Suchergebnisse

In the past decade, there has been a steady rise in left-wing violence in South Asia, confined mostly to India & Nepal. The key characteristics of this uprising are (1) it is rural/agrarian in nature; (2) there is a strong element of ideological presence; (3) it targets a certain class, the state, & its institutions; & (4) victims of this uprising are both civilians & officials (now estimated to be over 10,000). While both countries acknowledge the presence of these factors in their political process, their official definition of this conflict is ambiguous. Do these violent encounters satisfy the definition of civil war? Is it an insurgency? If indeed it is a civil war & the groups fighting the war against the state are insurgents, what constitutes their key objectives? This article seeks to place the nature & character of this conflict within a theoretical framework. It makes an ethno-political analysis of this uprising. It audits the human cost associated with this violence. &, finally, it explores the group motivational factors behind this uprising & the consequent responses of the concerned state. 3 Tables, 49 References. Adapted from the source document.

Six years ago, at the start of 1988, the prospect for
democracy in South Asia did not appear very promising. The military
rulers both in Pakistan and Bangladesh had managed to cloak their
regimes in civilian attire and appeared well entrenched even if their
quest for legitimacy had evaded them. In Nepal and Bhutan the hereditary
monarchs showed no signs of conceding to the demands for popular
participation despite the simmering political discontent in both
countries. The democratic traditions of Sri Lanka had proved
sufficiently resilient for the formal representative institutions to
endure but the continued civil strife and violence had virtually reduced
effective popular participation into a farce. Likewise in India, whilst
the ghost of Indira Gandhi's authoritarian rule during the emergency in
1975-77 had been exorcised by subsequent renewals of popular mandate,
the democratic institutions and popular accountability had probably
suffered irreversible damages and it was not uncommon amongst political
analysts to speak of the 'ungovernability' of the country.

Despite having rapid economic development, the ASEAN region is not completely stable and p eaceful. Conflicts have been going on since long before the ASEAN is established. They happen in Myanmar, Thailand, and Philippines. A smaller scale of conflict also takes place in Indonesia. The view that security comes first before the investment has made it difficult to achieve peace and stability based on economic instruments. In this article, the writer proposes a view that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can be utilized as an important instrument in boosting peace and stability provided that the civil society sustains it. Two case studies are presented to show the relationship between FDI, civil society, and peace development in the conflict area, Myanmar and Philippines. It is recommended that civil society actively makes efforts to encourage FDI to come to the conflict are and establish capital -intensive industries, especially in Rakhine and Mindanao.

Six articles. Contents: The United States in South Asia, by Zalmay Khalilzad; Afghanistan: "back to feudalism," by Barnett R. Rubin; Political decay in Sri Lanka, by Robert C. Oberst; India: state and society diverge, by James Manor; Pakistan under Benazir Bhutto, by William L. Richter; The struggle for development in Bangladesh, by Craig Baxter.

Despite having rapid economic development, the ASEAN region is not completely stable and p eaceful. Conflicts have been going on since long before the ASEAN is established. They happen in Myanmar, Thailand, and Philippines. A smaller scale of conflict also takes place in Indonesia. The view that security comes first before the investment has made it difficult to achieve peace and stability based on economic instruments. In this article, the writer proposes a view that Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can be utilized as an important instrument in boosting peace and stability provided that the civil society sustains it. Two case studies are presented to show the relationship between FDI, civil society, and peace development in the conflict area, Myanmar and Philippines. It is recommended that civil society actively makes efforts to encourage FDI to come to the conflict are and establish capital -intensive industries, especially in Rakhine and Mindanao.