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SOUTHERN CATALONIA, KNOWLEDGE REGION -- LEGAL PAGE -- 1. INTRODUCTION -- 2. THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS REGIONS -- 2.1. CURRENT EUROPEAN REGIONAL POLICY -- 2.2. CATALONIA AND TARRAGONA IN EUROPEAN (...) -- MAIN CONCLUSIONS FROM SECTION 2 -- 3. THE EUROPEAN REGIONS AND THE RIS3 STRATEGY -- MAIN CONCLUSIONS FROM SECTION 3 -- 4. CATALONIA AND TARRAGONA IN EUROSTAT (...) -- MAIN CONCLUSIONS FROM SECTION 4 -- 5. EUROPEAN REGIONAL POLICY, RIS3 AND UNIVERSITIES -- MAIN CONCLUSIONS FROM SECTION 5 -- 6. DEFINITION OF SOUTHERN CATALONIA IN (...) -- 6.1. DESIGNATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL SCOPE -- 6.2. MOTIVATION -- 6.3. STRENGTHS AND OPPORTUNITIES -- 6.4. DIFFICULTIES AND WEAKNESSES -- 6.5. CHAIR FOR UNIVERSITY AND KNOWLEDGE (...) -- FINAL SUMMARY -- REFERENCES -- ANNEX 1.

"Catalonia: A New History revises many traditional and romantic conceptions in the historiography of a small nation. This book engages with the scholarship of the past decade and separates nationalist myth-history from real historical processes. It is thus able to provide the reader with an analytical account, situating each historical period within its temporal context. Catalonia emerges as a territory where complex social forces interact, where revolts and rebellions are frequent. This is a contested terrain where political ideologies have sought to impose their interpretation of Catalan reality. This book situates Catalonia within the wider currents of European and Spanish history, from pre-history to the contemporary independence movement, and makes an important contribution to our understanding of nation-making"--

Both ambivalent state building and national formation in Spain's modern history explain the duality of the way in which citizens identify themselves, to a considerable degree. This concept of dual identity --or compound nationality-- concerns the way citizens identify themselves in sub-state communities within pluriethnic polities. It incorporates -- in variable proportions, individually or subjectively asserted-- the local/ethno-territorial self-ascribed identity and the state/national identity produced by political integration --or, rather, malintegration-- in the state-building process. As a result of this, citizens share their institutional loyalties at both levels of political legitimacy without any apparent fracture between them (Moreno, 1986, 1988). ; Peer reviewed

Discusses the durable power of nationalism and its ability to fuse self-identity with national identity; focuses on how this process created a national self awareness among the Catalan bourgeoisie; historical and cultural perspectives.

This paper focuses on a dialectic of repression and resistance at work in the most recent wave of contentious politics in Catalonia. It emphasises the brief but certain resurgence of a discursive and performative repertoire recollecting Catalonia's revolutionary past in the wave of contentious politics that has swept the region over the past decade, since the onset of the so-called Eurozone crisis. The paper seeks to provide an interpretation of the region's recent cycle of contentious politics through the lens of state repression. It hones in on an emblematic moment, from the spring of 2011, associated with the Indignados movement. It pays particular attention to their violent removal by the police from the Plaça Catalunya in May, and to the attempt to surround the Catalan Parliament to disrupt the budget debate the following month. It contends that the violent repression of the Indignados movement in Catalonia by the "regional" authorities is best understood as a reflex response to an incipient challenge to existing constellations of hierarchical and oppressive social relations - a challenge that echoed, indeed threatened to revive, long-suppressed memories of the region's revolutionary past, to "blast" this past "out of the continuum of history," to "appropriate its memory as it flashes up in a moment of danger" (Benjamin). This moment of violent repression by the Catalan authorities proved the precursor, the condition of possibility, for the subsequent re-channelling of contentious politics within the more comfortable confines of hierarchically-structured, nationalist imaginaries.

To what extent can be electoral results in Catalonia explained by the exposure of individuals to television? This paper sheds light on this question by looking into the effect of TV3 on two distinguished political outcomes in the 1984 Catalan Parliamentary election. The outcomes of interest are voter turnout and the vote share of Convergència i Unió (CiU), one of the strongest political forces in Catalonia who has mainly driven the channel since its creation. We resort to a natural experiment based on the geographically differentiated expansion of TV3 in Catalonia. Using a Difference-in-Differences Kernel matching method, we found that the introduction of TV3 caused an increase both in the voter turnout and the CiU vote share in the 1984 Catalan parliamentary elections.