Suchergebnisse

P. 1: 1979-1983, prelude to invasion. - 9 S., Kt. - (UFSI Reports; 1983/No. 39) (North America; DC-2-'83); P. 2: October 12-27, 1983, sixteen days that shook the Caribbean. - 12 S., Ill. - (UFSI Reports; 1983/No. 40) (North America; DC-3-'83)

The relationships between the Roman bishop and the East Roman Empire have presented different issues throughout history. The epistles of Gregory the Great's Registrum epistularum are, in such sense, a central heuristic instrument to understand the disagreements between this bishop and the emperor Maurice. The admission to monasteries, the position to be adopted against the Lombard enemy and the struggle around the use of the term universalis by the Constantinople's patriarch were topics which led to rough discussions between both government men. However, such dissensions do not represent an inflection point in the relationships between Rome and Constantinople at the times of Gregory. As a matter of fact, along his government, the East Roman Empire continued being Rome's political horizon. The frank turn of the Papacy arrives centuries later. ; Las relaciones entre la cátedra romana y el Imperio han presentado, a lo largo de la historia, diversas aristas. Las epístolas del Registrum epistularum de Gregorio Magno se muestran, en tal sentido, como un instrumento heurístico clave al momento de interpretar las tensiones entre el citado obispo de Roma y el emperador Mauricio. El ingreso a monasterios, la postura a adoptar frente al enemigo longobardo y la pugna en torno a la utilización del término universalis por parte del patriarca constantinopolitano, serán temáticas que desencadenarán ásperas discusiones entre ambos hombres de gobierno. No obstante ello, tales disensiones no habilitan una lectura orientada a ver en Gregorio Magno un punto de inflexión en las relaciones entre Roma y Constantinopla. De hecho, a lo largo del pontificado gregoriano, el horizonte político seguirá siendo el Imperio de Oriente. El giro franco del papado llegará siglos más tarde.

- Die Jewel-Bewegung + - Grenadas internationale Position seit 1979 + - Machtergreifung 1979 + Ablauf, Ziele und Auswirkungen der amerikanischen Invasion auf Grenada vor dem Hintergrund der innen- und gesellschaftspolitischen Entwicklung des Landes seit 1979. Deskriptiv-interpretative Einschätzung aus sowjetischer Sicht. + - Innen- und wirtschaftspolitische Probleme + BIOst/Hat. + - Widersprüche innerhalb der Jewel-Bewegung + - Die Invasion der USA + - Die Erklärungen der USA + Stichwortauswahl: + - Auswirkungen der Invasion + - Die Beratungen vor der UNO

In North America, there are over one hundred programs and labs committed to collaborative experimentation in art and technology. This article examines the current prominence of art and technology labs in the context of the resurgence of collaborative practice in the arts, not only between artists, but also among a wide range of cross-disciplinary groupings of designers, scientists, engineers, scholars, and others. The push for collaboration in the arts is part of a recalibration of the meaning of "research" as it is understood by arts practitioners, and among the legacies of institutional critique has been the expanded engagement of artists in contexts that move beyond galleries and museums and into, among other places, universities, businesses, science and tech labs, and research facilities. At the same time, the massive growth of the tech sector has given rise to a new generation of speculative research enterprise, from Google to SpaceX, which shares, to some degree, the expansive research and development horizons of advanced art. Some of the most prominent current art and tech projects explicitly draw on the legacy of precursor programs from the 1960s to establish a lineage and to confer art historical legitimacy on the new versions. This article examines two art and tech projects, at MIT and the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA), and their strategic deployment of their 1960s antecedents: György Kepes's Center for Advanced Visual Studies (CAVS) and Maurice Tuchman's Art & Technology program (A&T), respectively. This examination argues that the loss of a radical vision that preceded the 1960s labs rendered them untenable and explores how the art and technology labs furthered a larger shift from progressive liberalism to neoliberalism. While these earlier projects were short-lived and the targets of considerable criticism, not least because of their connections with military and corporate clients, in the twenty-first century the legacies of CAVS and A&T have been unproblematically reclaimed. Contemporary art and tech projects, we argue, are in danger of succumbing to the same techno-utopianism as their 1960s iterations, and the same military-industrial allegiances that tainted the earlier projects continue to underpin twenty-first-century collaborations.

The military intervention of Grenada, October 25, 1983 came after years of increasing strain between the interventionists, especially the US, and Grenada. Justification for using force by the US and its Ca ribbean partners was based on 1) claims of undue increase in military power in Grenada, in comparison with other Caribbean states, 2) the non-civil libertarian and socialist character of Grenada's PRG gov ernment which brought it into close and increasing dependency on Cuba and the Soviet Union, 3) the use of force by Maurice Bishop and his NJM movement to obtain power, and 4) the brutality of his liqui dation. Also 5) the claim that the OECS organization was a bona fide regional organization operating within the scope of authority of article 52 of the UN charter. It thereby had the right to seek help from others in the fullfillment of their treaty obligations. The US in particular stressed this point plus, 6) the claim that the Governor-General invited outside assistance. Most international law scholars who ex pressed views condemned the action on legal grounds, but supporters claimed that the interventionists were within their rights based on the above arguments, plus the view that various human rights declara tions and treaties support intervention when human rights are violated, and that some treaties require it. This paper explores these claims and traces the relevant writings of scholars over several centuries, most of which refute the supporters' arguments. Interventionary policies are found to be illegal in the post WWII period, with Webster's classic argument that 'instant and overwhelming necessity' permitting 'no moment of deliberation' may provide an exception. The UN, OAS and OECS treaty provisions are ana lyzed and found to have been violated. Comparisons with other rescue missions are found inappropriate as a precedent. Finally, interventionist arguments based on human rights are refuted by examining all appropriate declarations and treaties, none of which are found to authorize enforcement action.

In March 1979, the New Jewel Movement (NJM) transitioned into the People's Revolu- tionary Government (PRG) through a bloodless coup that for a time revolutionized the structure of governments in the Com- mon-law Caribbean. This policy review seeks to consider the success of the revolution based on: its aim of developing and sustaining a grassroots democracy, emphasis on mass education and its expansion of agribusiness initiatives as a part of broader industrialization efforts. Through an investigation of some of the critical events, ideological frameworks and ambitious political objectives that briefly transformed Grenadian society from 1979 to 1983 this review illustrates the complexity of the political experiment undertaken by the People's Revolutionary Government and argues that despite its short time span, the Grenada Revolution remains one of the most critical examples of revolutionary potential and radical self-rule in the twentieth-century Caribbean.

Dokumentation von Texten über die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Grenadas seit der Revolution von 1979, den Putsch gegen Maurice Bishop vom 12.10.1983 und die Rechtfertigung der Invasion durch die US-amerikanische Administration. Wiedergabe von Presse- und Rundfunkreaktionen in Lateinamerika, Afrika, Asien, Nah- und Mittelost sowie von Stellungnahmen internationaler Organisationen

Bericht über die politische und wirtschaftliche Situation in Grenada nach der Einsetzung einer provisorischen Regierung und der Ankündigung eines Entwicklungsprogramms durch die USA. Kritische Erörterung der ersten Maßnahmen zur Normalisierung des gesellschaftlichen Lebens. Aufruf zur Unterstützung von Ansätzen zur Wiederbelebung des Geistes der Revolution und zur Weiterführung des politischen Projekts von Maurice Bishop

Übersicht über die Entwicklung des revolutionären Prozesses in Grenada seit dem Sturz der Regierung Gairy durch das New Jewel Movement unter Maurice Bishop am 13.3.1979. Darstellung der ideologischen Ausrichtung der neuen Führung, der politischen Partizipationsmöglichkeiten der Bevölkerung sowie der internationalen Rahmenbedingungen. (NJW = New Joint Endeavour for Welfare, Education and Liberation Movement)

xvi, [1], 18-340 p. ; 22 cm. (8vo) ; Dedicated to M. Talleyrand-Perigord, late Bishop of Autun.

Caldwell Taylor, a former teacher and journalist, was Grenada's Ambassador to the United Nations from September, 1980, to October, 1983, and Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1982 to October, 1983. Grenada's president, Maurice Bishop, was deposed by a military coup on October 13 and murdered on October 19. The United States invaded Grenada on October 25. —Eds.

St. Lucia, one of the British West Indies and the most recent to achieve independence (February 22, 1979), provides a case study of a tiny island-state's prospects for development. It is also the prototype of a Caribbean nation in the throes of choosing whether to remain in the Western camp or to follow the way of Fidel Castro and his Grenadian ally, Maurice Bishop.

Using declassified British government files at the National Archives, the author shows how the US invasion of Grenada in 1983, which overthrew the radical government of Maurice Bishop and the New Jewel Movement, was not the first time that such an invasion was contemplated in Grenada's recent history. The UK had had an almost identical plan to land a battalion of troops on Grenada a decade earlier, on the very eve of independence, to ensure the continuation in power of the dictatorial Eric Gairy, should the widespread unrest across the island lead to his ousting.