). The researchers conducted a phenomenological study that used semi-structured interviews with participants (N=13) who graduated from ISHSs in Texas. Participants' STEM high school experiences were classified into nine categories: a) innovative STEM and non-STEM instruction, b) rigorous STEM curriculum, c) integration of technology and engineering in classrooms, d) quality of teachers, e) real-world STEM partnership, f) informal STEM opportunities, g) academic and social support for struggling students, h) emphasis on STEM courses, majors, and careers, and i) preparation for a college workload. These characteristics can be helpful for schools to establish a STEM-focused school environment and have the potential to cultivate positive experiences for ethnic minority students to increase their interest and capabilities in STEM fields.