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Published in 1834-35 under the title: History of the British colonies. ; Each volume has also special t.-p. ; Continued--v. 6. Nova Scotia, cape Breton, the Sable islands, New Brunswick, Prince Edward island, the Bermudas, Newfoundland, &c., &c. 1837.-v. 7. British possessions in the Mediterranean: comprising Gibraltar, Malta, and the Ionian islands. 1837.--v. 8-9. Possessions of the honourable East India company. 1837.--v. 10. British possessions in the Indian & Atlantic oceans: comprising Ceylon, Penang, Malacca, Singapore, the Falkland islands, St. Helena, Ascension, Sierra Leone, the Gambla, cape Coast Castle, &c., &c. 1837. ; v. 1. Upper and lower Canada. 2d ed. 1838.--v. 2. Austral-Asia: comprising New South Wales., Van Diemen's island, Swan river, South Australia, &c. 2d ed. 1839.--v. 3. Southern Africa: comprising the cape of Good Hope, Mauritlus, Seychelles, &c. 2d ed. 1843.--v. 4. West Indies: comprising Jamacia, Honduras, Trinidad, Tobago, Grenada, the Bahamas, and the Virgin isles. 1836.--v. 5. West Indies: comprising British Guiana, Barbadoes, St. Vincent's, St. Lucia, Dominica, Montserrat, Antigua, St. Christoper's &c., &c., 1837. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Published in 1834-35 under the title: History of the British colonies. ; Each vol. has also special t. p. ; Castle, &c., &c. 1837. ; v. 1. Upper and Lower Canada. 2d ed. 1838.--v. 2. Austral-Asia:comprising New South Wales, Van Diemen's Island, Swan River, South Australia, &c. 2d ed. 1839.--v. 3. Southern Africa: comprising the Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius, Seychelles, &c. 2d ed. 1843.--v. 4. West Indies: comprising Jamaica, Honduras, Trinidad, Tobago, Grenada, the Bahamas,and the Virgin Isles. 1836.--v. 5. West Indies: comprising British Guiana, Barbadoes, St. Vincent's, St. Lucia, Dominica, Montserrat, Antigua, St. Christopher's, &c., &c. 1837.--v. 6. Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, the Sable Islands, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, the Bermudas, Newfoundland, &c., &c. 1837.--v. 7. British possessions in the Mediterranean: comprising Gibraltar, Malta, and the Ionian Islands. 1837.--v. 8-9. Possessions of the honourable East India company. 1837.--v. 10. British possessions in the Indian & Atlantic oceans: comprising Ceylon, Penang, Malacca, Sincapore, the Falkland Islands, St. Helena, Ascension, Sierra Leone, the Gambia, Cape Coast ; Mode of access: Internet.

Because it is there!" the rabbi coins a phrase when asked by baffled congregants why, of all places, he chose to go to the Indian subcontinent for his summer vacation. The truth, nothing but the truth…but not the whole truth. He also went to sniff exotic art, architecture, landscape, music, and theologies. Shocking to admit, he decided on India because that's just about as far away as you can get from the normal daily realities of his life: Jews, that is. A guy needs a change.Easier said than done. Remember Jonah and Nineveh and the big fish. Evasion of responsibilities does not seem to work. You buzz off to forget (temporarily, therapeutically only, you chirp) your fellow Jews. So they come traipsing after you (physically, figuratively; who's counting anyway?). I was positively haunted. A small mercy though: at least I did not bump into the standard, Hilton-circuit, American Jew in his flowered bermudas and her sequinned sunglasses. If they were around, they must have been safely tucked away in their airconditioned buses or in their gaggles of guided gawkers at mandatory sites. No, it was a very different presence of Jews that kept stepping on my heels.

Engraved added title page in each volume. ; Includes index. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Franciscan chroniclers and tradition state that Isabel of Aragon established the Holy Ghost feast in Alenquer, Portugal, in the Middle Ages. The feast became widespread in Portugal to the seventeenth century, but toda y only Tomar celebrates a modified version of it. Fifteenth-century Portuguese maritime expansion brought the feast to the Azores. Azoreans later extended the feast during the last three centuries to Brazil, the United States of America, Canada, and Bermuda, where it was modified beca use of geographic, social, economic, and cultural factors. lndigenous elements (flag of the adopted nation, military and social organizatíons non-existent in Portugal) take part in this most popular Portuguese festival in North America. ; Los cronistas y la tradición establecen que Isabel de Aragón inició la fiesta del Espíritu Santo en Alenquer, Portugal, en la Edad Media. Esta fiesta pasó a todo Portugal, pero hoy día se celebra en forma modificada sólo en Tomar. La expansión marítima portuguesa del s. XV llevó la fiesta a las Azores. Desde allí los azoreanos trajeron su fiesta consigo a Brasil, los Estados Unidos de América, Canadá y Bermudas, donde fue modificada por factores geográficos, sociales, económicos y culturales. Los elementos indígenas (bandera del país adoptivo, organizaciones militares y sociales que no existen en Portugal) entraron en esta fiesta, la más popular de origen portugués en América del Norte.

Franciscan chroniclers and tradition state that Isabel of Aragon established the Holy Ghost feast in Alenquer, Portugal, in the Middle Ages. The feast became widespread in Portugal to the seventeenth century, but toda y only Tomar celebrates a modified version of it. Fifteenth-century Portuguese maritime expansion brought the feast to the Azores. Azoreans later extended the feast during the last three centuries to Brazil, the United States of America, Canada, and Bermuda, where it was modified beca use of geographic, social, economic, and cultural factors. lndigenous elements (flag of the adopted nation, military and social organizatíons non-existent in Portugal) take part in this most popular Portuguese festival in North America. ; Los cronistas y la tradición establecen que Isabel de Aragón inició la fiesta del Espíritu Santo en Alenquer, Portugal, en la Edad Media. Esta fiesta pasó a todo Portugal, pero hoy día se celebra en forma modificada sólo en Tomar. La expansión marítima portuguesa del s. XV llevó la fiesta a las Azores. Desde allí los azoreanos trajeron su fiesta consigo a Brasil, los Estados Unidos de América, Canadá y Bermudas, donde fue modificada por factores geográficos, sociales, económicos y culturales. Los elementos indígenas (bandera del país adoptivo, organizaciones militares y sociales que no existen en Portugal) entraron en esta fiesta, la más popular de origen portugués en América del Norte.

La conclusión principal de este trabajo es que el Caribe, integrado por 29 entidades políticas, se debe dividir en dos regiones: la española y la germano‐francesa (integrada por tres subregiones: los Caribes inglés, francés y neerlandés). La primera (compuesta de Cuba, Puerto Rico y República Dominicana) pertenece a un área cultural más extensa, Iberoamérica. La segunda (integrada por el resto de las islas situadas entre Norteamérica y Sudamérica, así como por Bermudas y las tres Guayanas) constituye por sí sola un área cultural plenamente diferenciada de América, continente que se considera integrado por tres áreas culturales: Iberoamérica, Caribe germano‐francés y Norteamérica germano‐francesa. Por su parte, Belice, de acuerdo con los criterios lingüísticos y étnicos empleados, es un país "híbrido", en el sentido de que conjuga características de Iberoamérica y del Caribe germano‐francés. Todo lo anterior pone en entredicho la validez de las divisiones más usuales actualmente del continente americano, entre ellas la que lo divide en dos grandes regiones: la América latina y la América anglosajona ; The main conclusion of this work is that the Caribbean, integrated by 29 political organizations, most be divided in two regions: the Spanish one and the German‐French one (this last integrated by three sub regions: English, French and Dutch Caribbean). Spanish Caribbean (composed by Cuba, Puerto Rico and Dominican Republic) belongs to a more extensive cultural area: Ibero‐America. The German‐French (integrated by the rest of the islands located between North America and South America, as well as Bermuda and the three Guyana) constitutes by itself a cultural area totally differentiated from America, continent that is considered integrated by three cultural areas: Ibero‐America, the German‐French Caribbean and German‐French North America. On the other hand, according our linguistic and ethnic criteria, Belize is a "hybrid" country, because it associates Ibero‐America and German‐French Caribbean features. This entire ...

11 páginas, 13 figuras, 1 tabla. ; Two didemnid ascidians associating with cyanobacterial symbionts (Prochloron spp.) were firstly recorded from Caribbean Panama: Lissoclinum verrilli, which facultatively harboured Prochloron cells on the colony surface, and Diplosoma simile, which obligately harboured algal cells in the peribranchial and common cloacal cavities within the colonies. While L. verrilli sensu stricto has been exclusively recorded from the Bermudas and Caribbean islands, D. simile is widely distributed in tropical Indo-Pacific regions including oceanic islands such as Hawaii. Partial COI sequences of D. simile from the Caribbean were identical to those from the West Pacific, suggesting a high larval-dispersal ability and broad range of environmental tolerance. Molecular phylogenetics of the symbionts, based on 16S rRNA gene sequences, revealed that both ascidian species were associated with Prochloron, while a Synechocystis sp. sequence was also obtained for L. verrilli. In addition, L. verrilli and D. simile harboured different phylotypes within the Prochloron lineage that included symbionts from various hosts and various Pacific sites. Our results indicate that multiple phylotypes of Prochloron exist in Caribbean Panama and that considering the abundance and the number of host species in the Pacific, Prochloron and D. simile may have come from tropical Indo-West Pacific. ; We are indebted to Drs R. Collin, G. Lambert and R. da Rocha for organizing 'Pan American Advanced Studies Institute: Advanced Tunicate Biology' at Bocas del Toro Research Station, Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute sponsored by National Science Foundation (Grant No. OISE-1034665). We thank the staff of Bocas del Toro Research Station (Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute) and the members of the tunicate course. The present study was partly supported by Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C) no. 23510296 from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, by the International Research Hub Project for Climate Change and Coral Reef/Island Dynamics from University of the Ryukyus, by projects CTM2010–17755 and CTM2010–22218 of the Spanish Government, and by the Marie Curie International Reintegration Grant FP7-PEOPLE-2010-RG 277038 within the 7th European Community Framework Programme. ; Peer reviewed

This thesis analyzes the transnational careers of Mexican actresses Lupe Vélez and Dolores del Río from their arrival to Hollywood in the 1920's until the end of World War II. Thus, this work is divided in three parts. Chapter one focuses on the construction of these actresses' images—both on and off the screen—during the 1920's and 30's. Chapter two addresses Vélez and her role in the American film industry (1939–1943). Finally, the last part discusses del Río's participation in the Mexican film industry (1943–1946). Although this thesis uses the actresses' individual experiences as its main narrative, this work also covers analytical levels such as the international context of World War II and the United States' "good neighbor policy", as well as the domestic political landscape during the long Mexican Revolution. Changes in the film industry, including technological innovations, are also taken into consideration, insofar as they affected the careers of these two actresses. I argue that changing ideas about race and gender defined the specific range of opportunities available to Vélez and del Río, both within and outside the films they participated in. During the 1920's and 30's, the spectrum of roles available to Latin American actresses decreased as what Albert Memmi called "the mark of the plural" underwent changes: certain European peoples began to be considered as fully "white" and therefore off-bounds in representational terms. Indeed, by the beginning of World War II, the roles offered to Vélez were narrowed down to highly stereotyped and sexist depictions of Latina women. However, this thesis also describes how she managed to subvert such stereotypes to some degree by using her creativity and performing skills to partially overcome racism and sexism. Dolores del Río, meanwhile, abandoned the American film industry and moved back to Mexico. The analysis of del Río's career in Mexico allows us to reopen the discussion about the impact of U.S. foreign policies on the Golden Age of Mexican Cinema. My focus on anxieties related to race and gender present in Mexico at the time, moreover, inspired me to invite my readers to reflect upon the status of some marginalized groups in our days. ; Esta tesis analiza las carreras transnacionales de las actrices mexicanas Lupe Vélez y Dolores del Río, entre su llegada a Hollywood en la década de 1920 y el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El primer capítulo estudia la construcción de la imagen pública de ambas actrices durante las décadas de 1920 y 1930. El segundo capítulo se centra en Vélez y el rol que asumió en la industria fílmica estadounidense (1939-1943). Finalmente, el tercer capítulo aborda la participación de del Río en la industria fílmica mexicana (1943-1946). Aunque el texto tiene la vida de las actrices como eje central, abarca diferentes niveles analíticos. Estos incluyen el contexto internacional de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la política estadounidense de la "buena vecindad", y el contexto nacional de la larga Revolución Mexicana. Cambios en la industria fílmica, incluidas innovaciones tecnológicas, también son tenidos en cuenta en tanto afectaron las carreras de ambas actrices. Encuentro que transformaciones en las ideas en torno a la raza y el género fueron determinantes para que Vélez y del Río tuvieran unas posibilidades específicas de acción, tanto dentro como fuera de las películas. Durante las décadas de 1920 y 1930, la variedad de papeles disponibles para actrices latinoamericanas disminuyó a medida que se reposicionó lo que Albert Memmi denominó "the mark of the plural": algunos grupos europeos empezaron a ser considerados "blancos" y por tanto sin limitaciones en términos representacionales. Así, para cuando comenzó la Segunda Guerra Mundial, los papeles que Vélez podía interpretar correspondían únicamente a representaciones marcadamente estereotipadas de mujeres latinoamericanas. Aún así, como esta tesis muestra, Vélez usó su creatividad y habilidades de actuación para subvertir parcialmente estos estereotipos. Entretanto, del Río abandonó la industria fílmica estadounidense y regresó a México para continuar allí su carrera. Mi análisis de la carrera de del Río en México me permite integrarme a la discusión académica sobre el impacto de Estados Unidos en la Época de Oro del cine mexicano. Asimismo, mi interés por las ansiedades relacionadas con cuestiones de raza y género me abre espacio para reflexionar sobre el estatus de diferentes grupos marginalizados hoy en día. ; Magíster en Estudios de Género. ; Maestría