Suchergebnisse

This contribution examines Arrighi's effort in Adam Smith in Beijing to understand the trajectory of China's political economy and the effects of that trajectory on the current reforms and changes in China. This article discusses these reforms from the perspective of China's 'internal' dynamics and suggests that Arrighi's argument has been developed without proper reference to China's complex realities. As an alternative, the contribution proposes a research-agenda that could better account for these realities. Adapted from the source document.

Lee reviews LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN CHINA: Challenges from Below by Yang Zhong.

To analyze the leasing behavior of residential land in Beijing, the mathematical models of the price and the total area of the leased residential land are presented. The variables of the mathematical models are proposed by analyzing the factors influencing the district government's leasing behavior for residential land based on the leasing right for residential land in Beijing, China. The regression formulae of the mathematical models are obtained with the ordinary least squares method. By introducing the data of the districts in Beijing from 2004 to 2015 into the mathematical models, the numerical results of the coefficients in the mathematical models are obtained by solving the equations of the regression formulae. After discussing the numerical results of the influencing factors, the district government behavior for leasing residential land in Beijing, China, is investigated. The numerical results show the factors concerning the government and how these factors influence the leased price and the total leased area of residential land for this large city in China. Finally, policy implications for the district government regarding residential land leasing in Beijing are proposed.

This paper explores the relationships between inequality, trade, and capital flows into China since the early 1990s and particularly in the first years of the present decade. We show that the rise in economic inequality in China has more to do directly with the activities associated with China's financial and building boom, notably in Beijing, than with the massive growth in manufacturing employment and in Chinese exports since China joined the WTO in 2001. Nevertheless, it is likely that a flow of profits from the export boom did feed the speculative fires in the capital and elsewhere, and therefore it should be no surprise that the fall of one should be linked to the fall of the other, in a particularly painful reduction of economic inequality. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on a book by Joshua Cooper Ramo, The Beijing Consensus (London: Foreign Policy Centre, 2004).

It is widely believed that China is rigid in diplomacy concerning state sovereignty and national reunification, and the Taiwan issue is certainly prominent of such kind on which leaders in Beijing cannot make concessions but only struggle to gain in managing Sino-American relations. With the examination of the origins of then Chinese President Jiang Zemin's eight-points proposal that guided PRC's Taiwan policy in the past decade, this article suggests that domestic political legitimacy of an individual leader is a vital factor that affects Chinese foreign policy in general and Beijing's stance on sovereignty in particular. As this case has shown, this logic often works in the way that soften Chinese leaders' attitudes toward Taipei and Washington in the "new" new world order because, without democratic institutions, Chinese leaders are weak in terms of internal legitimacy. The diplomatic reputation they gain from Washington can substantially help them in this regard. (Pac Rev/DÜI)