Suchergebnisse

"A fresh take on Canada's fifth prime minister, Sir Mackenzie Bowell. When Mackenzie Bowell became Canada's fifth Prime Minister in December 1894, everyone -- including Bowell -- expected the job would involve nothing more than keeping the wheels on the Conservative wagon until a spring election. Plans for a quiet caretaker-ship were dashed in January 1895 when the courts ruled that the Manitoba government had violated Roman Catholics' constitutional rights by abolishing the provincial separate school system back in 1890. Catholics in Quebec demanded that Bowell force Manitoba to restore the schools, while Ontario Protestants warned him to keep his hands off. Backed into a corner, Bowell tried three times to negotiate a compromise with Manitoba over the course of 1895, but to no avail. By January 1896, seven of Bowell's cabinet ministers had had enough. Convinced Bowell had tarnished the Conservative brand, the caballers forced Bowell to resign and make way for a new leader who they believed could revive party fortunes in time for the coming election, the old Warhorse of Cumberland himself, Sir Charles Tupper. Ultimately, the coup didn't matter. Tupper and his conspirators plead their case in Parliament and on the hustings, but nothing could stand in the way of Wilfrid Laurier and his Liberals' historic rise to power in the June 1896 election. A Very Canadian Coup brings fresh sources and new perspectives to bear on the life and times of Canada's fifth -- and least understood -- Prime Minister and his Sixth Ministry."--

Caption title. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

"Using extensive research drawn from archives, interviews, and the media, Just One Vote is a retelling of a dramatic moment in Manitoba and Canadian politics. Ian Stewart outlines the geographic, social, and political backdrop behind Jim Walding's contested party nomination and the unusual chain of events it triggered, including the fall of the government of Howard Pawley, the NDP's devastating defeat in the 1988 provincial election, and the fallout from these events on the wider Canadian political landscape. Using a counterfactual argument, Stewart traces the connections between Walding's historic vote and the eventual failure of the Manitoba government to ratify the Meech Lake Accord, illustrating how singular events and individual decisions can produce large consequences as they cascade through the political system."--Jacket.

This Master of Arts thesis examines how political marketing, and the Doer/Dexter model specifically, helped the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia win elections from 1999 through 2007 in Manitoba and in 2009 in Nova Scotia. The study uses content analysis on the election platforms of the period and elite interviews with key political strategists of the NDP in order to gain insight and draw conclusions on what political marketing elements were critical to the party's electoral success. This study concludes that the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia used market research and a similar comprehensive political marketing strategy, now known as the Doer/Dexter model, which focused on the simplification of communication, the moderation of policy and the inoculation of any perceived weakness in order to win power. ; May 2016

Abstract.The alternative vote (AV) is an increasingly popular proposal for electoral reform, largely due to Australia's success with it. This article considers the experiences of Manitoba, Alberta and British Columbia with AV in past provincial elections. AV had little impact on proportionality and voter turnout, but did contribute to significantly higher rates of ballot rejection. AV was associated with an increase in the number of parties competing in elections, but this is more likely due to a changing social structure than electoral system change. AV facilitated coalitions where incentives to cooperate already existed, as in British Columbia, but it did little to encourage or induce coalitions in Alberta and Manitoba. On balance, it differed little from the single member plurality system.Résumé.Le vote préférentiel (PV) est une proposition de plus en plus populaire de réforme électorale. Son attrait s'explique en grande partie par son succès en Australie. Cet article étudie les expériences de VP lors d'élections provinciales au Manitoba, en Alberta et en Colombie-Britannique. Le VP a eu peu de répercussions sur la proportionnalité et sur la participation électorale, mais a contribué à augmenter considérablement le nombre de bulletins de vote rejetés. On observe, en association avec le VP, une augmentation du nombre des partis en présence, mais ceci était vraisemblablement dû à l'évolution des structures sociales plus qu'au changement du système électoral. Le VP a facilité les coalitions lorsque des raisons de coopérer existaient déjà, comme en Colombie-Britannique, mais n'a guère encouragé ni provoqué de coalitions en Alberta ni au Manitoba. En définitive, la différence avec le système majoritaire uninominal a été négligeable.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction: From Small to Big Worlds -- 1 Newfoundland and Labrador -- 2 Prince Edward Island -- 3 Nova Scotia -- 4 New Brunswick -- 5 Quebec -- 6 Ontario -- 7 Manitoba -- 8 Saskatchewan -- 9 Alberta -- 10 British Columbia -- 11 The Territories -- Conclusion: Explaining the Worlds of Difference -- Appendix: Election Results since 1965 -- Contributors -- Index

AbstractCanadian election campaigns often see a proliferation of political signs at the start of an election, but are they worth the effort? We examined official results at the poll level (N = 785) from elections agencies and the quantities of household signs recorded in internal political party databases (Green Parties of Canada, Manitoba, and Ontario). Overall, the results suggest that the use of household signs is an effective form of political campaigning in Canada for nongoverning parties. Analyses suggest that every sign placed per 100 registered electors is associated with an increase of 0.5–1.5 per cent vote share. The presence of household signs was associated with an increase of 1.5–3.4 per cent vote share. Further, preliminary evidence also suggests a possible diminishing returns trend: the per-sign rate of increase in vote share may slow down at higher densities. We discuss the implications of the results, including the possible curvilinear trend.

Une occasion unique pour evaluer la force relative de la classe par rapport à celle des déterminants ethniques pendant des scrutins provinciaux fut fournie par le développement historique de la classe et des relations ethnologiques à Winnipeg, et le fait que la cité entière fut une circonscription électorale avec plusiers membres pour des raisons de representativité dans la legislature provinciale. Des recherches statistiques ont été effectués sur des sections locales, en utilisant des renseignements specifiques de recensement social sur les résultats du scrutin, et sur la littérature du parti et de la campagne électorale. On a decouvert que les facteurs de classe n'etaient que marginalement moins importants que les facteurs ethniques pour expliquer les tendances de vote, malgré une coalition des partis Liberal/Conservateur/ccf et la plus basse participation electorale au cours d'une élection provinciale, que l'on peut relever dans l'histoire du Manitoba ‐ des facteurs qui auraient tendance a minimiser les facteurs de classe dans le procéssus du vote. Les résultats furent corroborés par une analyse des renseignements sur le scrutin transmissible. Mises à part les différences dans l'importance relative des facteurs de classe et d'ethnie, ces résultats confirment les conclusions d'une étude similaire faite auparavant, des tendances de vote a Winnipeg lors de l'élection provinciale de 1941.A unique opportunity to assess the relative strengths of class versus ethnic determinants of voting in provincial elections was offered by the historical development of class and ethnic relations in Winnipeg and the fact that the entire city was a multiple‐member constituency for purposes of representation in the provincial legislature. Data analyses were carried out on areal units using census social area data, poll‐by‐poll voting results, and party and campaign literature. Class factors were found to be only marginally less important than ethnic factors in accounting for voting patterns despite a Liberal/Conservative/ccf party coalition and the lowest voter turnout in a provincial election historically recorded in Manitoba ‐ factors which would tend to minimize class factors in voting. These results were corroborated by an analysis of transferable ballot data. Apart from minor differences in the relative weighting of class and ethnic factors, these results support the conclusions of an earlier similar study of Winnipeg voting patterns in the 1945 provincial election.

Long praised for its accuracy, readability, and insight, the Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs offers a synoptic appraisal of the year's developments in Canadian politics. 1997 was a year of political and economic stability in Canada, and the Federal government was on the verge of a balanced budget. Inflation seemed to have been tamed, and the leading economic policy question was how the expected surpluses should be spent. The primary focuses of the surprise Federal general election campaign, held in 1997 despite Prime Minister Jean Chétien having 16 months left in his mandate, were on the government's economic record and national unity. The election caused some controversy in Manitoba simply by proceeding, as the province was preoccupied by the worst flooding in more than a century. In Alberta, Premier Ralph Klein also faced the voters again. The low point of the year came when Vancouver played host to an international summit that sparked an outcry over the RCMP's use of pepper-spray on demonstrators. However, 1997 was also the year that Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy successfully challenged world leaders to negotiate a treaty to ban the manufacture and use of anti-personnel landmines, and was able to welcome 122 nations to sign the Ottawa Convention

Long praised for its accuracy, readability, and insight, the Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs offers a synoptic appraisal of the year's developments in Canadian politics. 1997 was a year of political and economic stability in Canada, and the Federal government was on the verge of a balanced budget. Inflation seemed to have been tamed, and the leading economic policy question was how the expected surpluses should be spent. The primary focuses of the surprise Federal general election campaign, held in 1997 despite Prime Minister Jean Chétien having 16 months left in his mandate, were on the government's economic record and national unity. The election caused some controversy in Manitoba simply by proceeding, as the province was preoccupied by the worst flooding in more than a century. In Alberta, Premier Ralph Klein also faced the voters again. The low point of the year came when Vancouver played host to an international summit that sparked an outcry over the RCMP's use of pepper-spray on demonstrators. However, 1997 was also the year that Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy successfully challenged world leaders to negotiate a treaty to ban the manufacture and use of anti-personnel landmines, and was able to welcome 122 nations to sign the Ottawa Convention.

During the past twenty years, the Liberal party has shown a marked failure to hold a place in the hearts and minds of the voters of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. Professor Smith here argues convincingly that the party is largely the author of its own downfall through insensitivity to regional concerns and ignorance of the implications of its centralizing tendencies. Smith views the reforms which helped restore the Liberals to federal power after defeat in 1957 as a primary cause of the party's continuing poor electoral performance in the region. He chronicles that shift from a political structure dominated by strong provincial spokesmen like Gardner and Garson to the reorganized federal Liberal party, which emphasizes control from national headquarters and favours a more scientific approach, relying on opinion polls, ad agencies, and campaign colleges for candidates. The result has been a decline in voter support and a lack of regional participation in party councils - and the adoption by the party of policies unacceptable to the West. The west thus has come to perceive the Liberal party as dominated by eastern Canada and preoccupied with the problem of Quebec separatism. The consequences have become increasingly evident at election times

Feb. 10, 1977. 12 pgs. Commission on Goals and Objectives drops proposal to move Glendon. Editors: Clare Uzielli, Kim Wilde Business Managers: Clare Uzielli, Ron Stott Advertising Manager: Patrick Arbour C.U.P. Editor: Patrick Arbour Entertainment Editor: Robert Williams Photography Editor: David Garland Sports Editor: Mark Everard Production: Daniel Bélair, Mark Everard, Anna Mallouk, Marthe Metayer, Gilles Paquet Typesetters: Anne Barrett, Carol Wolter, Claudine Donzé, Donna Massotti, Joan Harvey, Christine de Veber Articles Government not dealing with longterm unemployment by Peter Birt Franco-Manitoba future questioned Emphasis on colleges Daniel Latouche today Deacon's Beacon: Letter to Macdonald by Greg Deacon Election update: here's Terry! Not much happened by Marshall Katz Letters to the editor Column from Ottawa: Trudeau and Quebec Me and my gang by Peter Girt Tuition hikes, funding cutbacks right on schedule Eric McMillan This side of the rockies by Bernice Tefaslanek Hosanna by Rob Williams Plain brown wrapper by Rob Williams The last night of starlight by Ronn Sarosiak Maple Lys win in Sudbury pro team by Mark Everard Une expérience illuminante Getting it from the horse's mouth by Richard Schwindt Glendon's annual formal - Friday, March 4, 1977 On tap by Rob Williams

In nearly every recent commentary on Canadian political parties one observation has been repeatedly emphasized. It is that the Canadian electorate has shown an inclination to put in power at the provincial level parties which stand in opposition to the party which has been entrusted with power at Ottawa. The writers who have stressed this phenomenon have been impressed by the fact that during the latter years of their national ascendancy the Liberals were in control of only a few of the smaller provinces (by 1957 only Prince Edward Island, New Rrunswick, and, through a coalition, Manitoba), while in the other and larger provinces the Progressive Conservatives, C.C.F., Social Credit, or Union Nationale were firmly entrenched. From this observation three conclusions, either explicit or implicit, have generally been deduced. The first is that during the latter years of the Liberal régime the real opposition to the Government was not to be found at the Speaker's left in Ottawa, but rather in the provincial capitals. The second is that the individual Canadian voter has alternated his party choice at provincial and federal elections, and by so doing has demonstrated a type of voting behaviour which is not usually to be found in federations. The third conclusion is that in favouring one party provincially and another party nationally the Canadian voter is motivated by a calculated desire to balance the power of the one against the other. The purpose of this article is to examine the pattern of provincial and federal election results and to determine the extent to which these conclusions are supported by the available evidence.