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Cities face significant impacts from climate change, both now and into the future. These impacts have potentially serious consequences for human health, livelihoods, and assets, especially for the urban poor, informal settlements, and other vulnerable groups. Climate change impacts range from an increase in extreme weather events and flooding to hotter temperatures and public health concerns. Cities in low elevation coastal zones, for instance, face the combined threat of sea-level rise and storm surges. The specific impacts on each city will depend on the actual changes in climate experienced (for example, higher temperatures or increased rainfall), which will vary from place to place. Climate change will increase the frequency at which some natural hazards occur, especially extreme weather events, and introduce new incremental impacts that are less immediate. However, few climate impacts will be truly unfamiliar to cities. Cities have always lived with natural hazards, such as earthquakes, tsunamis, hurricanes, and flooding. In some situations, cities will experience an increase in the frequency of existing climate-related hazards, such as flooding. Climate change considerations can be integrated with disaster risk reduction (DRR) in cities. DRR efforts already familiar to many may be used as a platform from which to develop climate change adaptation plans. In practical terms, disaster risk reduction and climate adaptation can be integrated in many instances, although cities should also consider incremental or gradual changes in climate that affect government operations or community life in less immediate and visible ways than conventional disasters. Approaches to collecting information on climate change impacts in a city can range from highly technical and resource-intensive, to simple and inexpensive. Technically complex assessments are likely to require collaboration with external experts, if a city is not large or well-resourced with sufficient in-house capacity.

The world faces unprecedented opportunities to reduce global poverty and improve human welfare. Strong global growth and better economic policies in recent years have substantially reduced poverty in many developing countries. However, with the recent financial turmoil in the United States and rising prices for food, oil, and other commodities, the world economy faces heightened risks and volatility. Policymakers around the world face the challenge of maintaining momentum in growth, as well as of improving the quality of growth. This concern over quality is reflected in the highly uneven reduction in poverty, rising inequality in numerous countries, and widening environmental degradation during the past decade, a period of unprecedented high economic growth in developing countries. Unless these issues are confronted, gains from growth are likely to be undermined and the pace of growth, itself, will not be sustained. Growth is clearly linked to reductions in poverty. But the strength of this relationship depends on the quality or nature of growth. Various studies show that some growth patterns systematically reduce poverty and inequality, but others do not. And some growth patterns lead to underinvestment in human capital, overexploitation of natural resources, and degradation of the environment, patterns inimical to the sustainability of growth.

Die nachhaltige Entwicklung ländlicher Gebiete ist eine globale Herausforderung. Sie ist politische Agenda vieler Länder, sowohl mit niedrigem als auch mit hohem Einkommen. Ein großes ländliches Gebiet in Kenia besteht aus den ariden und semi-ariden Gebieten (ASAL). Diese umfassen nahezu 90 Prozent der Landfläche des Landes und sind zuhause von fast 30 Prozent der Landesbevölkerung. Historisch gesehen haben die ASAL jedoch unter begrenzter politischer Repräsentation, mangelnder Integration in soziale Dienste, einer schwachen Infrastruktur sowie geringen wirtschaftlichen Investitionen gelitten. Diese Marginalisierung hat dazu geführt, dass die Lebensstandards in betroffenen Gemeinden zurückbleiben. Diese Doktorarbeit trägt zum Verständnis von zwei wichtigen Aspekten im Leben der überwiegend auf Viehzucht spezialisierten Gemeinschaften bei, die in den ASAL Nordkenias leben. Der erste Aspekt bezieht sich auf soziales Vertrauen, welches weithin als eine grundlegende Komponente von wirtschaftlichen Interaktionen und Wachstums gesehen wird. Der zweite Aspekt bezieht sich auf Ernährungsqualität, welche eine grundlegende Komponente menschlicher und wirtschaftlicher Entwicklung darstellt. Insbesondere soll diese Arbeit zeigen, dass die Erhöhung des sozialen Vertrauens und die Verbesserung der Ernährung von Hirtengemeinschaften durch den Einsatz von Mobiltelefonen erreicht werden kann. Diese Dissertation besteht aus drei Arbeiten, die jeweils eine bestimmte Komponente der Gesamtanalyse hervorheben. Das erste Papier dieser Arbeit in Kapitel II trägt den Titel: "A Radius of Trust? Contrasting Insights from Experiments and Survey Data" (übersetzt in etwa: "Ein Radius des Vertrauens? Abweichende Einsichten aus Experimenten und Umfragedaten") betitelt. Es gibt Einblicke in die Vertrauenskultur der Hirtengemeinschaften im Bezirk Turkana, Nordkenia. Die Analyse basiert auf Primärdaten, die im Juli/August 2018 gesammelt wurden. Wir haben eine anreizorientierte Version des Vertrauensexperiments von Berg et al. (1995) mit 402 Teilnehmern durchgeführt. Unter Verwendung eines between-subject-designs wurde das Vertrauen für drei Treatments gemessen: Vertrauen gegenüber Menschen aus dem eigenen Dorf, Vertrauen gegenüber Menschen aus einem Nachbardorf und Vertrauen gegenüber Stadtbewohnern aus der Bezirkshauptstadt. Während Personen aus dem eigenen Dorf und Personen aus einem Nachbardorf gleichermaßen vertraut wird, zeigen die experimentellen Daten, dass die Teilnehmer statistisch signifikant weniger Vertrauen in die Stadtbewohner aus der Kreisstadt setzen. Wir argumentieren, dass sich dieses Phänomen mit dem Konzept des Vertrauensradius erklären lässt. Wir stellen dann das Experiment den selbstberichteten Vertrauensniveaus aus den Umfragedaten gegenübergestellt. Die Umfragedaten unterscheiden sich von den experimentellen Daten insoweit, dass hier Dorfbewohnen aus dem eigenen Dorf mehr Vertrauen entgegengebracht wird als Menschen aus einem Nachbardorf. Eine mögliche Ursache für diese Diskrepanz liegt in relativer Übertreibung von Vertrauensbekundungen gegenüber Menschen aus dem eigenen Dorf in den Umfragedaten aufgrund einer Verzerrung durch Soziale Erwünschtheit (social desirability bias). Die zweite Arbeit dieser Dissertation in Kapitel III, "Can Mobile Phones Build Social Trust? Insights from Rural Kenya" (übersetzt in etwa: "Können Mobiltelefone soziales Vertrauen aufbauen? Einblicke in das ländlichen Kenia") verwendet den gleichen Datensatz wie die oben genannte Arbeit. Die Auswirkung der Mobiltelefonnutzung auf das Vertrauen steht im Mittelpunkt dieser zweiten Studie. Das Experiment wird hier zur Messung des sozialen Vertrauens verwendet. Die in dieser Studie genutzte Variationsquelle basiert jedoch auf der Mobiltelefonnutzung der Teilnehmer und nicht auf dem Unterschied zwischen den drei Treatments. Um Verzerrungen aufgrund unbeobachteter Heterogenität von Nutzern und Nicht-Nutzern zu beachten, führen wir eine Instrumentvariablenschätzung durch. Netzwerkverfügbarkeit in der Wohnstätte stellt die Instrumentvariable dar. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass Mobiltelefone dazu beitragen können das Vertrauen gegenüber Menschen. Wir finden positive Effekte jedoch nur in Bezug auf Menschen, die weit entfernt wohnen, nämlich gegenüber Menschen aus der Kreisstadt. Es werden keine statistisch signifikanten Effekte hinsichtlich höheren Vertrauens gegenüber Menschen gefunden, die näher wohnen, nämlich gegenüber Mitbewohnern und Menschen aus einem Nachbardorf. Der unterschiedliche Effekt von Mobiltelefonen auf das Vertrauen könnte dadurch erklärt werden, dass Mobiltelefone die Kommunikation insbesondere zwischen Menschen erleichtern, die weit voneinander entfernt leben. Das dritte Papier dieser Dissertation in Kapitel IV trägt den Titel "Can mobile phones improve nutrition among pastoral communities? Panel data evidence from Northern Kenya" (übersetzt in etwa: "Können Mobiltelefone die Ernährung von Hirtengemeinschaften verbessern? Ergebnisse von Paneldaten aus Nordkenia".) Diese Studie präsentiert eine Folgenabschätzung des Einflusses der Mobiltelefonnutzung und des Mobiltelefonbesitzes auf zwei Indikatoren der Ernährungsvielfalt. Die Studie basiert auf sechs Runden von sekundären Paneldaten, die von 2009 bis 2015 im Bezirk Marsabit im Norden Kenias gesammelt wurden. Wir zeigen, dass die Region durch ein relativ niedriges Niveau der Ernährungsvielfalt gekennzeichnet ist. Gleichzeitig hat die Mobiltelefonnutzung im beobachteten Zeitraum deutlich zugenommen. Wir argumentieren, dass die Nutzung von Mobiltelefonen und der Besitz von Mobiltelefonen mit einer Zunahme der Ernährungsvielfalt in Verbindung gebracht werden können. Mehrere Robustheitsprüfungen deuten darauf hin, dass ein leichterer Zugang zu Lebensmittelmärkten und gekauften Lebensmitteln zu dieser Zunahme der Ernährungsvielfalt beiträgt. Auf der Grundlage dieser drei Papiere ziehen wir mehrere Schlussfolgerungen. Erstens bekräftigen wir frühere Warnungen, dass die Hirtengemeinschaften in Nordkenia in der Tat mit mehreren schwerwiegenden Herausforderungen konfrontiert sind: Das soziale Vertrauen in der Region ist gering, und den Stadtbewohner aus der Bezirkshauptstadt wird sogar besonders wenig Vertrauen entgegengebracht. Dieser Mangel an Vertrauen kann die soziale Interaktion und die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der Gemeinschaften potenziell behindern und verlangsamen. Die begrenzte Vielfalt der Ernährung stellt ein weiteres kritisches Problem dar, das durch unsere Analyse deutlich wurde. Als Folge einer suboptimalen Ernährungsqualität kann die volle Entfaltung von Individuen und ihren Fähigkeiten eingeschränkt werden, wodurch das wirtschaftliche Potenzial der betroffenen Haushalte eingeschränkt wird. Gleichzeitig zeigen wir, dass Mobiltelefone in den Händen von Hirtengemeinschaften ein besonders leistungsfähiges Werkzeug darstellen. Die Technologie hat das Potenzial, wichtige Wohlfahrtsdimensionen zu verbessern. Mobiltelefone können mit einer Zunahme des Vertrauens gegenüber den Menschen aus der Kreishauptstadt in Verbindung gebracht werden, was dazu beitragen könnte, einige der oben genannten Herausforderungen zu verringern. Darüber hinaus können Mobiltelefone mit vielfältigeren Ernährungsgewohnheiten in Verbindung gebracht werden. Diese Verbesserung einer konkreten und hoch relevanten Dimension des Lebensstandards bekräftigt die Chancen und Verbesserungen, die die Mobiltelefontechnologie den Hirtengemeinschaften bereits gebracht hat und weiterhin bringt. ; The arid and semi-arid lands (ASAL) cover close to 90 per cent of Kenya's landmass and are home to nearly 30 per cent of its population. Historically, the ASAL have however suffered from limited political representation, weak integration into social services, and low infrastructure investments. This marginalization has caused affected communities to fall behind in economic development and overall welfare. This thesis contributes to the understanding of two important aspects in the lives of the predominantly pastoralist communities that inhabit Northern Kenya's ASAL. The first aspects relates to social trust, which is considered a fundamental component of economic interaction and growth. The second aspect relates to nutrition, which is considered to be a fundamental component of human and economic development. In particular, this thesis aims at showing that increases in social trust and improvements of diets among pastoralist communities can be achieved through the use of mobile phones. This dissertation is composed of three papers, each highlighting a particular component of the overall analysis. The first paper of this thesis in chapter II, is titled: "A Radius of Trust? Contrasting Insights from Experiments and Survey Data". It provides insights into the trust culture of pastoralist communities in Turkana County, Northern Kenya. The analysis is based on primary data collected in July/August 2018. We conducted an incentivized version of the canonical trust game by Berg et al. 1995 with 402 participants. Using a between-subject design, trust was measured for three treatments: trust towards people from one's own village, trust towards people from a neighboring village, and trust towards city dwellers from the county capital. While fellow villager and people from a neighboring village are equally trusted, experimental data show that participants place statistically significantly less trust into city dwellers from the county capital. We argue that this phenomenon can be explained with the concept of the radius of trust. The experiment is then contrasted with self-reported trust levels. Survey data differ from the experimental data in the aspect that fellow villagers seem to be more trusted than people from a neighboring village. A potential cause of this discrepancy lies in overstatements of trust towards fellow villagers in the survey due to a social-desirability bias. The second paper of this dissertation in chapter III, "Can Mobile Phones Build Social Trust? Insights from Rural Kenya" utilizes the same data set as the aforementioned paper. The effect of mobile phone use on trust is the focal point of this second study. The experiment is used here as a measurement for social trust. However, the source of variation exploited in this study is based on mobile phone usage of the participants rather than the difference between the three treatment groups. To deal with bias due to unobserved heterogeneity of users and non-users, we use a control function approach with mobile phone reception as an instrumental variable. The results suggest that mobile phones might help to increase trust towards people that live far ways, namely towards people from the county capital. No statistically significant effects are found with regard to trust towards people who live closer, namely towards fellow villagers and people from a neighboring village. The differential effect of mobile phones on trust could be explained by the fact that mobile phones facilitate communication particularly between people that are distant from each other. The third paper of this dissertation in chapter IV is called "Can mobile phones improve nutrition among pastoral communities? Panel data evidence from Northern Kenya". This study presents an impact assessment of the effect of mobile phone use and mobile phone ownership on two indicators of dietary diversity. The study is based on six rounds of secondary panel data collected from 2009 to 2015 in Marsabit County in the North of Kenya. We show that the region is characterized by relatively low levels of dietary diversity. At the same time, mobile phone usage has risen substantially in the observed time period. We argue that mobile phone use and mobile phone ownership can be associated with increases in dietary diversity. Several robustness checks suggest that easier access to markets and purchased food contribute to this increase in dietary diversity. Based on these three papers, we draw several conclusions. Firstly, we reinforce previous alerts that pastoralist communities in Northern Kenya do indeed face several severe challenges: social trust in the region is low, and city dwellers from the county capital even face particularly low trust levels. This lack of trust can potentially hamper social interaction and economic development of the communities. Limited dietary diversity represents another critical issue that became apparent through our analysis. As a consequence of sub-optimal dietary quality, full evolvement of individuals and their skills might be constrained, thereby restricting the economic potential of affected households. At the same time, we show that mobile phones represent a particularly powerful tool in the hands of pastoralist communities. The technology has the potential to improve important welfare dimensions. Mobile phones can be associated with increases in trust towards people from the county capital, which might help reduce some of the aforementioned challenges. Furthermore, mobile phones can be associated with more diverse diets. This improvement of a concrete and highly relevant household welfare dimension reinforces the advantages that the mobile phone technology has brought and continues to bring to pastoralist communities.

This paper will first define the words and terms applicable to the topic of light infantry that appear in eighteenth-century literature so that there is an understanding of how an eighteenth-century soldier conceived of warfare. After establishing this connection, this paper will follow a chronological chain of events that focuses on the creation of regular light infantry in European armies in Europe and North America from the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748) until the beginning of the Revolutionary War (1740-1775), how those events influenced Washington, the first use of light troops during the Revolutionary War, and how the Continental light infantry developed through the war. This paper will not delve into the intricacies of battles because historians have well-examined the few notable battles involving the Continental light infantry. However, this paper will draw from battles the tactics that highlight the regular and irregular methods used by the light infantry and highlight details from campaigns and battles that depict how Washington and other leaders employed the light infantry. This paper argues that Washington recognized that trained, properly equipped, and competently led light infantry was more effective against regular and irregular enemies, rather than other American irregular light troops that often proved ineffective against those same enemies. Washington based his decision first, by drawing from his military experiences on the North American frontier, and second from European theory and practical application of regular light infantry forces in European armies. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; "The Picked Corps of the American Army": The Light Infantry of the Continental ArmyBrian K. GerringA paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for theMaster of Arts in Military HistoryNorwich UniversityMH 562D Capstone PaperDr. John RocheAugust 23, 2020 Gerring 1This position is only twenty miles from New York island; and was accordingly occupied by the van guard, consisting of light infantry; that is to say, the picked corps of the American army.—Marquis de Chastellux, Travels in North-AmericaThe history of the War of American Independence is replete with studies of military campaigns, leaders, weapons, and tactics. Historians frequently focus on particularmilitary units that have becomeingrained into American folklore concerning the war, such as the minutemenmilitia or Daniel Morgan's riflemen. Even the broadtopicof the Continental Army receives an adequate amount of scholarly consideration. However, one element within the army's structure that does not receive significant attention is the light infantry. Writing in 1900, Henry Johnston noted this absence of research concerning the Continental light infantry, concluding that "our books contain little about them."1In 1926, John Wrightsimilarly noted that the Continental light infantry suffered from scholarly neglect.2There has been minimal scholarly research into the Continental light infantry nearly a century later. When scholars do mention the Continental light infantry, they relegate those forces to a paragraph or two containing some form of exposition.This paper will begin to fill that scholarly voidby providing abroad overview of the history of the Continental light infantry.The inattention from historians towards theContinental light infantry likely stems from the seemingly insignificant role these forces played in the Revolutionary War's overall outcome.While onlybriefly touching on that topic, this paper arguesthat the Continental light infantry did fulfill a unique role for the army during the war. The Continental light infantry wasso unique that John Wright assessed them asthe first elite unit created within the regular American army 1Henry P. Johnston, The Storming of Stony Point (New York: James T. White, 1900), 68.2John W. Wright, "The Corps of Light Infantry in the Continental Army," The American Historical Review31, no. 3 (1926): 461. Gerring 52perception proved that the regular light infantry wassuddenly the preeminentelite force within the Continental Army.Wayne also advocated for a distinct uniform for the light infantry, which again indicatestheir status as elite troops. Contemporary troops considered as elite wore something unique, either headgear or uniforms—the most notable examples were the tall grenadier caps covered in bear fur and leather helmets of the British dragoons and light infantry.252Wayne wrote to Washington,expressing that as the commander of the corps, he should "have it in our power to Introduce Uniformity among the Light Corps belonging to the Respective States, andInfuse a Laudable pride and Emulation into the Whole."253He further concluded that the light infantry should have:an Elegant Uniform & Soldierly appearance—so much so that I would much rather risque my life and Reputation at the Head of the same men in an attack Clothed & Appointed as I could wish, with a Single Charge of Amunition—than to take them as they appear in Common with Sixty Rounds of Cartridges.254However, Washington opposed the outfitting of the light infantry with distinctive uniforms, noting that "the Light Infantry being only considered as detachments from the line ought to bear the uniform of the Regiments from which they are taken."255Despite this, Wayne did order the light infantry under his command to adorn their caps with hair, which was not a regular standard for the army's headgear.256252Cuthbertson's suggestion that light infantry should wear "jackets made from old coats . . . and snug little caps composed from old hats, and the pairing of the coat skirts" is evident in the British light infantry uniforms during the Revolutionary War. Bennett Cuthbertson, Cuthbertson's System for Management for the Complete Interior of a Battalion of Infantry, rev. ed. (Bristol: Rouths and Nelson, 1776), 190-191.253"From Brigadier General Anthony Wayne," July 4, 1779, Fort Montgomery, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-21-02-0289[accessed 28 Jun 2020].254Ibid. 255"To Brigadier General Anthony Wayne," September 14, 1779, West Point, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-22-02-0353[accessed 28 Jun 2020].256Robert Gamble, "The Orderly Book of Captain Robert Gamble[. . .]," in Collections of the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society[. . .] (Richmond: T. W. White, 1833), 256. Gerring 53Congruent with the light infantry under Wayne in the main army was the light infantry operating with MajorGeneral John Sullivan. Washington tasked Sullivan to engage and destroy most of the Indians of the Six Nations, including any Tory allies and any British troops,in western New Yorkin late spring of 1779. Washington originally devised that a quarter of the troops participating in this campaign would "harrass and distract the enemy, and create diversions, in favor of the principal operation," which are known aspects of lapetite guerre.257However, Washington's later conception of the campaign involved Sullivan operating in the irregular tactics of the Indians, coupled with regular tactics. Washington suggested to Sullivan:as general rules ought to govern your operations—to make rather than receive attacks attended with as much impetuosity, shouting and noise as possible, and to make the troops act in a loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a proper degree of government concert and mutual support—It should be previously impressed on the upon the minds of the men when ever they have an opportunity, to rush on with the warhoop and fixed bayonet—Nothing will disconcert the Indians more than this.258This reflects that Washington relied on his experiences because he understood howto engage and defeat Indians using proven combat-tested methods. Sullivan began his campaign on June 18, 1779 after months of extensive preparations. During Sullivan's Expedition, there was a designated light corps composed of various troops under the command of BrigadierGeneral Edward Hand.259Some of these troops were regular light infantry companies. Captain Leonard Bleeker—the Major of the Brigade for BrigadierGeneral James Clinton—records that each of the four regular regiments in Clinton's brigadehad 257"To Major General Horatio Gates," March 6, 1779, Middlebrook, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-19-02-0391[accessed 07Jun 2020].258"To Major General John Sullivan," May 31, 1779, Middlebrook, in PGW, https://rotunda.upress.virginia.edu/founders/GEWN-03-20-02-0661[accessed 07Jun 2020].259Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,164; Adam Hubley to Hand, June 22, 1779, Sunbury, in Linn and Egle, Pennsylvania in the War, 2:11. Gerring 54light infantry companies.260Bleeker notes that these light infantry companies operated in conjunction with riflemen under Hand.261Therefore, these light infantry soldiers operated more in-line with the light troops at Saratoga, which were a combination of riflemen and designated light infantry troops. It is unlikely these light infantry troops receivedthe same training as Wayne's troops because the two bodies of troops were separate from each otherand Wayne was actively conducting operationsduring Sullivan's Expedition. Despite this, Hand's corps did containsome troops with experiencein light operations, such as some remnants of Morgan's Regiment.262During movement, Hand's light corps acted as the forward element, staying a mile in front of Sullivan's troops.263If attacked on the move, the light corps acted as a maneuver element to either surround the enemy or move through the regular troop formation to form a rear-guard.264The light corps routinely operated well in advance and detached from the main force.265Due to their ability to move quickly, Hand's light corps also operated as a quick reaction force.266On one occasion after Sullivan's troops repelled an ambush, the light infantry chased the fleeing Indians three miles.267On August 13, Hand led a portion of the light infantry in advance of the armyoutside the village of Chemung; Indians ambushed this force, and the light 260Leonard Bleeker, The Order Book of Captain Leonard Bleeker, Major of Brigade[. . .] (New York: Joseph Sabin, 1865), 104-105, 128. The Major of the Brigade was the Brigade Inspector, which operated under the auspice of the Continental Army's Inspector General, see Bleeker, Order Book,11-12. The four regiments under Clinton were the 3rd, 4th, 5th New York, and the 7th Massachusetts, see Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,165n28. 261Bleeker, Order Book, 128.262Richard B. LaCrosse, Revolutionary Rangers: Daniel Morgan's Riflemen and Their Role on the Northern Frontier, 1778-1783(Westminster, MD: Heritage Books, 2007), 46-48, 119.263Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,165.264Ibid., 166-168.265Linn and Egle, Pennsylvania in the War, 2:17.266Dearborn, Journals of Henry Dearborn,186; Adam Hubley, "Journal of Lieutenant-Colonel Adam Hubley," in Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan, ed. Frederick Cook (Auburn, NY: Knapp, Peck, Thomson, 1887), 150.267Ibid., 178. Gerring 75Martin, James Kirby and Mark Edward Lender. 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"The Military Studies of George Washington." The American Historical Review29, no. 4 (1924): 675-680.Starkey, Armstrong. "Paoli to Stony Point: Military Ethics and Weaponry During the American Revolution." The Journal of Military History58, no. 1 (1994): 7-27.Williams, Glenn T. "The Battle of Newtown, 29 September 1779: An Aggressive Attack Carried Out with Audacity." On Point12, no. 2 (2006): 8-15. Gerring 78Wright, John W. "The Corps of Light Infantry in the Continental Army." The American Historical Review31, no. 3 (1926): 454-461.York, Neil L. "Pennsylvania Rifle: Revolutionary Weapon in a Conventional War?" The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography103, no. 3 (1979): 302-324.Web SitesNeville, Gabriel. "The "B Team" of 1777: Maxwell's Light Infantry." Journal of the American Revolution. Last modified April 10, 2018. https://allthingsliberty.com/2018/04/the-b-team-of-1777-maxwells-light-infantry/.

En este artículo, examino cuáles son las implicaciones éticas y políticas de conceptualizar y practicar filosofía para / con niños y niñas (P4wC) en la economía neoliberal de deuda. Aunque P4wC no puede provocar por sí sola ninguna transformación significativa en las realidades política-económicas de la deuda, puede desempeñar un papel importante en el cultivo de una ética y una conciencia de la deuda opuestas. La primera mitad de este artículo sitúa a P4wC dentro de la economía de deuda global actual. Aquí, resumo los análisis realizados por teóricos críticos sobre las formas en que la deuda afecta a las instituciones públicas (incluidas las escuelas) y configura la subjetividad individual. La segunda mitad de este artículo se basa en la conceptualización de la "contra-conducta" de Michel Foucault. Para Foucault, la contra-conducta es un acto ético / político de resistencia contra la gubernamentalidad, que posibilita relaciones sociales y formas de estar en el mundo alternativas. Sostengo en esta sección que P4wC debe conceptualizarse y practicarse como una forma de contra-conducta que desafía el poder en la economía de la deuda. Tanto la forma pedagógica de P4wC, como su contenido adoptado de manera colectiva en las comunidades de investigación, hacen de P4wC un sitio potencial para las prácticas de contra-conducta de la deuda. Pensada como una contra-conducta, P4wC es una práctica educativa con promesa liberadora. Concluyo este artículo con breves reflexiones sobre la práctica de P4wC en la época de COVID y de los alzamientos en todo el mundo contra el capitalismo racial. Aquí se sugiere que P4wC no solo se practique dentro de los entornos de educación formal, sino también en los movimientos sociales que luchan por crear un mundo más justo para todos y todas. ; Neste artigo, examino quais são as implicações éticas e políticas de conceituar e praticar filosofia para/com crianças (FpcC) na economia da dívida neoliberal. Embora a FpcC não possa, por si só, trazer qualquer transformação significativa das realidades político-econômicas da dívida, ela pode desempenhar um papel importante no cultivo da ética e da consciência da dívida oposicionista. A primeira metade deste artigo situa a FpcC dentro da atual economia global da dívida. Aqui, somam-se as análises feitas por teóricos críticos sobre as maneiras como a dívida impacta as instituições públicas (incluindo escolas) e molda a subjetividade individual. A segunda metade deste artigo se baseia na conceituação de "contra-conduta" de Michel Foucault. Para Foucault, a contra-conduta é um ato ético/político de resistência à governamentalidade, que viabiliza relações sociais alternativas e modos de estar no mundo. Defendo nesta seção que FpcC deve ser conceituada e praticada como uma forma de contra-conduta que desafia o poder na economia da dívida. Tanto a forma da pedagogia do FpcC quanto o conteúdo que pode ser abordado de maneira coletiva nas comunidades de investigação tornam o FpcC um local potencial para práticas de contra-dívida. Pensado como contra-conduta, o FpcC é uma prática educacional com promessa libertadora. Concluo este artigo com breves reflexões sobre a prática do FpcC na época do COVID e durante as revoltas ao redor do mundo contra o capitalismo racial. Sugere-se aqui que a FpcC não seja praticada apenas em ambientes de educação formal, mas também nos movimentos sociais que lutam para fazer nascer um mundo mais justo para todos nós. ; In this article, I examine what the ethical and political implications of conceptualizing and practicing philosophy for/with children (P4wC) in the neoliberal debt economy are. Though P4wC cannot alone bring about any significant transformation of debt political-economic realities, it can play an important role in cultivating oppositional debt ethics and consciousness. The first half of this article situates P4wC within the current global debt economy. Here, I summarize the analyses made by critical theorists of the ways that debt impacts public institutions (including schools), and shapes individual subjectivity. The second half of this article builds on Michel Foucault's conceptualization of "counter-conduct." For Foucault, counter-conduct is an ethical/political act of resistance against governmentality, one that makes possible alternative social relations and ways of being in the world. I argue in this section that P4wC should be conceptualized, and practiced, as form of counter-conduct that challenges power in the debt economy. Both the form of P4wC pedagogy, and the content that can be taken up in a collective manner in communities of inquiry, make P4wC a potential site for debt counter-conduct practices. Thought of as counter-conduct, P4wC is an educational practice with liberatory promise. I conclude this piece with brief ruminations on practicing P4wC in the time of COVID, and during the uprisings around the world against racial capitalism. It is suggested here that P4wC not only be practiced within formal education settings, but also in the social movements that are fighting to bring into being a world more just for all of us. En este artículo, examino cuáles son las implicaciones éticas y políticas de conceptualizar y practicar la filosofía para / con niños (P4wC) en la economía de la deuda neoliberal. Aunque P4wC no puede provocar por sí solo ninguna transformación significativa de las realidades político-económicas de la deuda, puede desempeñar un papel importante en el cultivo de una ética y una conciencia de la deuda opuestas. La primera mitad de este artículo sitúa a P4wC dentro de la economía de deuda global actual. Aquí, resumo los análisis realizados por teóricos críticos sobre las formas en que la deuda afecta a las instituciones públicas (incluidas las escuelas) y configura la subjetividad individual. La segunda mitad de este artículo se basa en la conceptualización de la "contra-conducta" de Michel Foucault. Para Foucault, la contra-conducta es un acto ético / político de resistencia contra la gobernamentalidad, que posibilita relaciones sociales y formas de estar en el mundo alternativas. Sostengo en esta sección que P4wC debe conceptualizarse y practicarse como una forma de contra-conducta que desafía el poder en la economía de la deuda. Tanto la forma pedagógica de P4wC, como su contenido adoptados de manera colectiva en las comunidades de investigación, hacen de P4wC un sitio potencial para las prácticas de contra-conducta de la deuda. Pensada como una contra-conducta, P4wC es una práctica educativa con promesa liberadora. Concluyo este artículo con breves reflexiones sobre la práctica de P4wC en la época de COVID y de los alzamientos en todo el mundo contra el capitalismo racial. Aquí se sugiere que P4wC no solo se practique dentro de los entornos de educación formal, sino también en los movimientos sociales que luchan por crear un mundo más justo para todos nosotros. Key Words: Debt (Deuda), Philosophy for/with Children (P4wC) (Filosofía para / con niños), Counter-Conduct (contra-conducta)

The so-called zero-lower-bound (ZLB) plays a prominent role in modern (and even older) macroeconomic theories. It is often introduced in a paper or at conference as a fact of life -- an unavoidable property of the physical environment, like gravity. But is it correct to view it in this way? Or is the ZLB better thought of as legal constraint--something that can potentially be circumvented by policy?

The Financial Services Regulatory Relief Act of 2006 allows the U.S. Federal Reserve (the Fed) to pay interest on reserve accounts that private banks hold at the Fed. Specifically, the Act states that:

Balances maintained at a Federal Reserve bank by or on behalf of a depository institution may receive earnings to be paid by the Federal Reserve bank at least once each calendar quarter, at a rate or rates not to exceed the general level of short-term interest rates.
The effective date of this authority was advanced to October 1, 2008, by the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008.

It is not clear (to me, at least) whether the Act grants the Fed the authority to pay a negative interest rate on reserves. Note that if the interest-on-reserves (IOR) rate is set to a negative number, then banks would in effect be paying the Fed a "service fee" for the privilege of holding reserve balances with the Fed. But if the Fed is not legally permitted to use negative interest rate policy (NIRP), then the ZLB is obviously a legal constraint.

This legal constraint, however, may not be binding if the ZLB is also an economic constraint. In fact, the traditional explanation for the ZLB is the existence of physical currency bearing zero interest. The idea that arbitrage will effectively keep interest rates from falling below zero is deeply ingrained in the minds of economists. For example, Corriea, et. al. (2012) write:

Arbitrage between money and bonds requires nominal interest to be positive. This "zero bound" constraint gives rise to a macroeconomic situation known as a liquidity trap. It presents a difficult challenge for stabilization policy.
However, we know from recent experience that the ZLB appears not to be an economic constraint.  Several central banks today have set their deposit rates into negative territory:




There is currently over $10 trillion of government debt in the world yielding a negative nominal interest rate; see here. As of this writing, even long bonds like the German 10-year Bund are in negative territory.

Well, alright, so the ZLB is evidently not an economic constraint. But surely there is some limit to how low nominal interest rates can fall? This lower limit is called the effective lower bound (ELB). And economic theory is clear: if we're at the ELB in a recession, then monetary policy has done about as much as it can be expected to do.

But what exactly is the ELB? Is it -1%, -2%, -5%, or perhaps even lower? Economists like Miles Kimball believe it to sufficiently negative to warrant NIRP as an effective policy tool; see here (see also the discussion by Ken Rogoff in chapter 10 of his book). These arguments, however, did not seem to gain much traction. For example, in the present discussions concerning the Fed's new long-run monetary policy framework, the possibility of NIRP is not even mentioned. But perhaps it should be if the ELB is in fact significantly below zero. In what follows, I want to make my own (related) argument for why the ELB is probably a lot lower than most people think.

Suppose the Fed was to set the IOR to -10% (in a deep demand-driven recession, this would presumably be accompanied with a promise to raise the IOR at some point in the future). The traditional economic argument suggests that any security dominated in rate of return by cash would in this case be driven out of circulation.

The first thing we could imagine happening is banks attempting to convert their digital reserves into vault cash. Banks are presently holding over $1.6 trillion in reserves with the Fed. The largest denomination Federal Reserve note is $100. This is what $1 trillion in $100 bills apparently looks like:




That's about the size of a football field. Banks would not convert all of their reserves into cash--even if it was costless to do so--because they'd need about $20-30 billion or so to make interbank payments. Of course, managing all that cash would be far from costless. But there is a simpler reason for why banks would not make the conversion. The Fed could simply charge banks a 10% service fee on their vault cash.

Alright, well what effect is the -10% IOR rate going to have on the deposit rate (or fees) that banks offer (or charge) their depositors? Banks are not likely to pass the full cost on to their depositors, especially if they view the NIRP to be temporary, because they'll want to maintain their customer relationships.

But let us take the extreme case and suppose that NIRP is perceived to be permanent. Then surely deposit rates will decline (or bank fees will rise) significantly. Deposit rates may even decline to the point where depositors start withdrawing their money from the banking system. Banks may well let this source of funding go if they could borrow more cheaply from the Fed (banks would need to borrow reserves to honor the withdrawal requests of their customers). Of course, the Fed lending rate is also a policy variable and could, in principle, be lowered to negative territory as well.

But how realistic is it to imagine all or most bank deposits converted to cash? While this might be the case for small value accounts, it seems unlikely that the business sector would be able to manage its payments needs without the aid of the banking system. Even money market funds need to work through the banking system. I suppose one could imagine a new product created by (say) Vanguard in which they create a cash fund with equity shares redeemable for cash that is collected and stored in rented Las Vegas vault. But the moment the activity is intermediated, it becomes taxable. If the Fed is not permitted to tax (oops, charge a service fee) such entities, the fiscal authority could, in principle, implement a surcharge that is set automatically off the IOR rate in some manner.

I think in this way one can see how the ELB might easily be well below -5% (or more). This is probably low enough to allow us to disregard the ELB as a binding economic constraint. The relevant constraint is always a legal one. And laws can be changed if it is deemed to serve the public interest.

Keep in mind that in a large class of economic models, ranging from Keynes (1936) to New Keynesian, there is potentially much to be gained by eliminating the ZLB. If these models are wrong, then let's get rid of them. But if they're roughly correct, why don't we take their policy prescriptions seriously? Let's stop talking about the ZLB as if it's a force of nature. It is a policy choice. And if it's a bad policy choice, it should be changed.

The article reveals the essence of the institutional environment and generalizes the scientific approaches to its definition. It is shown that the dynamic development of all spheres of society's life needs to take into account the state of the country institutional environment in the process of the state financial policy implementation. The social, economic and political institutions are outlined. Significant components of the institutional environment that form its segments in the context of influence on social processes in society are singled out. It is shown that in Ukraine, along with the instability of economic dynamics, high debt burden, increased openness of the economy and deepening of the processes of integration into the system of international economic relations, there is an aggravation of social problems and the probability of occurrence of social risks increases, which manifests itself in the existence of a number of social imbalances. The institutional aspects of the important components of the state financial policy ‒ the fiscal policy, which in the conditions of instability has more effective influence onsocial processes, in particular, in the aspect of neutralization of social instability risks, are determined. It was shown that in the conditions of a weak institutional environment there is a risk of increasing inefficient budget expenditures inconnection with the implementation of the social function of the state, in particular, expenditures of social orientation. Moreover, under these conditions, increasing levels of funding will lead to increasingly inefficient spending, caused by the existence of institutional dysfunctions. Among the major dysfunctions of the institutional environment in the aspect of their influence on the formation and implementation of the state financial policy of social development of the society attention was drawn to the existence of a debt trap in Ukraine and the trap of «the vicious circle of poverty». It is shown that reforms are being carried out in the country and measures are taken to improve the institutional environment, including in order toeliminate these traps. However, some measures are still non-systematic, consistent, situational in nature. It is substantiated that the state financial policy can influence the improvement of the formal component of the institutional environment of the society, which will increase its effectiveness, provided that certain coordination measures are implemented. At the same time, the need to improve the quality of the institutional environment focuses on its informal component, which today remains virtually oblivious. The methods of the institutional environment improving are generalized and the possibilities of realization ofsome of them in Ukraine are outlined. It is concluded that the improvement of the institutional environment for the implementation of the social function of the state in Ukraine should be carried out mainly through modernization, rather than institutional design, since under the conditions of slow economic dynamics such an approach will not lead toasignificant increase in transaction costs. ; В статье раскрыта сущность институциональной среды и обобщены научные подходы к ее определению. Показано, что динамичное развитие всех сфер жизнедеятельности общества требует учета состояния институциональной среды страны в процессе реализации государственной финансовой политики. Определены социальные, экономические и политические институты. Выделены важные составляющие институциональной среды, формирующие его сегменты в контексте влияния на социальные процессы в обществе. Показано, что в Украине наряду с нестабильностью экономической динамики, высокой долговой нагрузкой, ростом открытости экономики и углублением процессов интеграции в систему международных экономических отношений происходит обострение социальных проблем и повышается вероятность реализации социальных рисков, что проявляется в существовании ряда социальных дисбалансов. Определены институциональные аспекты весомой составляющей государственной финансовой политики ‒ бюджетно-налоговой политики, которая в условиях нестабильности более действенно влияет на социальные процессы, в частности, в аспекте нейтрализации рисков социальной нестабильности. Показано, что в условиях слабой институциональной среды существует риск увеличения неэффективных расходов бюджетных средств всвязи с реализацией социальной функции государства, в частности расходов социальной направленности. Причем, в этих условиях все большие объемы финансирования повлекут все более неэффективные расходы, что вызвано существованием дисфункций институциональной среды. Среди весомых дисфункций институциональной среды в аспекте их влияния на формирование и реализацию государственной финансовой политики социального развития общества обращено внимание насуществование в Украине долговой ловушки и ловушки «порочного круга бедности». Показано, что в стране проводятся реформы и осуществляются мероприятия по усовершенствованию институциональной среды, в том числе с целью выхода из этих ловушек. Однако отдельные мероприятия все еще носят несистемный, последовательный, ситуативный характер. Обосновано, что государственная финансовая политика способна влиять на совершенствование формальной составляющей институциональной среды общества, что будет способствовать повышению ее действенности при реализации определенных координационных мероприятий. Вто же время, потребность в повышении качества институциональной среды актуализирует сосредоточение внимания на ее неформальной составляющей, которая сегодня практически остается без внимания. Обобщены методы совершенствования институциональной среды и обозначены возможности реализации отдельных из них в Украине. Сделан вывод, что усовершенствование институциональной среды реализации социальной функции государства в Украине должно осуществляться преимущественно путем модернизации, а не институционального проектирования, ведь в условиях замедленной экономической динамики такой подход не приведет к значительному росту трансакционных издержек. ; У статті розкрито сутність інституційного середовища та узагальнено наукові підходи щодо його визначення. Показано, що динамічний розвиток усіх сфер життєдіяльності суспільства потребує врахування стану інституційного середовища країни у процесі реалізації державної фінансової політики. Окреслено соціальні, економічні та політичні інститути. Виокремлено вагомі складові інституційного середовища, що формують його сегменти у контексті впливу на соціальні процеси у суспільстві. Показано, що в Україні поряд із нестабільністю економічної динаміки, високим борговим навантаженням, зростанням відкритості економіки та поглибленням процесів інтегрування у систему міжнародних економічних відноси відбувається загострення соціальних проблем та підвищується ймовірність настання соціальних ризиків, що проявляється в існуванні низки соціальних дисбалансів. Визначено інституційні аспекти вагомої складової державної фінансової політики – бюджетно-податкової політики, яка в умовах нестабільності більш дієво впливає на соціальні процеси, зокрема, в аспекті нейтралізації ризиків соціальної нестабільності. Показано, що в умовах слабкого інституційного середовища існує ризик збільшення неефективних видатків бюджетних коштів у зв'язку з реалізацією соціальної функції держави, зокрема видатків соціального спрямування. Причому, за цих умов усе більші обсяги фінансування спричинять до все більш неефективних видатків, що спричинено існуванням дисфункцій інституційного середовища. Серед вагомих дисфункцій інституційного середовища у аспекті їх впливу на формування і реалізацію державної фінансової політики соціального розвитку суспільства звернена увага на існування в Україні боргової пастки та пастки «порочного кола бідності». Показано, що в країні проводяться реформи та здійснюються заходи із удосконалення інституційного середовища, у тому числі з метою виходу із цих пасток. Однак окремі заходи все ще носять несистемний, послідовний, ситуативний характер. Обґрунтовано, що державна фінансова політика здатна впливати на удосконалення формальної складової інституційного середовища суспільства, що сприятиме підвищенню її дієвості за умови реалізації певних координаційних заходів. Водночас, потреба у підвищенні якості інституційного середовища актуалізує зосередження на його неформальній складовій, яка на сьогодні практично залишається поза увагою. Узагальнено методи удосконалення інституційного середовища та окреслено можливості реалізації окремих з них в Україні. Зроблено висновок, що удосконалення інституційного середовища реалізації соціальної функції держави в Україні має здійснюватися переважно шляхом модернізації, а не інституційного проектування, адже в умовах уповільненої економічної динаміки такий підхід не спричинить до значного зростання трансакційних витрат.

武舉常科創自武曌(則天),長安二年(702)始設。歷後各朝,除元代不開武科,宋、金、明三代偶有停罷,武科相沿一千二百年,幾與文科相埒。職是之故,近世中國之造士與選士,於文科、儒學、儒經、文廟一系之外,另有武科、武學、武經、武廟一系。兩系雖各有輕重,然並駕駢行千餘載,交互制衡,以保政治之平穩暢達。 ; 入關伊始,清廷即詔令因襲前明舊制,開設文武科考。自順治二年(1645)開科鄉試,至光緒二十七年(1901)正式廢除,清代武科持續運作二百五十餘年,幾與王朝相伴始終。清代武科之主要層級同於文科,皆始於童試,繼而鄉試、會試,終於殿試。各級武考中式者,亦相應得授武生員、武舉人、武進士出身。武科各級考試,均分別外場、內場進行,以外場試武藝,內場試文藝。錄取權衡時外場重於內場,外場技藝之中,馬、步箭及開弓又重於舞刀、掇石。 ; 清代武科之制度設計及考試內容,延續中國歷代選士「文武合一」之一貫理想,然現實中卻文武殊途。清代武科之設計與運作,既體現旗民之別,八旗內部又有滿蒙與漢軍之別、京旗與駐防之別。武科之正面影響遠不及文科,然文武科考皆為常規掄才途徑,兩者所揭櫫清代政局大勢與掄才需求之變化,實際異曲同工。通過文武兩途考選,清代科考人才之宏觀佈局,呈現南方文風熾盛、北方技勇突出之特徵。武進士之初始授職,以皇宮侍衛及地方營、衛守備為主,然武科選途清初即病壅滯,實授遷轉甚難。 ; 清廷之復武科,宣稱旨在遴選「干城之才」,以為「腹心之寄」。然武科內場考試,自乾隆朝廢止《四書》,嘉慶朝盡廢論、策之試,改為默寫《武經》,日漸形同虛設。武科士子之文化素養,亦日益下降。武科外場所試技藝,係屬展示表演,而非對抗實戰。而且,自乾隆間改試鳥槍之議被禁,外場各項冷兵器技藝考核陳陳相因,與實際戰局日漸疏離。職是之故,清代中期以降,武科越益頹化為授予功名之儀式與恩榮,而非掄才要徑、晉身要途。武進士初始授職之品級,雖遠較文進士為高,然武科出身之仕途前景與政治影響遠不及文科。更有甚者,武科內、外場不僅弊情嚴重,不少武科士子更危害一方,成為地方社會亂源,大悖設科初衷。 ; 清代武科出身雖有功勳卓著、官居高位者,然究屬鳳毛麟角,且集中於清代初中期。整體而論,這套幾乎橫貫全國、縱跨全清之掄才制度,得材甚少。其對帝國整體軍事力量,亦鮮少實質促進。然武科之存續,仍有平衡文武、調劑滿漢之功用,清廷既可藉此驅策雙方、維持動態均勢,又可以之宣示恩典威權、籠絡地方。因此,清代武科雖然實效不彰,卻又相沿不輟。必至清末內憂外患之鉅變衝擊,始與文科相繼停廢。復因武科之影響遠不及文科,故廢除武科所致近代中國社會之震盪,亦不可與停廢文科同日而語。 ; Established by Empress Wu in 702, the imperial military examination system lasted, albeit having been suspended in the entire Yuan dynasty and in part of the Song, Jin and Ming dynasties occasionally, for 1200 years, which was nearly as long as the period of existence of the imperial civil examination system. In effect, the military examination system, associated with military schools, military classics and military temples, functioned as a mechanism parallel to the civil examination and its related institutions (i.e., Confucian schools, Confucian classics and Confucian temples) for cultivating and recruiting talents in late imperial China. Although the two systems exerted influence in different degrees on the Chinese empire, they co-existed and managed to keep a balance between them for more than a millennium so as to contribute to the stable and smooth governance of traditional China. ; The Manchu court, immediately after ...

Actualmente, la conservación de los suelos (CS) en el medio rural puede ser considerada como una asignatura pendiente en España. Consecuencia de una intensa mecanización y tecnificación agrícola, junto a la puesta en cultivo de grandes superficies de tierra en las últimas décadas, en muchos casos, realizadas en suelos de mediocre o muy baja calidad agronómica y en laderas con pendientes elevadas, dejando de lado las prácticas y estructuras de CS tradicionales, se ha visto muy favorecida la erosión hídrica. Por otro lado, posteriormente, el progresivo abandono de cultivos marginales (no rentables) ha provocado, aún con mayor intensidad, la aceleración de estos procesos erosivos, especialmente en litologías deleznables y poco consistentes. Esto da como resultado pérdidas de suelo fértil muy cuantiosas, no admisibles para nuestros territorios, además de otros graves problemas colaterales aguas abajo en infraestructuras, poblaciones, cultivos y, en última instancia, afectando a todos los ecosistemas presentes en las áreas afectadas, y con gran impacto en regiones del sur y sureste de España como la Región de Murcia, caracterizadas por frecuentes episodios de torrencialidad. Para minimizar este grave problema, una de las herramientas más relevantes con que cuenta actualmente el estado y los gobiernos regionales son los denominados Programas de Desarrollo Rural (PDRs); instrumentos político-administrativos de la PAC, que movilizan una importante cantidad de recursos financieros (fondos FEADER). En éstos, se contemplan medidas (líneas de ayuda) entre las que existen algunas con potencial relevancia o repercusión en la lucha contra la erosión y la CS. Igualmente, a nivel nacional e internacional, existen también una amplia muestra de iniciativas y proyectos relacionados con la conservación y restauración de suelos degradados y, en concreto, muchos de ellos abarcan el problema de la erosión y/o las técnicas y prácticas de CS, utilizando diferentes metodologías y enfoques para su estudio y, especialmente, para la difusión, demostración y/o extensificación de dichas técnicas y prácticas, contando con los diversos agentes interesados: investigadores, expertos técnicos, agricultores, entre otros. En el presente trabajo, se expone el resultado de la investigación llevada a cabo con el objetivo general de aportar un mayor grado de conocimiento sobre los PDRs aplicados y proyectos e iniciativas relacionadas con la CS, con especial atención a la Región de Murcia. Para ello, se contempla el estudio y análisis de los PDRs de las diecisiete CC.AA., correspondiente al periodo 2007-2013, y del Marco Nacional que lo respalda, donde se incluyen una serie de exigencias (BPAs y BCAM). Todo ello, fue realizado y armonizado con la finalidad de identificar y evaluar las medidas y submedidas con potencial de cara a la CS, así como las técnicas y prácticas concretas y requisitos administrativos contemplados en éstas. Además, como un caso regional concreto de un área con alto riesgo de desertificación, se ha estudiado la Región de Murcia, con un horizonte temporal mayor, para realizar en último lugar, una validación de algunas de las líneas con impacto en la CS, mediante un estudio en campo de una muestra importante de expedientes de ayudas. Igualmente, se ha incluido como avance, un breve análisis del recientemente aprobado PDR 2014-2020, con el fin de poder valorar la tendencia con respecto a anteriores programas de esta región. Finalmente, también se han estudiado una extensa muestra de iniciativas y proyectos relacionados con la CS, evaluando por un lado, las temáticas y líneas de estudio y, por otro, las herramientas y estratégicas seguidas por éstos, para el desarrollo procesos colaborativos entre los diferentes agentes involucrados y los métodos para la aplicación estas técnicas y prácticas en el medio rural. Entre los resultados obtenidos resaltar que: (i) las ayudas destinadas a forestación, en sus distintas modalidades, serían las más efectivas por su duración y cobertura y, en general, por sus buena implantación; (ii) en las explotaciones agrarias donde se continua ejerciendo una actividad productiva, tendríamos otro grupo de ayudas con interés (ayudas agroambientales). Se trata de un grupo bastante heterogéneo de distintas líneas, en el cual existe un elevado número de ellas que muestran tener cierto interés, al estar claramente alineadas con la mejora de las prácticas agrarias, o bien, favoreciendo la implantación y/o mantenimiento de estructuras estables de CS; (iii) en el caso concreto de la Región de Murcia, destaca la línea denominada precisamente "Conservación de suelos", que contempla la ejecución de fajas de vegetación transversales a la pendiente, entre otros requisitos, aunque ésta sería sólo uno de los muchos ejemplos dentro de las distintas tipologías encontradas en toda España, tales como: sistemas de producción, prácticas agrícolas, ejecución de obras protectoras o de defensa, manejo de ganado, etc.; (iv) igualmente, se han hallado proyectos y acciones nacionales e internacionales de I+D muy relacionados con la CS, en los cuales existe información muy valiosa de las prácticas y técnicas estudiadas o evaluadas, además de las metodologías aplicadas para alcanzar una adecuada difusión e implantación a mayor escala, aspecto de gran importancia de cara a que todos estos trabajos tengan finalmente impacto real y supongan un avance social para el medio rural; (v) por último, gracias a todos los estudios y análisis llevados a termino en el trabajo, se han podido realizar una serie de aportaciones o sugerencias para la mejora de estos programas o de líneas de interés científico y social, pensando en la continuación de estudios relacionados con la temática de esta tesis. Palabras clave: conservación de suelos, erosión, medio rural, desarrollo rural, PDR, medidas agroambientales, forestación, buenas prácticas agrarias, condicionalidad. SUMMARY Nowadays, soil conservation (SC) in the rural areas can still be considered as a pending signature in Spain. The consequence of an intensive agricultural mechanisation and technification over the last decades, the cultivation of large surfaces of land with mostly mediocre or very bad agronomic quality soil, as well as high slopes hillsides, leaving aside the traditionally practices and structures of SC, has greatly favoured water erosion. On the other hand, the gradual abandonment of marginal crops (unprofitable) accelerated these erosive processes, specially on friable and inconsistent lithologies. As a result of that, an important quantity of fertile soil has been lost, which can not be permitted in our territory, besides others serious collateral problems downstream on infrastructures, settlements, crops and eventually, concerning all ecosystems in the areas affected, having a high impact on south and south-eastern regions of Spain like the Region of Murcia, characterized by frequent episodes of torrential nature. In order to minimise the consequences of this serious issue (water erosion), one of the more relevant tool currently available to the state and regional governments are the nominated Rural Development Programs (RDP); political-administrative instruments of the CAP that mobilises a significant quantity of financial sources (the EAFRD). These programmes include measures (such as grant lines), some of them with relevance or potential repercussions on erosion control and SC. At the same time, both at national and international level, also exist a wide range of initiatives and projects related to the conservation and restoration of degraded soil. Many of them cover the erosion issue and/or techniques and practices of SC using different methods and approaches for their studies, specially for dissemination, demonstration and/or extensification of these techniques and practices, counting with the diverse stakeholders: researchers, technical experts, farmers, among others. In the present study, the results of this research are presented with the general objective to contribute to a greater knowledge about the RDP applied and projects and initiatives related to SC, with special attention to the Region of Murcia. In order to do so, the RDP of the seventeen autonomous regions corresponding to the 2007-2013 period has been studied and analysed, as well as the corresponding national framework that supports them, including a series of requirements (GAP and GAEC). The whole study has been made and harmonized in order to identify and assess the measures and submeasures with emphasis to SC as well as the techniques, practices and administrative requirements included inside it. Furthermore, as a regional case of an area with high risk of desertification, the Region of Murcia has been studied with a longer time horizon to finally validate some of the lines with impact on SC, through a field study of an important sample of grant files. At the same time, a short analysis of the recently approved RDP 2014-2020 has been included as introduction to asses the tendency in respect to the previous programmes of this region. Finally, a wide sample of initiatives and projects related to SC has been studied assessing, on one hand, the topic and the lines of study and on the other, the tools and approaches followed to the development of collaborative process between the different stakeholders and the methods to the application of these techniques and practices on the rural areas. The following conclusions can be highlighted from this study: (i) the grants used to afforestation, in their different modalities, are the most effective measures due to the duration and coverage and in general for their proper implementation; (ii) the farms with a productive activity, could have another group of grants available (agri-environment grants). This is a rather heterogeneous group with different lines, in which a high number of them show to have a certain interest to be clearly aligned themselves with the improvement of the agricultural practices, or to favour the implementation and/or maintenance of steady structures of SC; (iii) in the specific case of the Region of Murcia, it just highlights the line named "Soil conservation", that takes into account the realisation of vegetation strips across the slope, among other requirements. However, this would only be one of the many examples within the different types of grant lines found in Spain, such as: production systems, agricultural practices, implementation of protective or defence works, livestock management and so on; (iv) it has been found national and international R&D projects and actions closely related to SC, in which exist information highly valuable about the practices and techniques studied and assessed, moreover the methods applied to reach a suitable large scale dissemination and implementation, that is a very important aspect for all kind of works with real impact and it supposes a social advance for the rural areas; (v) finally, thanks to the studies and analysis carried out in this work, a series of contributions and suggestions with regard to the improvement of these programmes or the lines of scientific and social interest has been able to made, for further study in relation to the subject of this thesis. Key words: soil conservation, erosion, rural areas, rural development, RDP, agri-environmental measures, afforestation, good agricultural practices, conditionality.

En Democracy in Capitalist Times, John Dryzek (1996) reflexiona sobre la tensión inminente entre la democracia y la economía política capitalista. Socias virtuosas durante la vigencia del relato de la modernidad, las vinculaciones entre estas dos ideas y/o fuerzas fueron horadándose de forma progresiva. Conforme sostiene el autor, si bien el capitalismo ha sido históricamente siempre bueno para la democracia, no ocurre lo propio en la actualidad. En el transcurrir de los últimos años, en efecto, el capitalismo ha dejado de identificar en su asociación con la democracia un factor clave para su desarrollo. Por lo consecuente, en los tiempos presentes, democracia y capitalismo no constituyen procesos necesariamente convergentes. De hecho, en determinadas circunstancias operan de modo contrapropuesto. A modo de ejemplo, baste señalar que los Estados, apremiados por las necesidades de competir y prosperar en la economía internacional, deben de adoptar crecientemente políticas públicas que los vuelven menos democráticos (Dryzek, 1996:3).Según el autor, cuatro son los desafíos que la economía política capitalista de hogaño impone a la democracia. En primer término, se presentan los condicionamientos a las funciones del Estado. Al respecto, es de notar que, en las sociedades capitalistas contemporáneas, los Estados no pueden alejarse de una ingeniería político-funcional estructuralmente determinada. En palabras de Dryzek, "en el momento actual, todos los Estados deben mantener el orden civil, gestionar las vicisitudes de la vida económica operando como Estados de bienestar (al menos aquellos cuyas condiciones económicas se lo permiten) y asegurar un sistema capitalista de mercado el cual provea de bienes para ganancia y soporte de los gobiernos" (Dryzek, 1996:10). En segundo término, se plantea el desafío inherente al racionalismo económico, promotor de un individualismo "agresivo" y del repliegue de los hombres/ciudadanos de lo público/democrático. El tercer desafío remite a la ideología liberal soporte de las democracias capitalistas. Advierte Dryzek, en este punto, que tal ideología -su elemento liberal en particular- ha asimilado y desarticulado todas críticas potenciales al sistema, incluso las formuladas desde la teoría democrática. El último de los desafíos interpuesto por la economía capitalista a la democracia se vincula a las demandas provenientes del escenario económico internacional. Tal cual explica el autor, el orden económico trasnacional emergente requiere la adopción políticas (liberalización y desregulación del movimiento de bienes, servicios, finanzas, capital y personas) que limitan, constriñen iniciativas democráticas. Es propósito del presente trabajo escrutar los caracteres de estos últimos constreñimientos. Explora, en términos concretos, las limitaciones que el proceso de globalización implicó -e implica, desde luego- para la democracia. El indagar sobre los alcances de tales constreñimientos conlleva un propósito en paralelo: advertir las oportunidades para la democracia en el marco del (des)orden económico correspondiente al proceso globalizador.En relación con esto último, resulta importante remarcar que si bien Dryzek repara sobre la magnitud de las limitaciones de la democracia en la coyuntura actual, su obra –insiste en reiteradas oportunidades- apela a la lectura y a la acción en positivo. Es que, conforme expone, detrás de cada uno de los desafíos se identifica una serie de oportunidades para propiciar el proceso de democratización. Subyacen ciertamente bajo cada desafío un complejo de contradicciones que el desarrollo capitalista no puede contener. Considérese como muestra de ello la crisis ecológica en ciernes provocada por el incremento en la demanda de recursos naturales y el agotamiento progresivo de los mismos.Tras esta introducción, el artículo se desarrolla en tres secciones. En la primera de ellas, se identifican las derivaciones del proceso de globalización sobre la democracia. Especial atención se pone en este apartado a los constreñimientos interpuestos por tres agentes claves de la escena económica mundial: los organismos multilaterales de crédito; las empresas multinacionales y el capital financiero transnacional. En la seccón siguiente, en tanto, se ensaya sobre las oportunidades para la democratización del espacio económico internacional. Finalmente, y conforme las convenciones de rigor, se presentan unas reflexiones conclusivas.La democracia frente a las demandas de la economía globalIniciado en los primeros setenta, en concomitancia con la profundización del proceso de integración de la economía mundial y el desarrollo de vastos avances tecnológicos –particularmente en el ámbito de las comunicaciones-, el fenómeno globalizador acarreó importantes derivaciones sobre el actuar y el pensar político. De tales derivaciones, el debilitamiento del Estado resulta sin dudas una de las más significativas. Lejos de presentarse como aquella entidad capaz de reivindicar "con éxito el monopolio del uso legítimo de la fuerza física y simbólica en un territorio determinado y sobre el conjunto de la población correspondiente" (Bourdieu, 1996:9), el Estado se encuentra atravesado en la actualidad por una crisis que asesta los basamentos de su propia naturaleza. La soberanía y la autonomía, principios constitutivos del Estado nación westfaliano, reportan ciertamente múltiples desafíos asociados a fuerzas y movimientos que ignoran fronteras territoriales y desdibujan consecuentemente las demarcaciones históricas entre lo interno y lo externo.Las contrariedades incrementales de los Estados para definir y ejecutar políticas en el ámbito económico dan cabal cuenta de estas mudanzas contextuales. Tras la multiplicación exponencial de los flujos internacionales y el ascenso del capital financiero como actor rector de la economía global, los Estados comprueban crecientes limitaciones para definir su relación con el mercado. Tal relación, otrora objeto de decisiones debatidas y adoptadas al interior de los Estados conforme la correlación de fuerzas e ideas socio-políticas, se conoce progresivamente influenciada por actores económicos internacionales, indiferentes, en lo general, a las demandas de las comunidades política y territorialmente organizadas.En este contexto, se inscriben las limitaciones de las sociedades para gobernarse democráticamente. Al imponerse la supuestamente ascética lógica de los mercados como el lineamiento rector de la vida social, los ciudadanos se repliegan de la vida pública desencantados de las capacidades arquitectónicas de la política y del régimen democrático.Con la despolitización como telón de fondo, los gobernantes -y dirigentes, en general- experimentan crecientes dificultades para agenciar representatividad. Es que, enfrentados ante un escenario signado por la complejidad, los gobernantes se hallan desbordados por las demandas de contexto, mostrándose incapaces de atender los mandatos primigenios de sus representados. Pero no es ésta la única problemática que perjudica a la dinámica de la democrática representación. No deben descuidarse al respecto las importantes derivaciones de la globalización sobre los propios representados. Se señala en este punto al deterioro y/o desarticulación de grupos sociales sobre los cuales se habían estructurado instituciones estables de representación -partidos políticos, sindicatos, etc.-. Este complejo de desafíos interpuesto a la democracia se configura, se canaliza mediante la estructura y el desempeño de los actores claves del orden económico global. A continuación, un repaso por las limitaciones postuladas por tres de ellos: los organismos multilaterales de crédito, las empresas multinacionales y el capital financiero trasnacional.Constituidos para garantizar la estabilidad de los intercambios económicos internacionales, los organismos multilaterales de créditos se constituyen -en no pocas oportunidades- en cortapisas para el desarrollo democrático. Como bien observa Dryzek, las instituciones del orden económico internacional -el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) o el Banco Mundial (BM) imponen constreñimientos masivos respecto a lo que los Estados (y no sólo los deudores) pueden hacer o no (Dryzek, 1996:11). Las condicionalidades del FMI son tal vez la expresión más acabada de este planteo. So pretexto de observar los principios constitutivos y resguardar en paralelo los recursos del organismo, el FMI condicionó históricamente su asistencia a la ejecución de políticas que en los hechos resultaban contrarias al desarrollo democratizador. Los excesos del FMI sobre democracias con economías en desarrollo durante el manejo de las crisis financieras de la década del noventa fueron oportunamente explicitados por Stiglitz (2003). Conforme el economista, en la gestión de sucesivas las crisis, el organismo exigió a los Estados la adopción de políticas que condujeron a un empobrecimiento general de la población y niveles crecientes de inequidad social. De seguro, son las condicionalidades exigidas a Argentina durante y tras la salida inmediata del régimen de la convertibilidad muestra cabal de tales excesos. Durante este período, el FMI requirió medidas que forzaban abiertamente los mecanismos democráticos (piénsese al respecto el condicionamiento de asistencia a la sanción de leyes con plazos y contenidos determinados, tal cual lo sucedido en 2002 con la exigencia de la derogación de la ley de subversión económica). Las empresas multinacionales configuran otros importantes desafíos para la democracia. Conforme explica Guéhenno (1995), al distribuir en varios países las diferentes fases de la producción, las multinacionales dificultan la localización del valor añadido. Significativas consecuencias tiene esta situación para la definición de una política impositiva progresiva. Tal como expone el precitado autor: "el impuesto ya no es una decisión soberana desde el momento en que ya no existe una necesidad territorial, que el lugar de la residencia y la inversión ya no son un dato sino una opción y que el valor añadido se forma de una manera demasiado abstracta para que pueda asignarse a un lugar preciso" (Guéhenno, 1995:26). Urgidos entonces por atraer y propiciar la radicación de las multinacionales en sus territorios, los Estados estipulan una miríada de concesiones que termina por debilitar aún más sus márgenes de maniobra política. Apremiados por esta lógica, se encomiendan a una competencia con otros Estados, la cual los coloca en una situación cada vez más desventajosa (proceso de "carrera hacia abajo" o race-to-bottom, conforme la literatura económica). En este escenario de concesiones incrementales a las compañías multinacionales, los Estados resignan recursos, harto necesarios para garantizar las condiciones estructurales del desarrollo democrático. Finalmente, han de considerarse los constreñimientos planteados por el capital financiero transnacional. En virtud de su movilidad y volumen, ostenta este actor la capacidad de influir de modo cuasi instantáneo sobre la suerte de la(s) política(s) de los Estados. La posibilidad de trasladarse de un mercado a otro de manera repentina hace del capital financiero internacional un actor "escurridizo" a las decisiones por las sociedades democráticas adoptadas. Sin compromiso alguno con tales sociedades, los flujos internacionales de capital activan y censuran políticas públicas lo cual lo convierte en no pocas circunstancias en los grandes electores nacionales. Ratifican así su carácter "absentista", tal cual lo advertido por Bauman (1999:10). La erosión en las potestades impositivas reporta mayor dimensión en relación con lo formulado con las empresas multinacionales. Además de las concesiones estatales derivadas de las urgencias de financiamiento, deben de sumarse las dificultades técnico-administrativas para la aplicación de medidas impositivas.Los senderos para la democratizaciónAdvertidos los desafíos derivados del escenario económico global, se procede en este apartado a escrutar las oportunidades para la democratización por éstos habitadas. En consonancia con lo planteado en las líneas introductorias del trabajo, se sostiene que detrás de cada uno de los constreñimientos se descubren contradicciones y/o fallas que habilitan senderos hacia la democratización de los ámbitos inherentes a cada desafío particular (el Estado; la economía; la sociedad civil y el sistema internacional). En el ámbito del orden económico internacional, varias son las contradicciones que habilitaron -y habilitan- cauces para el proceso de democratización. En concomitancia a la acentuación del proceso de globalización y de sus desafíos a la democracia, asoman en la escena económica trasnacional ciertos indicios inherentes al proceso de democratización. En tal sentido, puede corroborarse en el campo de la economía internacional –y en los actores arriba analizados- indicios, expresiones de una creciente participación (franchise), alcance (scope) y autenticidad (authenticity) democrática; los tres criterios considerados por Dryzek para identificar un proceso de democratización.Se formulan a continuación algunos comentarios sobre este incipiente proceso de democratización en la economía global.En relación con el criterio de participación es de señalarse la progresiva gravitación de actores otrora marginados, desvalorados, en la estructura y las decisiones de los organismos multilaterales de crédito. Durante los últimos años, en efecto, estos actores han ampliado el número de interlocutores. A modo ilustrativo, se menciona que el Centro Internacional de Arreglo de Diferencias relativas a Inversiones (CIADI) -institución constitutiva del Grupo Banco Mundial- ha aceptado recientemente la participación de organizaciones no gubernamentales (organismos vinculados al trabajo en Derechos Humanos, en defensa de usuarios de servicios públicos) en algunos procedimientos arbitrales incoados contra la República Argentina mediante la figura del amicus curae.También pudo comprobarse en últimos años esfuerzos incrementales por subsumir el accionar de la economía internacional y de estos actores, en particular, bajo el control democrático. Piénsese en las regulaciones medioambientales que, orientadas compatibilizar la satisfacción de necesidades presentes con la habilidad de las generaciones futuras a satisfacer las suyas propias (tal cual la definición de desarrollo sustentable), condicionan los procesos industriales de producción. Promovida por la paulatina concientización de las sociedades sobre la relevancia de la preservación de los recursos naturales, la incorporación de la problemática ambiental en la agenda democrática ha implicado modificaciones en el diseño y ejecución de los procesos industriales. Puede ilustrase también el avance de este criterio con la preocupación de no pocas empresas e inversores en la actualidad por encauzar acciones inscriptas en el concepto de Responsabilidad Social Corporativa (RSC).Entendido por Dryzek como "el grado por el cual el control democrático es sustantiva más que simbólico, informado más que ignorante", el criterio de la autenticidad reporta indicios más sutiles. La razón de ello se vincula al hecho de que el control democrático de la economía política global remite más a los esfuerzos y acciones de los actores e instituciones internacionales que de las sociedades nacionales. En continuidad con el ejemplo de la incorporación de la problemática medioambiental en la agenda democrática, puede identificarse al Protocolo de Kyoto (aún con sus profusas deficiencias) como un mecanismo de control al desarrollo de la producción industrial.Reflexiones finalesIdeas y/o fuerzas claves de una historia compartida –esto es, la historia de la modernidad-, la democracia y la economía política capitalista empezaron, en el transcurrir de los últimos tiempos, a operar en tensión. Tal cual lo ensayado por Dryzek, el desarrollo del capitalismo se disoció poco a poco del proceso de democratización. En este contexto, la economía capitalista dejó de identificar en su asociación con la democracia un elemento capital para su dinamización.Cuatro son para Dryzek los desafíos que el capitalismo impone actualmente a la democracia: (a) los condicionamientos en funciones al Estado, (b) el racionalismo económico; (c) la ideología liberal de la democracia capitalista y (d) las demandas provenientes del orden económico internacional.Fue propósito del trabajo centrar atención en el último de estos desafíos. De este modo, se encauzó a identificar los caracteres y alcances de los desafíos a la democracia provenientes de la economía internacional.Conforme se advirtió, no son pocos los desafíos que la economía política global impone al proceso de democratización. La constitución de un espacio global crecientemente integrado supone vastas limitaciones al desempeño democrático de las sociedades y los Estados en los tiempos contemporáneos. Especial énfasis se puso a los constreñimientos interpuestos por los organismos multilaterales de crédito, las empresas multinacionales y el capital financiero trasnacional.No obstante su número y dimensión, las limitaciones a la democracia provenientes del sistema económico internacional no deben ser interpretadas cual fenómenos o procesos forzosos. En tal sentido, se comparte con Dryzek la necesidad de una lectura en clave optimista. Haciendo propias sus palabras ha de remarcarse que: "cuando la teoría democrática se encuentra con el mundo real, debería devenir fortalecida y corregida. El propósito básico de identificar constreñimientos es el de identificar oportunidades" (Dryzek, 1996:9).La interpretación en términos positivos permite identificar algunos indicios respecto al avance del proceso de democratización en el ámbito propio de la economía internacional. Se advirtió, específicamente, la paulatina manifestación de los criterios de participación, alcance y autenticidad en el accionar de los actores promotores del sistema económico global. La democracia, en términos de Downs, no es una construcción institucional estática. Se trata, al contrario, de un proceso dinámico de gobierno y de vida, inclusive. Así pues, "los defensores de la democracia deben de cambiar sus formas y significados específicos" (citado por Dryzek, 1996:5). En la actualidad, el Estado nacional, cual espacio referencial para la organización política en tiempos de la modernidad, ha dejado de representar un articulador resuelto de solidaridades políticas. "El Estado nacional es mucho menos que antes un marco general de identificación colectiva", en palabras de Touraine (2006:50). En este contexto, se ha de advertir que la democracia no adentró en un proceso de cesión sino en uno orientado a la búsqueda de nuevas formas y significación. El proceso de democratización, en breve, ha de desarrollarse en nuevos espacios, distintos a los del Estado nación. De aquí, entonces nuestra perspectiva positiva en la resolución de la tensión entre democracia y la economía capitalista en tiempos de la globalización. Sobre el autor Doctor en Relaciones Internacionales. Docente de Economía Internacional en la Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional de Rosario (UNR). Becario Postdoctoral del Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET). Referencias bibliográficasBAUMAN, Zygmut (1999), La Globalizacón: Consecuencias humanas, México, Fondo de Cultura Económica.BOURDIEU, Pierre (1996), "Espíritus de Estado. Génesis y estructura del campo burocrático", en Revista Sociedad, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, UBA, Número 8, abril.DRYZEC, John (1996), Democracy in Capitalist Times. Ideals, Limits and Struggles, New York, Oxford University Press.GUEHÉNNO, Jean-Marie (1995), El fin de la democracia. La crisis política y las nuevas reglas del juego, Barcelona, Paidós.STIGLITZ, Joseph (2003), El malestar de la globalización, Buenos Aires, Taurus.TOURAINE, Alain (2006), Un nuevo paradigma para comprender el mundo hoy, Buenos Aires, Paidós.

Els artistes són imprescindibles en les societats democràtiques. L'art enriqueix a la societat, ens ajuda a interpretar i a reflexionar sobre la realitat. La societat s'ha de donar de les lleis necessàries perquè els artistes puguin de les seves obres i d'aquesta manera assegurar-nos que podem continuar beneficiant-nos i enriquint-nos amb les seves creacions, fins i tot quan aquestes obres poden ser reproduïdes sense que el seu creador pugui fer res per evitar-ho. Aquest és l'objectiu de la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual: Fomentar la innovació i el progrés, i protegir els drets patrimonials i morals dels autors i titulars de les obres protegibles. La història de l'art reconeix l'art conceptual com un moviment artístic fonamental sense el qual seria impossible entendre l'evolució i el discurs de l'art dels nostres dies. Però la naturalesa de l'art conceptual i desmaterialitzat sembla haver col·lisionat amb les definicions i doctrines legals del dret d'autor. La consideració d '"obra protegida" per la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual no coincideix sempre amb el concepte d' "obra artística". A l'altra cara de la moneda hi ha l'art apropiacionista: L'apropiació artística és l'ús d'una o més obres alienes pre-existents, gairebé sempre sense permís, ja sigui transformant el seu aspecte original o reproduint-les total o parcialment sense cap modificació, per ser incorporades en un context diferent al seu context original, amb l'objectiu d'examinar qüestions referents a la seva originalitat o de rebel·lar significats que prèviament no eren visibles en l'original. Aquesta pràctica està absolutament generalitzada entre els artistes contemporanis, i els artistes apropiacionistes són els que amb més freqüència s'ha ocupat de la crítica o comentari polític en les seves obres. El sistema de límits que permet l'ús de continguts aliens a la pròpia obra no està pensat per a aquest tipus d'obres, i el dret de llibertat de creació dels artistes que s'expressen mitjançant obres d'art que incorporen obres de tercers no preval en tots els casos. La Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual s'ha adaptat ràpidament a les necessitats i pretensions de les obres creades per les indústries culturals que basen el seu model de negoci en l'explotació de drets d'autor en un context digital. Però Fa més de 100 anys, el 1917, Marcel Duchamp va canviar la història de l'art per sempre amb la seva obra "Fountain". Ni el concepte d '"obra protegible" com a àmbit de protecció material de el dret d'autor ni el sistema de límits o excepcions a la Llei de Propietat Intel·lectual han avançat de forma paral·lela als corrents artístics. Potser aquests són alguns dels motius que han portat artistes visuals a deixar de percebre la Llei de Propietat intel·lectual com "la seva" Llei i a reclamar una major flexibilitat en els límits. ; Los artistas son imprescindibles en las sociedades democráticas. El arte enriquece a la sociedad, nos ayuda a interpretar y a reflexionar sobre la realidad. La sociedad debe dotarse de las leyes necesarias para que los artistas pueden vivir creando sus obras y de esta manera asegurarnos que podemos continuar beneficiándonos y enriqueciéndonos con sus creaciones, incluso cuando estas obras pueden ser reproducidas sin que su creador pueda hacer nada para evitarlo. Este es el objetivo de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual: Fomentar la innovación y el avance, y proteger los derechos patrimoniales y morales de los autores y titulares de las obras protegibles. La historia del arte reconoce el arte conceptual como un movimiento artístico fundamental sin cuya existencia sería imposible entender la evolución y el discurso del arte de nuestros días. pero, sin embargo, La naturaleza del arte conceptual y desmaterializado parece haber colisionado con las definiciones y doctrinas legales del derecho de autor. La consideración de "obra protegida" por la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual no coincide siempre con el concepto de "obra artística". Al otro lado de la moneda está el arte apropiacionista: La apropiación en arte es el uso de una o más obras ajenas pre-existentes, casi siempre sin permiso, ya sea transformando su aspecto original o reproduciéndolas total o parcialmente sin modificación alguna, para ser incorporadas en un contexto diferente a su contexto original, con el objetivo de examinar cuestiones referentes a su originalidad o de rebelar significados que previamente no eran visibles en el original. Esta práctica está absolutamente generalizada entre los artistas contemporáneos, y los artistas apropiacionistas son los que con más frecuencia se ha ocupado de la crítica o comentario político en sus obras. El sistema de límites que permite el uso de contenidos ajenos en la propia obra no está pensado para este tipo de obras, y el derecho de libertad de creación de los artistas que se expresan mediante obras de arte que incorporan obras de terceros no prevalece en todos los casos. La Ley de Propiedad Intelectual se ha adaptado rápidamente a las necesidades y pretensiones de las obras creadas por las industrias culturales que basan su modelo de negocio en la explotación de derechos de autor en un contexto digital. Pero Hace mas de 100 años, en 1917, Marcel Duchamp Cambió la historia del arte para siempre con su obra "Fountain". Ni el concepto de "obra protegible" como ámbito de protección material del derecho de autor ni el sistema de límites o excepciones a la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual han avanzado de forma paralela a las corrientes artísticas. Quizás estos son algunos de los motivos que han llevado artistas visuales a dejar de percibir la Ley de Propiedad intelectual como "su" Ley y a reclamar una mayor flexibilidad en los límites. ; "Artists are essential in democratic societies. Art benefits society, it helps us to understand and to reflect on reality. Society must promote the necessary laws so that artists can make a living creating their works and to ensure that we can continue to benefit and enrich society with their creations, even when these works can be reproduced beyond the control of their author. This was the objective of Intellectual Property Law: To foster innovation and progress, and to safeguard economic and moral rights of authors and titleholders of works protected under Intellectual Property Law. Art History recognizes conceptual art as a fundamental artistic movement that is essential to understand the evolution and discourse of art today. But nevertheless, the nature of conceptual and dematerialized art seems to have collided with the legal definitions and doctrines of copyright. The consideration of "protected work" by Intellectual Property Law does not always fit with the concept of "artistic work". On the other side ther is appropriation in art: Appropriation in art is the use of one or more pre-existing works, without permission of its right holder, either transforming its original appearance or reproducing it totally or partially without any modification, to be incorporated in a context other than its original context, with the aim of examining questions regarding originality or to reveal meanings that were not previously visible in the original. This practice is quite widespread among contemporary artists, and artists who work with appropriation very often deal with criticism or political comment on their works. The system of limits that allows the use of protected content in new creations is not intended for appropriation artists and the right of freedom of expression of these artists who express themselves incorporating works of others in their own works does not prevail in all cases. Intellectual Property Law has quickly adapted to the needs and claims of works created by cultural industries that base their business model on the exploitation of copyright in a digital context. But more than 100 years ago, in 1917, Marcel Duchamp changed the history of art forever with his work "Fountain". Neither the concept of "protectable work" of copyright nor the system of limits or exceptions of Intellectual Property Law have advanced in parallel with artistic trends. Perhaps these are some of the underlining reasons that have led visual artists to stop perceiving Intellectual Property Law as "their" Law and that have brought them to demand greater flexibility in fair use.

ÖZET Ülkelerin de bireyler gibi farklılıkları vardır. Bu vaka da ise bunlar doğal kaynaklar, emek, sermaye, teknoloji gibi farklılıklardır. Ancak, bu ülkeler mal ve hizmet ticareti için bir anlaşmaya vararak farklılıklarından önemli ölçüde yararlanabilirler. Bu anlaşmalar yıllar boyunca dünya genelinde Uluslararası ticarette ve Yatırımda hızlı bir büyüme ile sonuçlanmıştır. Doğrudan yabancı yatırım (DYY), uzun vadeli bir ilişkiyi içeren ve bir ekonomideki yerleşik bir kuruluş tarafından uzun vadeli bir ilgiyi ve kontrolü, bir ekonomideki (yabancı doğrudan yatırımcı veya ana girişim) uzun süren bir ilgiyi ve kontrolü yansıtan doğrudan yabancı yatırımcı haricindeki bir yatırım olarak tanımlamaktadır. İlk olarak, Uluslararası ticari bankalar, bu ülkelere bir finans kaynağı olarak hizmet verdi ancak küresel kredi krizlerinin bir sonucu olarak 1990'lı yıllarda banka kredileri bozulduğunda, bölgedeki çok sayıda ülkenin, yabancı kaynakları elde etmek için yatırım stratejileri ve planlarını değiştirmesi gerekti ve bu şekilde kredilerle alakalı sıkıntılar hafifletildi. Son zamanlarda, Sahra Altı Afrika ekonomileri kademeli olarak büyümektedir, ancak tespit edilen en büyük zorluklardan biri, tasarruflarının yatırım projeleri yürütmek için nispeten düşük olmasıdır. Bu nedenle, büyük ölçüde, doğrudan yatırımlar şeklindeki yabancı sermayeye bağımlıdırlar. Küreselleşme ve uluslararası ticaret, yatırım kaynaklarının, dünyada bir takım ülkeler için dış sermayenin ana akışı haline gelen Çok Uluslu Ticari Kümeler tarafından dünyada akışına kapılar açtı. Belirgin bir şekilde, son zamanlarda gelişmekte olan ve gelişmiş uluslarda yabancı doğrudan yatırımın işlevi daha yoğun hale geldi. Birleşmiş Milletler Ticaret ve Kalkınma Konferansına (UNCTAD) göre, küresel anlamda hareket eden toplam Yabancı Doğrudan Yatırım (FDI) miktarı, 1980'de 51,464 Milyar Dolardan 2016'da 2,3 Trilyon Dolara çok büyük bir artış sergilemiştir. Genel olarak Sahra Altı Afrikası'nda, brüt gelen FDI stoku, 1980'de 251,67 Milyon Dolardan 2016'da 38,364 Milyar Dolara yükselmiştir, bu artış, dünyanın diğer bölgeleri ile kıyaslandığında daha düşük bir artıştır. Bunun anlamı, FDI çekimi ile alakalı olarak Sahra Altı Afrika'nın (SSA) dünyanın diğer bölgelerinden farklı olarak etkin olmadığıdır. 2001 yılında kıtanın önde gelen ülkelerinden oluşan bir grup tarafından oluşturulmuş bir ortaklık programı olan Afrika'nın Kalkınması için Yeni Ortaklık (NEPAD), "IDG'lere (Uluslar arası Kalkınma Hedefleri) ulaşmak için gerekli olan tahmini yıllık yüzde 7'lik büyümeyi elde etmek için – özellikle, 2020 yılına kadar fakirlik içinde yaşayan Afrikalıların oranının yarıya düşürülmesi hedefi – Afrika'nın GSYİH'sinin yüzde 12'si ya da 64 Milyar Dolar değerinde bir yıllık kaynak boşluğunu doldurması gerektiğini ifade etti. Ekonomik İşbirliği ve Kalkınma Örgütü (OECD), bölgedeki yıllık kaynak boşluğunun, GSYİH'in -15'i civarında olduğunu (60-65 Milyar Dolar), bölgedeki ülkelerin, ekonomik sorunları çözmek ve vatandaşlarının yaşam koşullarını iyileştirmek için önemli kaynaklara ihtiyaç duydukları için güçlerini artırmaları gerektiğini ifade etmiştir. Son yıllarda, SSA ülkeleri, vergi kesintileri, belirli ürünlerde ithalat vergisi muafiyeti ve yabancı şirketlere bağışların verilmesi gibi teşvikler vererek yabancı doğrudan yatırımı çekmek için yoğun çabalar harcamaktadır. Yabancı doğrudan yatırım adına SSA'ya hücum dikkate alındığında, FDI'nın bugüne kadar alandaki ticaret ve büyümeye gerçek etkisine daha derin bir bakışa sahip olması gerektiğinden bahsedilmelidir. Politika yapıcıların, FDI girişlerinin, geçmişte kalkınma ve büyümeye neden olmadığını, bu yüzden ani bir yükselişin dikkatli bir şekilde beklendiği gerçeği etrafında toplanmak hayati önem taşımaktadır. Diğer açılardan, doğrudan yabancı yatırımın büyüme üzerinde olumlu bir etkisi olduğunu varsayıldığında, politika yapıcıların sürdürülebilir ekonomik gelişme için bekledikleri gibi doğrudan yabancı yatırım çekmeye yönelik fikir arayışında olmaları gerekmektedir. Bu değerlendirme tam olarak bu tezin başarmayı hedeflediği şeydir. Bu tez için bir vaka çalışması olarak Sahra Altı Afrika'yı seçmek özellikle önemlidir çünkü bölgeden geliyorum ve ayrıca SSA'ya özel bir vurgu yapan FDI hakkında çok az makale var ya da hiç yok. Bölge ile ilgili mevcut makalelerin bir kısmından geçtikten sonra, pek çok kişi FDI'nin SSA'ya belirleyicilerini veya FDI'nin belirli ülkelerde ne kadar iyi çalıştığının referanslarını tartıştı. Bu konuyla ilgili araştırma makalelerinin bulunmaması, bölgedeki doğrudan yabancı yatırımın etkisine girme fırsatı vermektedir ve bu şekilde bölge hakkında halihazırda mevcut olan literatürü sağlamaktadır. --- Countries just like Individuals have differences, in this case, in terms of natural resources, labor, capital, technology etc. However, these countries can significantly benefit from their differences by reaching an agreement to trade goods and services. These agreements have resulted in a rapid growth in International trade and Investment across the world over the years. Foreign direct investment (FDI) is defined as an investment involving a long-term relationship and reflecting a lasting interest and control by a resident entity in one economy (foreign direct investor or parent enterprise) in an enterprise resident in an economy other than that of the foreign direct investor. Recently, Sub-Saharan African economies have been growing gradually, however, one of their biggest challenges that have been identified is that their savings are relatively low to undertake investment projects. Because of this reason, they, to a very large extent depend on foreign capital in the form of direct investments. At first, International commercial banks served as a source of finance to these countries, but as bank lending deteriorated in the 1990s, as a result of the global credit crises, which compelled a large number of countries in the region to modify their investment strategies and plans to obtain foreign funds, this in a way mitigated the burden associated with loans. Globalization and international trade have opened doors to the flow of investment funds across the global by Multinational business conglomerates that has become the main stream of outside capital for a number of countries all across the world. Apparently, in recent times the function of foreign direct investment in developing and developed nations have been immense. According to the United Nation Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), sum total Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows globally have grown on a large scale, from $51.464 billion in 1980 to $2.3 trillion in 2016. In Sub-Saharan Africa overall, gross inward FDI stock has increased from $251.67 million in 1980 to $38.364 billion in 2016, a relatively smaller increase as compared to other regions in the world. This simply means that with regards to FDI attraction Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) has not been effective unlike other regions in the globe. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), which is a partnership program established by a group of heads-of-state from all over the continent in 2001, states that in order to "achieve the estimated 7 per cent annual growth rate needed to meet the IDGs (International Development Goals) - particularly, the goal of reducing by half the proportion of Africans living in poverty by the year 2020 – Africa needs to fill an annual resource gap of 12 per cent of its GDP, or US $64 billion". The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has stated that the yearly fund gap in the region, which is around 12-15% of Gross Domestic Product ($60-$65 billion), countries in the region have to step up as they require substantial funds to ameliorate the economic problems and improve living conditions for its citizens. In recent years, SSA countries have been making immense strides to attract foreign direct investment by providing incentives such as income tax breaks, import duty exclusion on certain products and the provision of handouts to foreign companies. Taking into consideration the rush into SSA in the name of foreign direct investment, it would be worthwhile if we took a deeper look at the real impact of FDI on business and growth in the area thus far. It is absolutely vital for policymakers to reckon that the fact that FDI inflows have not resulted to growth and development in the historic past, so a sudden upturn should be cautiously anticipated. In other respects, supposing that FDI has had a favorable impact on growth, that being so, policy makers have a case in seeking ideas to draw FDI as they anticipate for sustainable economic advancement. This assessment is exactly what this thesis aims to achieve. Choosing Sub-Saharan Africa as a case study for this thesis is particularly important because I hail from the region and furthermore there are little or no papers on FDI with an exclusive emphasis on SSA. After going through some of the available papers that deals with the region, a great number of them discussed the determinants of FDI to SSA or references of how well FDI is doing in specific countries. The lack of research papers on this topic gives me an opportunity to delve into the effect of foreign direct investment in the region, by this way provide to the already available literature on the region.

ÖZETÜlkelerin de bireyler gibi farklılıkları vardır. Bu vaka da ise bunlar doğal kaynaklar, emek, sermaye, teknoloji gibi farklılıklardır. Ancak, bu ülkeler mal ve hizmet ticareti için bir anlaşmaya vararak farklılıklarından önemli ölçüde yararlanabilirler. Bu anlaşmalar yıllar boyunca dünya genelinde Uluslararası ticarette ve Yatırımda hızlı bir büyüme ile sonuçlanmıştır.Doğrudan yabancı yatırım (DYY), uzun vadeli bir ilişkiyi içeren ve bir ekonomideki yerleşik bir kuruluş tarafından uzun vadeli bir ilgiyi ve kontrolü, bir ekonomideki (yabancı doğrudan yatırımcı veya ana girişim) uzun süren bir ilgiyi ve kontrolü yansıtan doğrudan yabancı yatırımcı haricindeki bir yatırım olarak tanımlamaktadır. İlk olarak, Uluslararası ticari bankalar, bu ülkelere bir finans kaynağı olarak hizmet verdi ancak küresel kredi krizlerinin bir sonucu olarak 1990'lı yıllarda banka kredileri bozulduğunda, bölgedeki çok sayıda ülkenin, yabancı kaynakları elde etmek için yatırım stratejileri ve planlarını değiştirmesi gerekti ve bu şekilde kredilerle alakalı sıkıntılar hafifletildi. Son zamanlarda, Sahra Altı Afrika ekonomileri kademeli olarak büyümektedir, ancak tespit edilen en büyük zorluklardan biri, tasarruflarının yatırım projeleri yürütmek için nispeten düşük olmasıdır. Bu nedenle, büyük ölçüde, doğrudan yatırımlar şeklindeki yabancı sermayeye bağımlıdırlar.Küreselleşme ve uluslararası ticaret, yatırım kaynaklarının, dünyada bir takım ülkeler için dış sermayenin ana akışı haline gelen Çok Uluslu Ticari Kümeler tarafından dünyada akışına kapılar açtı. Belirgin bir şekilde, son zamanlarda gelişmekte olan ve gelişmiş uluslarda yabancı doğrudan yatırımın işlevi daha yoğun hale geldi. Birleşmiş Milletler Ticaret ve Kalkınma Konferansına (UNCTAD) göre, küresel anlamda hareket eden toplam Yabancı Doğrudan Yatırım (FDI) miktarı, 1980'de 51,464 Milyar Dolardan 2016'da 2,3 Trilyon Dolara çok büyük bir artış sergilemiştir.Genel olarak Sahra Altı Afrikası'nda, brüt gelen FDI stoku, 1980'de 251,67 Milyon Dolardan 2016'da 38,364 Milyar Dolara yükselmiştir, bu artış, dünyanın diğer bölgeleri ile kıyaslandığında daha düşük bir artıştır. Bunun anlamı, FDI çekimi ile alakalı olarak Sahra Altı Afrika'nın (SSA) dünyanın diğer bölgelerinden farklı olarak etkin olmadığıdır. 2001 yılında kıtanın önde gelen ülkelerinden oluşan bir grup tarafından oluşturulmuş bir ortaklık programı olan Afrika'nın Kalkınması için Yeni Ortaklık (NEPAD), "IDG'lere (Uluslar arası Kalkınma Hedefleri) ulaşmak için gerekli olan tahmini yıllık yüzde 7'lik büyümeyi elde etmek için – özellikle, 2020 yılına kadar fakirlik içinde yaşayan Afrikalıların oranının yarıya düşürülmesi hedefi – Afrika'nın GSYİH'sinin yüzde 12'si ya da 64 Milyar Dolar değerinde bir yıllık kaynak boşluğunu doldurması gerektiğini ifade etti.Ekonomik İşbirliği ve Kalkınma Örgütü (OECD), bölgedeki yıllık kaynak boşluğunun, GSYİH'in -15'i civarında olduğunu (60-65 Milyar Dolar), bölgedeki ülkelerin, ekonomik sorunları çözmek ve vatandaşlarının yaşam koşullarını iyileştirmek için önemli kaynaklara ihtiyaç duydukları için güçlerini artırmaları gerektiğini ifade etmiştir.Son yıllarda, SSA ülkeleri, vergi kesintileri, belirli ürünlerde ithalat vergisi muafiyeti ve yabancı şirketlere bağışların verilmesi gibi teşvikler vererek yabancı doğrudan yatırımı çekmek için yoğun çabalar harcamaktadır.Yabancı doğrudan yatırım adına SSA'ya hücum dikkate alındığında, FDI'nın bugüne kadar alandaki ticaret ve büyümeye gerçek etkisine daha derin bir bakışa sahip olması gerektiğinden bahsedilmelidir. Politika yapıcıların, FDI girişlerinin, geçmişte kalkınma ve büyümeye neden olmadığını, bu yüzden ani bir yükselişin dikkatli bir şekilde beklendiği gerçeği etrafında toplanmak hayati önem taşımaktadır. Diğer açılardan, doğrudan yabancı yatırımın büyüme üzerinde olumlu bir etkisi olduğunu varsayıldığında, politika yapıcıların sürdürülebilir ekonomik gelişme için bekledikleri gibi doğrudan yabancı yatırım çekmeye yönelik fikir arayışında olmaları gerekmektedir.Bu değerlendirme tam olarak bu tezin başarmayı hedeflediği şeydir. Bu tez için bir vaka çalışması olarak Sahra Altı Afrika'yı seçmek özellikle önemlidir çünkü bölgeden geliyorum ve ayrıca SSA'ya özel bir vurgu yapan FDI hakkında çok az makale var ya da hiç yok. Bölge ile ilgili mevcut makalelerin bir kısmından geçtikten sonra, pek çok kişi FDI'nin SSA'ya belirleyicilerini veya FDI'nin belirli ülkelerde ne kadar iyi çalıştığının referanslarını tartıştı. Bu konuyla ilgili araştırma makalelerinin bulunmaması, bölgedeki doğrudan yabancı yatırımın etkisine girme fırsatı vermektedir ve bu şekilde bölge hakkında halihazırda mevcut olan literatürü sağlamaktadır. --- Countries just like Individuals have differences, in this case, in terms of natural resources, labor, capital, technology etc. However, these countries can significantly benefit from their differences by reaching an agreement to trade goods and services. These agreements have resulted in a rapid growth in International trade and Investment across the world over the years. Foreign direct investment (FDI) is defined as an investment involving a long-term relationship and reflecting a lasting interest and control by a resident entity in one economy (foreign direct investor or parent enterprise) in an enterprise resident in an economy other than that of the foreign direct investor. Recently, Sub-Saharan African economies have been growing gradually, however, one of their biggest challenges that have been identified is that their savings are relatively low to undertake investment projects. Because of this reason, they, to a very large extent depend on foreign capital in the form of direct investments. At first, International commercial banks served as a source of finance to these countries, but as bank lending deteriorated in the 1990s, as a result of the global credit crises, which compelled a large number of countries in the region to modify their investment strategies and plans to obtain foreign funds, this in a way mitigated the burden associated with loans.Globalization and international trade have opened doors to the flow of investment funds across the global by Multinational business conglomerates that has become the main stream of outside capital for a number of countries all across the world.Apparently, in recent times the function of foreign direct investment in developing and developed nations have been immense. According to the United Nation Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), sum total Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows globally have grown on a large scale, from $51.464 billion in 1980 to $2.3 trillion in 2016.In Sub-Saharan Africa overall, gross inward FDI stock has increased from $251.67 million in 1980 to $38.364 billion in 2016, a relatively smaller increase as compared to other regions in the world. This simply means that with regards to FDI attraction Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) has not been effective unlike other regions in the globe.The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), which is a partnership programestablished by a group of heads-of-state from all over the continent in 2001, states that in order to "achieve the estimated 7 per cent annual growth rate needed to meet the IDGs (International Development Goals) - particularly, the goal of reducing by half the proportion of Africans living in poverty by the year 2020 – Africa needs to fill an annual resource gap of 12 per cent of its GDP, or US $64 billion".The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has stated that the yearly fund gap in the region, which is around 12-15% of Gross Domestic Product ($60-$65 billion), countries in the region have to step up as they require substantial funds to ameliorate the economic problems and improve living conditions for its citizens.In recent years, SSA countries have been making immense strides to attract foreign direct investment by providing incentives such as income tax breaks, import duty exclusion on certain products and the provision of handouts to foreign companies.Taking into consideration the rush into SSA in the name of foreign direct investment, it would be worthwhile if we took a deeper look at the real impact of FDI on business and growth in the area thus far. It is absolutely vital for policymakers to reckon that the fact that FDI inflows have not resulted to growth and development in the historic past, so a sudden upturn should be cautiously anticipated. In other respects, supposing that FDI has had a favorable impact on growth, that being so, policy makers have a case in seeking ideas to draw FDI as they anticipate for sustainable economic advancement. This assessment is exactly what this thesis aims to achieve. Choosing Sub-Saharan Africa as a case study for this thesis is particularly important because I hail from the region and furthermore there are little or no papers on FDI with an exclusive emphasis on SSA. After going through some of the available papers that deals with the region, a great number of them discussed the determinants of FDI to SSA or references of how well FDI is doing in specific countries. The lack of research papers on this topic gives me an opportunity to delve into the effect of foreign direct investment in the region, by this way provide to the already available literature on the region.

Несмотря на проведение ряда реформ, сложившаяся в России многоуровневая бюджетная система не в полной мере отвечает стратегии развития страны и её регионов. До сих пор Правительство РФ не приняло никаких действенных мер по устранению основного структурного противоречия бюджетной системы, имеющего в своей основе неадекватное распределение доходных и расходных полномочий, что проявилось в резком сжатии доходной базы территориальных бюджетов в период мирового финансового кризиса 2009 г. Однако кризисные последствия не были проанализированы, соответствующие выводы не сделаны. Министерство финансов РФ решало проблему разбалансировки территориальных бюджетов не пересмотром действующих механизмов распределения доходов на региональный уровень, а масштабной выдачей кредитов, возврат которых планировался после 2012 г. Вопреки этому в результате резкого роста социальной нагрузки произошло разрастание дефицита и закредитованности, вызвавшее бюджетный кризис целого ряда регионов. Эксперты Высшей школы экономики констатировали, что по итогам 2014 года двадцать субъектов РФ, имеющих уровень государственного долга более 80%, фактически находятся в дефолте. Вместо поиска путей выхода из бюджетного кризиса регионов российские власти постепенно в целом утрачивают контроль над процессами регионального развития. Механизмы федеральных целевых программ работают слабо, а финансовое обеспечение программных мероприятий всё в большей степени перекладывается на субъекты РФ. По сути, управление территориальным развитием сводится к перекачке финансовых ресурсов из федерального бюджета в регионы, а Министерство финансов РФ, регулирующее межбюджетные отношения, фактически превратилось в единственный реальный институт региональной политики. Но и межбюджетная политика Минфина не даёт видимой экономической отдачи: с 2006 по 2014 год объём безвозмездной финансовой помощи в бюджеты регионов увеличился с 0,6 до 1,5 трлн. руб., а количество самодостаточных территорий уменьшилось с 20 до 11. Обострение внутренних социально-экономических проблем сопровождается сложной международной обстановкой, негативными последствиями внешних санкций, предпринятых против России, и падением цен на нефть. Уже в 2014 г. потери от санкций составили 40 млрд. долл., от снижения нефтяных цен 100 млрд. долларов, однако федеральный бюджет на 2015 г. был сформирован без учёта этих факторов, что продемонстрировало неспособность Правительства РФ реально оценивать ситуацию и прогнозировать её даже в краткосрочной перспективе. В результате вынужденной существенной корректировки федерального бюджета, проведённой в апреле 2015 г., его дефицит был увеличен в семь раз с 0,4 до 2,7 трлн. руб. Безусловно, такая разбалансировка главного бюджета страны серьёзно осложнит исполнение территориальных бюджетов. В новом варианте федерального бюджета трансферты субъектам РФ урезаны на 72 млрд. руб., или на 10,5%. При этом антикризисный план Правительства РФ, нацеленный на общий секвестр всех бюджетных расходов, предусматривает не оказание безвозмездной финансовой поддержки регионам, а выделение бюджетных кредитов в объёме 160 млрд. руб., которые вернутся в федеральную казну. Этих средств хватит на погашение всего 15% накопленной коммерческой задолженности региональных бюджетов. Столь недальновидная бюджетная политика центральных властей лишает регионы всякой надежды на решение проблемы растущего государственного долга. Кризисные процессы, в значительной степени затронувшие регионы с металлургической специализацией, выявили ограниченность контрциклического потенциала бюджетной политики. Отсутствие системы управления бюджетными рисками повлекло глубокое падение конъюнктурных налоговых доходов, являющихся важнейшим доходным источником бюджетов этих регионов. Ещё одним негативным следствием стала потеря статуса регионов-доноров Вологодской, Липецкой, Челябинской, Кемеровской областями. В статье представлены результаты продолжающегося в ИСЭРТ РАН исследования проблем бюджетной обеспеченности Вологодской, Липецкой и Челябинской областей, на территории которых расположены базовые активы ведущих отечественных корпораций чёрной металлургии. Дана оценка состояния региональных бюджетов, долговой политики, взаимодействия с федеральным бюджетом по итогам 2014 г. Основной акцент сделан на анализе взаимоотношений металлургических корпораций с бюджетами территорий. Несмотря на то, что регионы-металлурги характеризуются существенными, объединяющими их структурными особенностями, в территориальном разрезе полученные оценки неоднозначны. Вместе с тем итоги исследования позволили сделать обобщающий вывод о том, что в этих регионах сохраняется наблюдаемое с 2009 года нарастание проблем с поступлением налоговых платежей от ключевой бюджетообразующей отрасли, влекущее за собой целый ряд других негативных факторов функционирования региональных бюджетных систем. При этом в результате крайне неэффективной экономической политики, проводимой центральным правительством в отношении крупнейших налогоплательщиков, региональные власти полностью утратили возможность регулирования их экономической деятельности. ; Despite a number of reforms, the current multi-level budgetary system does not fully correspond to the development strategy of the country and its regions. Still the Russian Government has not taken effective measures to address the main structural contradiction of the budgetary system, based on the non-adequate distribution of revenue and expenditure responsibilities, manifested in the sharp decline in the revenue base of territorial budgets during the 2009 global financial crisis. However, the crisis effects have not been analyzed and the conclusions have not been made. The Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation tried to solve the problem of territorial budgets imbalance not by enhancing existing mechanisms of revenue distribution at the regional level, but by granting large-scale loans to be repaid after 2012. Despite it, due to the sharp rise in the social burden, the deficit and the debt load enlarged and resulted in the budget crisis in the regions. The experts of the Higher School of Economics state that 20 RF subjects, having the level of public debt above 80%, had been actually in default by the end of 2014. Instead of finding ways out of the fiscal crisis, the Russian authorities gradually lose overall control over the processes of regional development. The mechanisms of federal target programs work poorly and the RF subjects have to finance program activities. In fact, the management of territorial development is reduced to the transfer of financial resources from the federal budget to the regions and the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation regulating interbudgetary relations has, in fact, become the only real institute of regional policy. But the interbudgetary policy of the Ministry of Finance does not gain visible economic returns: in 2006-2014 the amount of repayable financial assistance to the regional budgets increased from 0.6 to 1.5 trillion rubles, and the number of self-sufficient territories decreased from 20 to 11. The worsening of socio-economic problems is accompanied by a difficult international environment, adverse effects of external sanctions against Russia and falling oil prices. Already in 2014 the losses from the sanctions amounted to 40 billion U.S. dollars, from the decline in oil prices 100 billion U.S. dollars. However, the federal budget for 2015 was approved without taking into account these factors. It demonstrates the inability of the Russian Government to accurately assess the situation and forecast events even in the short term. Due to forced significant amendments to the federal budget in April 2015, its deficit was increased seven-fold, from 0.4 to 2.7 trillion rubles. Surely, this imbalance of the country's budget will seriously complicate the implementation of local budgets. In the new version of the federal budget transfers to regions cut by 72 billion rubles, or by 10.5%. The anti-crisis plan of the Russian Federation Government aimed at cutting budget spending provides not grant financial support to the regions, but allocation of budgetary loans in the amount of 160 billion rubles, which will be returned to the Federal Treasury. These funds will be enough to repay only 15% of the accumulated commercial debt of regional budgets. Such a short-sighted budgetary policy of the central authorities deprives the regions of any hope of solving the problem of rising public debt. The crisis, greatly affecting the regions with metallurgical specialization, has highlighted the limits of countercyclical potential of fiscal policy. The lack of budget risk management involves deep drop in tax revenues, a major revenue source of regional budgets. Another negative consequence is that the Vologda Oblast, the Lipetsk Oblast, the Chelyabinsk Oblast and the Kemerovo Oblast have lost the status of donor regions. The article presents the results of the research in the problems of budgetary provision of the Vologda Oblast, the Lipetsk Oblast and the Chelyabinsk Oblast, carried out by ISEDT RAS. The leading domestic corporations of ferrous metallurgy are located in these areas. The work evaluates the state of regional budgets, debt policy and interaction with the federal budget as of year-end 2014. The main accent is made on the analysis of relations between metallurgical corporations and territorial budgets. Despite the fact that the metallurgy-oriented regions are characterized by significant structural features, the estimates vary greatly in the territorial context. However, we can make a general conclusion that in these regions one can observe the growing problems connected with the receipt of tax payments from the key revenue generating industry since 2009. It entails a number of other negative factors of the regional budget systems functioning. Due to highly inefficient economic policies pursued by the central government in respect of the largest taxpayers, the regional authorities have completely lost the ability to regulate their economic activities.

La falta de recursos financieros en nuestro país hace que sé empiece a buscar por fuera lo que no hay dentro; es así como surge la necesidad de hacer esta investigación, mediante un proceso de ubicación de los actores y competencias de quienes participan en el manejo de la situación ambiental del departamento del Tolima. El análisis de fuentes de financiación nacional e internacional se enfocó en lo relacionado con la temática: Saneamiento Básico (Residuos sólidos, Contaminación hídrica), Suelo (Erosión, Deforestación) y Biodiversidad (Flora y Fauna). Al estudiar las fuentes de financiación que ayudan en la solución de la problemática ambiental, de las cuales se tomaron las diez que llenan las expectativas que se tienen para el proyecto, se escogieron las siguientes: Agencia colombiana de cooperación Internacional, Embajada Británica, Embajada de Canadá, Embajada Española, Fondo para la Acción Ambiental de Colombia, Alianza Fondo para la Acción Ambiental, Ecofondos, Fundación Interamericana I.A.F., Unión Europea y Fondo para el Medio Ambiente Mundial y se obtuvo como resultado un manual donde se detalla cada una de estas explicando la metodología para conseguir los recursos y la estrategia para aplicarlos. Como la problemática ambiental es de todos, esta investigación se ha desarrollado pensando en ahorrar tiempo y su vez facilitar al usuario la manera de tener acceso de una forma rápida y eficiente a la información existente sobre dichos organismos, y así, las Juntas de acción comunal, alcaldes, personeros, gobernadores, corporaciones, gerentes y ONG's y demás personas interesadas y comprometidas con el medio ambiente, puedan acceder y consultar con rapidez estas fuentes de financiamiento. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) ; INTRODUCCIÓN 12 1. ACTORES AMBIENTALES 14 1.1 INSTITUCIONES 14 1.2 COMUNIDAD 15 1.2.1 Organización Comunal 15 1.2.2 Organización No Gubernamental ONGs 15 1.2.3 Cabildos 17 2 FUENTES DE FINANCIAMIENTO 18 2.1 BASES JURIDICAS DE LA COOPERACIÓN INTERNACIONAL 18 2.2 ORGANISMOS, ENTIDADES O ESTABLECIMIENTOS 19 2.2.1 AGENCIA COLOMBIANA DE COOPERACIÓN INTERNACIONAL "ACCI" 19 2.2.1.1 Descripción 19 2.2.1.2 Objetivos 20 2.2.1.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 21 2.2.1.4 Formas de Apoyo 22 2.2.1.4.1 Cooperación Técnica 22 2.2.1.4.2 Cooperación Técnica entre Países en Desarrollo 22 2.2.1.4.3 Cooperación Financiera no Reembolsable 23 2.2.1.4.4 Cooperación Financiera Reembolsable 23 2.2.1.4.5 Ayuda de Emergencia y Desastres 23 2.2.1.4.6 Ayuda Alimentaría 23 2.2.1.4.7 Canjes de Deuda 23 2.2.1.4.8 Cooperación Cultural 23 2.2.1.4.9 Donaciones 24 2.2.1.4.10 Becas 24 2.2.1.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 24 2.2.1.5.1 Generalidades 24 2.2.1.6 Requisitos y Formatos 25 2.2.1.6.1 Específicos 28 2.2.1.6.1.1 Ciclo de Vida del Proyecto 28 2.2.1.6.1.2 Elementos Constitutivos de la Formulación de un Proyecto. 32 2.2.1.6.1.3 Cronología de Tramitación del Proyecto de Cooperación Oficial 36 2.2.1.7 Mayor Información 44 2.2.2 EMBAJADA BRITANICA 45 2.2.2.1 Descripción 45 2.2.2.2 Objetivos 45 2.2.2.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 46 2.2.2.4 Formas de Apoyo 47 2.2.2.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 47 2.2.2.6 Requisitos y Formatos 48 2.2.2.7 Mayor Información 49 2.2.3 EMBAJADA DE CANADA 49 2.2.3.1 Descripción 49 2.2.3.2 Objetivos 50 2.2.3.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 50 2.2.3.4 Formas de Apoyo 51 2.2.3.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 52 2.2.3.6 Requisitos y Formatos 53 2.2.3.7 Mayor Información 57 2.2.4 EMBAJADA ESPAÑOLA 57 2.2.4.1 Descripción 57 2.2.4.2 Objetivos 58 2.2.4.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 59 2.2.4.3.1 Cooperación Bilateral Gubernamental 59 2.2.4.3.2 Cooperación Descentralizada 59 2.2.4.3.3 Cooperación Bilateral No Gubernamental 59 2.2.4.3.4 Cooperación Descentralizada No Gubernamental 60 2.2.4.4 Formas de Apoyo 60 2.2.4.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 60 2.2.4.6 Requisitos y Formatos 62 2.2.4.7 Mayor Información 87 2.2.5 FONDO PARA LA ACCIÓN AMBIENTAL DE COLOOMBIA 87 2.2.5.1 Descripción 87 2.2.5.2 Objetivos 88 2.2.5.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 89 2.2.5.4 Formas de Apoyo 93 2.2.5.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 93 2.2.5.6 Requisitos y Formatos 94 2.2.5.7 Mayor Información 113 2.2.6 ALIANZA FONDO PARA LA ACCIÓN AMBIENTAL – CORPORACIONES AUTONOMAS REGIONAL 113 2.2.6.1 Descripción 113 2.2.6.2 Objetivos 116 2.2.6.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 117 2.2.6.4 Formas de Apoyo 117 2.2.6.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 117 2.2.6.6 Requisitos y Formatos 118 2.2.6.7 Mayor Información 136 2.2.7 ECOFONDOS 136 2.2.7.1 Descripción 136 2.2.7.2 Objetivos 137 2.2.7.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 137 2.2.7.3.1 Eje Temático Gestión Ambiental De Áreas Silvestres Y Manejo Sostenible De La Biodiversidad. 138 2.2.7.3.2 Eje Temático Gestión Ambiental En Agroecosistemas. 138 2.2.7.3.3 Eje Temático Gestión Ambiental Urbana. 138 2.2.7.4 Formas de Apoyo 139 2.2.7.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 139 2.2.7.5.1 Proyectos Elegibles Dentro Del Eje Temático Gestión Ambiental De Áreas Silvestres Y Manejo Sostenible De La Biodiversidad. 139 2.2.7.5.2 Proyectos Elegibles Dentro Del Eje Temático Gestión Ambiental En Agroecosistemas. 140 2.2.7.5.3 Proyectos Elegibles Dentro Del Eje Temático Gestión Ambiental Urbana. 142 2.2.7.5.4 Características Generales De Los Proyectos Elegibles Para Cofinanciación. 143 2.2.7.5.4.1 En cuanto a enfoques conceptuales y metodológicos: 143 2.2.7.5.4.2 En cuanto a pertinencia y proyección: 143 2.2.7.5.4.3 En cuanto a estrategias de acción: 144 2.2.7.6 Requisitos y Formatos 144 2.2.7.7 Mayor Información 161 2.2.8 FUNDACIÓN INTERAMERICANA IAF 161 2.2.8.1 Descripción 161 2.2.8.2 Objetivos 162 2.2.8.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 162 2.2.8.4 Formas de Apoyo 162 2.2.8.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 163 2.2.8.6 Requisitos y Formatos 164 2.2.8.7 Mayor Información 171 2.2.9 UNIÓN EUROPEA 172 2.2.9.1 Descripción 172 2.2.9.2 Objetivos 174 2.2.9.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 174 2.2.9.4 Formas de Apoyo 174 2.2.9.4.1 Modalidades de cooperación 174 2.2.9.4.1.1 Cooperación directa, la cual realiza la Comisión Europea -CE- directamente con el Gobierno de Colombia: 175 2.2.9.4.1.2 Cooperación descentralizada 176 2.2.9.4.1.3 Otras Líneas 180 2.2.9.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 181 2.2.9.5.1 Criterios de selección de los solicitantes. Quién puede presentar una solicitud de subvención 181 2.2.9.5.2 Asociación y elegibilidad de los socios 183 2.2.9.5.3 Criterios de admisión de las acciones: Actividades para las que se puede presentar una solicitud 184 2.2.9.6 Requisitos y Formatos 186 2.2.9.7 Mayor Información 212 2.2.10 FONDO PARA EL MEDIO AMBIENTE MUNDIAL PROGRAMA DE PEQUEÑAS DONACIONES 212 2.2.10.1 Descripción 212 2.2.10.2 Objetivos 213 2.2.10.3 Tipos de Proyectos Que apoya 214 2.2.10.4 Formas de Apoyo 215 2.2.10.5 Condiciones de Elegibilidad 215 2.2.10.6 Requisitos y Formatos 217 CATEGORIA DE PRESUPUESTO 220 2.2.10.7 Mayor Información 221 2.2.11 RESUMEN FUENTES DE FINANCIACION 221 2.2.12 INFORMACION FINANCIERA PROYECTO DE REFORESTACIÓN EJECUTADO CON RECURSOS DEL FONDO PARA LA ACCION AMBIENTAL – CORPORACIONES AUTONOMA REGIONALES 223 2.2.12.1 Rotulo del proyecto 223 2.2.12.2 Ficha técnica del proyecto 224 2.2.12.3 Resumen descriptivo del proyecto 225 2.2.12.4 Antecedentes 226 2.2.12.5 Justificación 227 2.2.12.6 Caracterización Socioeconómica 228 2.2.12.7 Objetivo General 229 2.2.12.8 Objetivos Específicos 229 2.2.12.9 Metas 229 2.2.12.10 Metodología del proyecto 230 2.2.12.10.1 Concertación con la comunidad. 230 2.2.12.10.2 Especificaciones Técnicas 230 2.2.12.10.2.1 Especies 230 2.2.12.10.2.2 Establecimiento de la Plantación 231 2.2.12.10.2.3 Control Fitosanitario: 232 2.2.12.10.2.4 Fertilización 232 2.2.12.10.2.5 Aislamiento 232 2.2.12.10.2.6 Riego 232 2.2.12.10.2.7 Replante: 232 2.2.12.10.3 Administración Y Operatividad Del Proyecto 232 2.2.12.10.3.1 Mano de Obra 232 2.2.12.10.3.2 Asistencia Técnica 233 2.2.12.10.3.3 3 Labores de Mantenimiento y Desarrollo de la Plantación233 2.2.12.10.4 Utilización de Insumos Orgánicos 233 2.2.12.10.4.1 Biofertilizantes 233 2.2.12.10.4.2 Bioinsecticidas 234 2.2.12.10.4.3 Coberturas Vegetales 234 2.2.12.11 Monitoreo, seguimiento y evaluación 234 2.2.12.12 Sostenibilidad 235 2.2.12.13 Organización Proponente: Corporación Autónoma Regional del Tolima "CORTOLIMA". 235 2.2.12.13.1 Estructura Organizacional de Cortolima 235 2.2.12.14 Equipo Ejecutor 236 2.2.12.15 Información financiera del proyecto 237 3 CONLUSIONES 245 BIBLIOGRAFIA 246 ; Maestría ; The lack of financial resources in our country makes me start looking for what is not inside; This is how the need to carry out this research arises, through a process of locating the actors and competencies of those who participate in the management of the environmental situation of the Department of Tolima. The analysis of national and international sources of financing focused on the subject: Basic Sanitation (Solid Waste, Water Pollution), Soil (Erosion, Deforestation) and Biodiversity (Flora and Fauna). When studying the sources of financing that help in the solution of the environmental problem, of which the ten that meet the expectations that are had for the project were taken, the following were chosen: Colombian Agency for International Cooperation, British Embassy, Embassy of Canada, Spanish Embassy, Fund for Environmental Action of Colombia, Alliance Fund for Environmental Action, Ecofunds, IAF Inter-American Foundation, European Union and Global Environment Fund and as a result a manual was obtained detailing each of these explaining the methodology to obtain the resources and the strategy to apply them. As the environmental problem belongs to everyone, this research has been developed thinking about saving time and in turn facilitating the user the way to quickly and efficiently access the existing information on these organisms, and thus, the Community Action Boards , mayors, representatives, governors, corporations, managers and NGOs and other people interested and committed to the environment, can quickly access and consult these sources of financing.