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Charles IV's rule over the Spanish empire has often been decried as neglectful and reactionary. In a recent article, however, I argued that such descriptions were not accurate, maintaining that the early years of the reign pushed forward many institutional innovations and showed a marked concern for colonial affairs. This is not to say, of course, that the death of Charles III produced no change; but the critical facts were that economic policy-making continued to be based on the colonial compact and that the crown remained as committed to providing economic benefits to Spanish agriculture and manufacturing as to securing relief for the Peninsular treasury.1 Although 1788–9 may properly be characterized as a moment of truth for Spain, one which brought to the surface conflicting interests and ideologies, the Peninsula's transformation by the Bourbon Reforms was not so deep nor the government's circumstances so dire as to upset the political balance.

Upon the death of Henry III by assassination a succession crisis occurred. Henry III had solemnly recognized Henry of Navarre as his successor before he died. The Catholic League, however, refused to recognize a Protestant as King of France. The military leader of the Leaguists was Charles, Duc de Mayenne who supported the Cardinal of Bourbon, 1523-1590, as Charles X. This pamphlet is a declaration by the Parlement of Paris which also recognized the Cardinal as Charles X. The Cardinal, however, died in May, 1590 leaving no one as the apparent successor. Henry of Navarre's claim to the throne was therefore further strengthened. ; Electronic reproduction; 6, [2] p. ; 17 cm. (8vo)

The July 1830 'Trois Glorieuses' abruptly ended Charles X's absolutist regime, and Charles Motte's Le Plan figuratif des barricades (1830), published shortly afterwards, documents the violent struggle between the forces loyal to the last Bourbon monarch and the victorious 'citoyen armés'. Much more than a simple map documenting yet another Paris revolution, Motte's Plan provides the reader with a social and historical overview of a society in turmoil. Le Plan figuratif contrasts with traditional historical narrative, and this article will examine Motte's map discourse (use of text, colour, shapes and symbols) and its presentation of a divided city — one where easy-to-see, hand-drawn red gunfire and bright yellow barricades illustrate to what extent the working-class population from the central and eastern arrondissements of Paris were willing to take to the streets, participate in combat, and challenge French royal authority. This contrasts with the bourgeois western districts which remain largely free of both violence and colour. In sum, Motte's map affords hope to the underprivileged, showing them the efficacy of their numbers. Yet he also alerts future administrations as to which neighbourhoods to survey in order to maintain control over their capital city, many of which would be targeted by Haussmann's renovations of Paris under the Second Empire.

During the 17th century, relations between the Duchy of Savoy-Piedmont and the Kingdom of France were particularly tense. Due to its uncomfortable geographic position - buffer zone between the two sides of the Alps and torn between the Kingdoms of France and Spain - the small Italian state risked disappearing in front of the powerful armies of the two monarchies. This thesis, divided in three sections of three chapters each, focuses on a pivotal period of the Savoyard state, specifically from 1630 to 1648.These years are characterised by two reigns: first, the reign of the son of Charles Emmanuel I, Victor Amadeus I, whose government was defined by the painful loss of Pinerolo, by the flamboyant acquisition of the title of King of Cyprus, and by the brilliant military campaigns of 1636 and 1637; second, due to the young age of Charles Emmanuel II, the regency firmly held by Duchess Christine, daughter of Henry IV of France and Marie de' Medici.After the short-lived and underestimated reign of Victor Amadeus I, an uncertain and precarious period started under the regency of Christine of Bourbon who was able to gradually emancipate herself from Richelieu's desire for domination.After the turmoil of the civil war and the tumultuous encounter with her brother Louis XIII and the powerful Red Eminence in Grenoble (1639), the Duchess of Savoy succeeded in reinvigorating the unsteady fate of the Duchy of Savoy thanks to bold and dexterous politics.Through its omnipresent and highly organised diplomacy, the Savoyard state was able to hold on to its ambitions of kingship, which would differentiate the Duchy from the other Italian principalities.After the tense years of the 1630s and part of the 1640s, which kept being affected by clashes with the French ambassadors, such as Particelli d'Emery and d'Aiguebonne, and by crisis between the governments of Paris and Turin (like the mentioned encounter of Grenoble, or the dispute over the jurisconsult Bellezia during the Peace of Westphalia, which determined the breakage of the ...

Journalism in the Reign of Charles X: The Social and Political Setting -- I. Liberty of the Press in the Restoration -- II. Parisian Journals and Journalists in the Late Restoration -- III. Political Journalism in the Fall of the Villèle Ministry, 1827–1828: A Preview of Revolution -- IV. Political Journalism and the Martignac Ministry, 1828–1829: The Failure of Conciliation -- V. The Political Press and the Parti-Prêtre: The Anticlerical Campaign of 1828–1829 -- VI. The Press in the Crisis of August 8, 1829 -- VII. The New Militant Press -- VIII. Legal Resistance: The Breton Association and the Press -- IX. Winter Quarters: November, 1829 — February, 1830 -- X. The Press and the "221" -- XI. Judicial Ordeals, February-March, 1830 -- XII. "The King will not Yield" -- XIII. "It is Life or Death" -- XIV. The Journalists in the Trois Glorieuses -- XV. The Revolutionary Influence of Journalism -- Appendices.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Monetary Equivalents -- Part One Stalemate in the Metropole -- 1. From Naples to Madrid -- 2. Renovation under Esquilache -- 3. The First Reglamento del Comercio Libre (1765) -- 4. Privilege and Power in Bourbon Spain: The Fall of Esquilache (1766) -- Part Two The Colonial Option -- 5. Flotas to New Spain: The Last Phase, 1757-1778 -- 6. The Second Reglamento del Comercio Libre (1778) -- 7. The Aftermath in Spain -- 8. A Colonial Response to Comercio Libre: New Spain -- 9. Incorporating New Spain into Comercio Libre (1789) -- 10. The French Connection: Spanish Trade Policy and France -- 11. Euphoria and Pessimism -- 12. By Way of Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

The article presents reflections on a woman's involvement in the Catholic and monarchist cause in the mid-19th century. Through her travel diary that I edited with the assistance of Marina Polzin in 2014, I draw on the example of Sophie Johanet and her husband Auguste Johanet, two newlyweds traveling in 1845 to Goritz, Venice and Frohsdorf, to meet with the young French legitimist pretender, the comte of Chambord (the son of the duke and duchess of Berry, and grandson of Charles X, the Bourbon king upset by the 1830 Revolution). The article first evokes the family roots of their devotion to the Bourbon monarchy, then, through a woman's point of view, the rites of initiation and recognition which mark out this political pilgrimage to the head of the elder branch of French monarchy, and finally the transformation of political loyalty into a form of devotion for the person of the pretender. ; El artículo presenta reflexiones sobre la participación de una mujer en la causa católica y monárquica a mediados del siglo XIX en Francia. A través de su diario de viaje que publiqué con la ayuda de Marina Polzin en 2014, me baso en el ejemplo de Sophie Johanet y de su esposo Auguste Johanet, dos recién casados que, en 1845, viajan a Goritz, Venecia y Frohsdorf, para encontrarse con el joven jefe legitimista francés, el conde de Chambord (hijo del duque y de la duquesa de Berry y nieto de Carlos X, el rey que fue expulsado del poder por la revolución de 1830). El artículo primero evoca las raíces familiares de su devoción a la monarquía borbónica, luego, a través del punto de vista de una mujer, los ritos de iniciación y reconocimiento que marcan esta peregrinación política al jefe de la rama borbónica de la monarquía francesa, y finalmente la transformación de la lealtad política en una forma de devoción para la persona del pretendiente.

Condiciones físicas: Ejemplar en buen estado de conservación, aunque algunas hojas están a punto de desprenderse. ; A 333/238

Tourneux, M., Histoire de Paris, IV, 21354, cites as 224 p. ; lère ptie. La duchesse d'Angoulême -- 2e ptie. La duchesse de Berry. ; Mode of access: Internet.

par M. de Chateaubriand ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Gall.rev. 163 s

par M. de Chateaubriand ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Gall.rev. 1037 e#Beibd.1

Majorca and Ibiza remained under Habsburg rule during nine years, from 1706 to 1715. This was not a peaceful period due to the persistence of suspicions of disaffection towards certain pro-Bourbon conspirators. The regime had to take forceful measures to remain in power: prisoner deportations, the exile of supporters of Philip, and tighter control over the draws to designate Universitat officers, dismissing those who had been selected by draw to hold public office on order of the viceroy, and dispensing others to hold those offices. Loyalty to the cause was preferred to strict observance of the law. Moreover, news received from the mainland was disguised if it referred to military defeats. In Menorca, the austracistas were disappointed: some of them had lost their lives, their position and their wealth to support the House of Austria when in the end they had turned into subjects of a non-Catholic monarchy. ; Mallorca e Ibiza permanecieron bajo dominio austracista nueve años entre 1706 y 1715. Pero durante todo ese período la posesión del reino no fue pacífica, ya que persistieron sospechas de desafección hacia una serie de conspiradores proborbónicos. El régimen para mantenerse tuvo que adoptar medidas de fuerza, como deportaciones de presos, exilios de filipistas y un control más estricto de los sorteos para proveer los cargos de la Universitat cesando individuos extraídos a suerte para ejercer un cargo por mandato del virrey y dispensando a otros para acceder a ellos. La fidelidad a la causa era preferida a la estricta observancia a la ley. Las noticias recibidas de la península eran enmasacaradas cuando estas se referían a derrotas militares. En Menorca los austracistas quedaron decepcionados. Algunos habían perdido su vida, su cargo y su hacienda por convertirse en súbditos de la Casa de Austria y después quedaron como súbditos de una monarquía no católica.

[8], 287 p. ; Dedication signed: Beresford Cotton. ; Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library.

In the 18th century, a major change occurred in the institutional culture of Spanish governance under the Bourbon dynasty. Professionally trained bureaucrats, sometimes referred to as regalists, carefully studied the latest trends in imperial statecraft and fashioned political rhetoric couched in Enlightenment terms of «progress» to justify their political moves, emphasizing the greater efficiency and economic prosperity that such reforms would bring. Regalism in the first half of the century led to an embrace of Catholic Enlightenment as well as a pro-Jesuit policy that expanded the crown's political authority over the Catholic Church. But it was not until the reign of Charles iii from 1759 to 1788, intersecting with what many consider to be the pinnacle of Enlightenment in Spain, in which earlier political gains were consolidated to form something of a royal church independent from Rome. Not only did this royal church entail the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767, but it also necessitated the importation of Gallicanism so that Spanish clergy would become quasi-agents of the state. By the end of the century, the Crown's activity in ecclesiastical affairs had become so «Gallicanized» that it became negatively associated with the Catholic strand of Jansenism. After larger European events in the late 1780s convinced many that the Catholic Church and papal authority were under attack, the Spanish Crown went too far in its Jansenizing moves, provoking dissension even within its major institutions of government so that it was forced to retreat from further attempts to direct the practice of Spanish religion. Thus, this study illuminates the monarchy's efforts at nationalizing the Catholic Church in Spain proper, the resistance it faced in the process from different sides, and the consequences such efforts would have for both the political and religious landscape of the Spanish empire as it entered the 19th century. ; El siglo XVIII experimentó un marcado cambio en la cultura institucional española bajo el régimen de la ...

Introduction.--Temps anciens: De la conquête des Gaules. De la conquête de l'Angleterre. Capets et Plantagenets.--Temts [!] modernes: Tudors et Valois. Bourbons et Stuarts.--Révolution de 1688. Révolution de 1789. Notice sur les lords siégeant à la Chambre des communes. ; Mode of access: Internet.