The Malawi Urbanization Review aims to provide fresh perspectives on urbanization in Malawi, by analyzing the current and potential contribution of urbanization to long-term national development and the current institutional and financial capacity of local governments to manage the process. Analyses presented in this report are particularly timely as Malawi is planning for the coming half decade through the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) III (2016-2020). Malawi is urbanizing at a moderate rate and has a good chance of proactively managing the urbanization process. Opportunities may arise from a positive structural change that Malawi's economy is undergoing, whereby the driver of growth and job creation moves from agriculture to non-agricultural sectors. Faster urbanization, with strong linkages with rural areas, can contribute further to deepening such structural change. To unlock the potential of urbanization as a catalyst for long-term economic development, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity of urban local governments to generate revenues and meet the key infrastructure and service needs in urban areas, which remain challenging even at the current rate of urbanization.
Myanmar is going through a critical transformation in its development path - from isolation and fragmentation to openness and integration; and from pervasive state control, exclusion, and individual disengagement, to inclusion, participation, and empowerment. This dual shift is happening against a backdrop of broader political reforms that started in 2011 when a new administration took office. The country's transition after the planned elections in 2015 will be a major test of the progress on political reforms. There remain risks of political instability, policy discontinuity, and stalled reforms due to vested interests.
Bangladesh has a comprehensive Disaster Management plan, but details on the implementation and sufficiency of funding should be clarified. Strengthening financial disclosure could encourage greater engagement from key local and international stakeholders. The country also offers great opportunities to increase the outreach of insurance to larger sections of the population, especially to those most vulnerable to the substantial exposure to natural hazards and especially flood. The micro-finance market is well developed and provides opportunities to expand the still very limited availability of micro-insurance propositions to the rural population. Index-based insurance programs supported by mobile payment systems have already been piloted and there is considerable scope for this to be expanded, especially when appropriately subsidized to address affordability issues. However, this will require further strengthening of the insurance market, in respect of the implementation of the Insurance Act 2010 and of consumer representation, which is underdeveloped but may contribute strongly to improve the public's confidence and help the industry to develop successful propositions also for emerging customers.
[EN] The advanced state of land degradation affecting more than 3,200 million people worldwide have raised great international concern regarding the sustainability of socio-ecological systems, urging the large-scale adoption of contextualized sustainable land management. The agricultural industrial model is a major cause of land degradation due to the promotion of unsustainable management practices that deteriorate the quality of soils compromising their capacity to function and deliver ecosystem services. The consequences derived from land degradation are especially devastating in semi-arid regions prone to desertification, where rainfall scarcity and irregularity intensifies crop failure risks and resource degradation, compromising the long term sustainability of these regions. ; Regenerative agriculture (RA) has recently gained increasing recognition as a plausible solution to restore degraded agroecosystems worldwide. RA is a farming approach foreseen to reverse land degradation, increase biodiversity, boost production and enhance the delivery of multiple ecosystem services by following a series of soil quality restoration principles and practices. Despite its promising benefits, RA has been limitedly adopted in semiarid regions. Major reasons explaining this seemingly incongruous mismatch are the scarce and contrasting empirical data proving its effectiveness, top-down research approaches and lack of farmer involvement in agroecosystem restoration projects and decision-making, and the generally slow response of soils to management changes in semiarid regions, which may delay the appearance of visible results discouraging farmers from adopting RA. ; In the high steppe plateau of southeast Spain, an on-going process of large-scale landscape restoration through adoption of regenerative agriculture was initiated in 2015. The high steppe plateau is one of the European regions most affected by land degradation and desertification processes and represents one of the world´s largest areas for the production of rainfed organic almonds. In 2015, local farmers created the AlVelAl association with the support of the Commonland Foundation, business entrepreneurs, regional governments, and research institutions, and started to apply RA at their farms. The objective was to restore vast extensions of degraded land for increasing the productivity and biodiversity of their agroecosystems, increasing the resilience to climate change, generating job opportunities and enhancing social cohesion in the region, in a time frame of 20 years following Commonlands´ 4-Returns approach. However, the limited empirical information supporting RA effectiveness, the lack of reference examples in the region, and the slowness with which visible ecological restoration processes usually occur in semi-arid regions were considered major obstacles hindering RA adoption in the region. To effectively address this knowledge gap, support farmers and expedite RA adoption, this research proposed horizontal research fostering the creation of learning communities between farmers and researchers, putting together local and scientific knowledge to improve the understanding of RA. This thesis presents a participatory monitoring and evaluation research (PM&E) applying a combination of social and ecological methods to evaluate the potential of PM&E to enhance knowledge exchange between farmers and researchers on Regenerative Agriculture in the context of the high steppe plateau. The aim of this thesis is twofold: on one hand, to increase the understanding on RA impacts, on the other hand, to evaluate the potential contribution of PM&E to enable social learning and contribute to the adaptation and long term adoption of RA in the high steppe plateau and semiarid regions in general. To facilitate PM&E of the impacts of sustainable land management and agricultural innovations like RA, Chapter 2 presents a participatory methodological framework that guides the identification and selection of technical and local indicators of soil quality, generating a monitoring system of soil quality for PM&E by farmers and researchers. The methodological framework includes the development of a visual soil assessment tool integrating local indicators of soil quality for farmers´ monitoring. The framework consists of 7 phases: 1) Definition of research and monitoring objectives; 2) Identification, selection and prioritization of Technical Indicators of Soil Quality (TISQ); 3) Identification, selection and prioritization of Local Indicators of Soil Quality; 4) Development of a visual soil assessment tool integrating LISQ; 5) Testing and validation of the visual soil evaluation tool; 6) Monitoring and assessment of sustainable land management impacts by researchers and farmers using TISQ and the visual soil evaluation tool respectively and; 7) Exchange of monitoring results between all involved participants, and joint evaluation of impacts. ; To facilitate PM&E of RA in the steppe highlands, Phases 1 to 5 were applied through a series of participatory methods including a first meeting with AlVelAl board members for the definition of research objectives, farm visits, participatory workshops, and conducting formal and informal interviews, among others. Technical indicators of soil quality were identified, selected and prioritized by researchers through an extensive literature review and ad-hoc expert consultation with expertise in soil quality assessment and monitoring. Local indicators of soil quality were identified, selected, prioritized and validated by farmers in two participatory workshops. The co-developed visual soil assessment tool, named the farmer manual, was tested and validated during the second workshop. Local indicators selected by farmers focused mostly on supporting, regulating and provisioning ecosystem services including water regulation, erosion control, soil fertility and crop performance. Technical indicators selected by researchers focused mostly on soil properties including aggregate stability, soil nutrients, microbial biomass and activity, and leaf nutrients, covering crucial supporting services. The combination of local and technical indicators provided complementary information, improving the coverage and feasibility of RA impact assessment, compared to using technical or local indicators alone. The methodological framework developed in this chapter facilitated the identification and selection of local and technical indicators of soil quality to generate relevant monitoring systems and visual soil assessment tools adapted to local contexts, thus improving knowledge exchange and mutual learning between farmers and researchers to support the implementation of RA and optimize the provision of ecosystem services. Implementation of RA usually happens gradually due to socioeconomic, informational, practical, environmental and political constraints Thus, RA adoption by farmers, in practice, translates into different combinations of RA practices, with a diversity of management, based on farmer capabilities, environmental conditions, and expected restoration results. ; To help the design, adoption and implementation of most effective RA practices to optimize the restoration of agroecosystems, Chapter 3 presents the impacts of the different combinations of RA practices implemented by participating farmers on crucial soil quality and crop performance indicators using previously selected technical indicators of soil quality over a period of 2 years. This chapter corresponds to the application of phase 6 of the methodological framework developed in Chapter 2. RA impacts were assessed in 9 farms on one field with regenerative management and one nearby field with conventional management based on frequent tillage, that were selected together with farmers. Fields were clustered under regenerative management based on the RA practices applied and distinguished 4 types of RA treatments: 1) reduced tillage with green manure (GM), 2) reduced tillage with organic amendments (OA), 3) reduced tillage with green manure and organic amendments (GM&OA), and 4) no tillage with permanent natural covers and organic amendments (NT&OA). The impacts of RA compared to conventional management were evaluated by comparing physical (bulk density and aggregate stability), chemical (pH, salinity, total N, P, K, available P, and exchangeable cations) and biological (SOC, POC, PON, microbial activity) properties of soil quality, and the nutritional status of almond trees (leaf N, P and K). Our results show that GM improved soil physical properties, presenting higher soil aggregate stability. We found that OA improved most soil chemical and biological properties, showing higher contents of SOC, POC, PON, total N, K, P, available P, exchangeable cations and microbial respiration. RA treatments combining ground covers and organic amendments (GM&OA and NT&OA) exhibited greater overall soil quality restoration than individual practices. NT&OA stood out for presenting the highest soil quality improvements. All RA treatments maintained similar crop nutritional status compared to conventional management. We concluded that RA has strong potential to restore the physical, chemical and biological quality of soils of woody agroecosystems in Mediterranean drylands without compromising their nutritional status. Furthermore, farming management combinations of multiple regenerative practices are expected to be more effective than applying individual RA practices. ; In parallel to researchers´ assessment of RA impacts, farmers assessed RA impacts in their farms by using the farmer manual jointly developed in participatory workshops. Chapter 4 presents the RA impact results from farmers´ assessment, and documented farmers´ insights, in the third year of PM&E, on the visual soil assessment process using the farmer manual, and on PM&E outcomes regarding the facilitation of participation and learning processes. This chapter corresponds to the application of phase 6 and phase 7 of the methodological framework developed in Chapter 2. Farmers´ visual soil assessment indicated regenerative agriculture as a promising solution to restore degraded agroecosystems in semiarid Mediterranean drylands, although observed soil quality improvements were relatively small compared to conventional management, and more time and efforts are needed to attain desired restoration targets. The monitoring results on RA reported by farmers were complementary to researchers´ findings using technical indicators of soil quality. Farmers' evaluation of the research project highlighted the PM&E research as an educational process that helped them look differently at their land and their restoration efforts and facilitated the creation of relationships of support and trust, learning and capacity building that are fundamental conducive conditions to enhance farming innovation efficiency and adoption. Farmers confirmed that generating spaces for farmer-to-farmer diffusion of knowledge and on-farm experiences is a key driver to expedite farming testing and adoption of innovations. Farmers insights revealed the need to actively involve them in all decision making phases of VSA tools and support them in initial implementation, in order to develop tools that meet farmers´ needs, to enhance VSA tool adoption, and facilitate reaching restoration goals. Furthermore, farmers´ evaluation of the farmer manual suggested the need to reinforce the multipurpose usefulness and potential benefits of collectively recording restoration progress in a systematized way, to enhance VSA tool adoption. Farmers´ insights on the PM&E research reinforces the importance of developing learning communities of farmers and researchers that provide a platform for exchange of experiences and support, as a crucial factor to favor social learning and support the adoption of long-term agricultural innovations. The success of PM&E research for agroecosystem restoration can be improved by integrating iterative phases where farmers can evaluate and adjust research activities and outcomes. We concluded that the process of PM&E that leads to enhanced social capital, social learning and improved understanding of restoration efforts has as much value as the actual restoration outcomes on the ground. Social learning is considered an important precondition for the adoption of contextualized sustainable land management and farming innovations like RA. The main objective of involving farmers and researchers in PM&E of RA was to enable social learning for enhanced understanding of RA impacts and support adoption of RA. Although there is a growing body of literature asserting the achievement of social learning through participatory processes, social learning has been loosely defined, sparsely assessed, and only partially covered when measured. Confirming that a participatory process has favored social learning implies demonstrating that there has been an acquisition of knowledge and change in perceptions at individual and collective level in the people involved in the participatory process, and that this change in perceptions has been generated through social relations. ; Chapter 5 presents an assessment of how the PM&E research process enabled social learning by effectively increasing knowledge exchange and understanding of RA impacts between participating farmers and researchers, and multiple stakeholders of farmers´ social networks. Occurrence of social learning was assessed by covering its social-cognitive (perceptions) and social-relational (social networks) dimensions. This chapter discusses the potential of PM&E to foster adoption and out-scaling of sustainable land management and farming innovations like RA by promoting the generation of information fluxes between farmers and researchers participating in PM&E and the agricultural community of which they form part. To assess changes in farmers´ perceptions and shared fluxes of information on RA before starting the PM&E and after three years of research, we applied fuzzy cognitive mapping and social network analysis as graphical semi-quantitative methods. Our results showed that PM&E enabled social learning amongst participating farmers who strengthened and enlarged their social networks on information sharing, and presented a more complex and broader common understanding of regenerative agriculture impacts and benefits. This supports the idea that PM&E thereby creates crucial preconditions for the adoption and out-scaling of RA. This study was one of the first studies in the field of natural resource management and innovation adoption proving that social learning occurred by providing evidence of both the social-cognitive and social-relational dimension. Our findings are relevant for the design of PM&E processes, agroecosystem Living Labs, and landscape restoration initiatives that aim to support farmers´ adoption and out-scaling of contextualized farming innovations and sustainable land management. We concluded that PM&E where the democratic involvement of participants is the bedrock of the whole research process and the needs and concerns of the farming community are taken as the basis for collaborative research represents a great opportunity to generate inclusive, engaging, efficient, and sound restoration processes and transitions towards sustainable and resilient agroecosystems. ; ES] El avanzado estado de degradación de la tierra que afecta a más de 3.200 millones de personas en todo el mundo ha suscitado una gran preocupación internacional con respecto a la sostenibilidad de los sistemas socio-ecológicos, instando a la adopción a gran escala de manejos sostenibles de la tierra, adaptados a los diferentes contextos. El modelo agrícola industrial es uno de los principales causantes de la degradación de la tierra debido a la promoción de prácticas agrícolas insostenibles que deterioran la calidad de los suelos, comprometiendo su capacidad de funcionamiento y de prestación de servicios ecosistémicos. Las consecuencias derivadas de la degradación de la tierra son especialmente devastadoras en regiones semiáridas propensas a procesos de desertificación, donde la escasez y la irregularidad de las lluvias intensifican la degradación de los recursos naturales y el riesgo de malas cosechas, comprometiendo la sostenibilidad de estas regiones a largo plazo. Recientemente, la agricultura regenerativa (AR) ha ganado un reconocimiento cada vez mayor como solución plausible para restaurar agroecosistemas degradados de todo el mundo. La AR es un enfoque agrícola que se prevé puede revertir la degradación de la tierra, aumentar la biodiversidad, incrementar la producción y mejorar la prestación de múltiples servicios ecosistémicos mediante el seguimiento de una serie de principios y prácticas de restauración de calidad del suelo. A pesar de los prometedores beneficios de la AR, este enfoque agrícola ha sido adoptado de forma muy limitada en regiones semiáridas. Las principales razones que explican su limitada adopción son: la escasez de datos empíricos que demuestran su efectividad, la información contradictoria que ofrecen dichos datos, los enfoques verticales (top-down), la falta de inclusión, participación y toma de decisiones de las agricultoras/es en los proyectos de restauración de agroecosistemas, y la generalmente lenta respuesta de los suelos en regiones semiáridas a los cambios de manejo, lo que puede retrasar la aparición de resultados visibles y desalentar a agricultoras y agricultores a adoptar la AR. En el altiplano estepario del sureste español se inició en 2015 un proceso de restauración de ecosistemas a gran escala mediante la adopción de la AR. El altiplano estepario es una de las regiones europeas más afectadas por procesos de degradación y desertificación de la tierra, y representa una de las mayores extensiones del mundo de producción de almendras ecológicas en secano. En 2015, agricultoras y agricultores locales crearon la asociación agroecológica AlVelAl con el apoyo de la Fundación Commonland, empresas, gobiernos regionales e instituciones de investigación, y comenzaron a aplicar AR en sus fincas. Su objetivo es restaurar grandes extensiones de tierras degradadas, mejorar la productividad y la biodiversidad, aumentar la resiliencia de sus agroecosistemas al cambio climático, generar oportunidades de empleo y mejorar la cohesión social en la región en el plazo de 20 años, siguiendo el enfoque de 4 retornos de la Fundación Commonland. Sin embargo, la escasez de datos e información que respalden la efectividad de la AR, junto con la falta de ejemplos de referencia en la región y la lentitud con la que los procesos de restauración ecológica suelen ocurrir en regiones semiáridas, fueron considerados grandes obstáculos para promover la adopción de la AR en la región. ; Para abordar de manera efectiva la falta de conocimiento sobre los impactos de la AR y apoyar a la comunidad agrícola a mejorar y acelerar su adopción, son necesarios enfoques de investigación horizontales que fomenten la creación de comunidades de aprendizaje entre agricultoras/es e investigadoras/es, aunando el conocimiento local y científico para mejorar el conocimiento sobre la AR. Esta tesis presenta una investigación de monitorización y evaluación participativa (MEP) donde aplicamos una combinación de métodos sociales y ecológicos para evaluar el potencial de esta metodología de investigación en la mejora del intercambio de conocimientos entre agricultoras/es e investigadoras/es sobre la AR en el contexto del altiplano estepario. El objetivo de esta tesis es doble: por un lado, mejorar el conocimiento de los impactos de la AR y, por otro lado, evaluar la contribución de la MEP en facilitar procesos de aprendizaje social, contribuyendo a una mejor adaptación y adopción a largo plazo de la AR en el altiplano estepario en particular, y en regiones semiáridas en general. Combinar el conocimiento científico y local se vuelve un imperativo en procesos de MEP para mejorar la adopción de innovaciones agrícolas, siendo especialmente relevante en regiones semiáridas que típicamente responden lento a cambios de manejo, lo que suele dar lugar a bajas tasas de adopción de dichas innovaciones. Para ello es necesario generar sistemas de monitorización de calidad del suelo y sostenibilidad de los agroecosistemas que integren el conocimiento de agricultoras/es e investigadoras/es, y estén adaptados al contexto donde se aplican las innovaciones. ; Para facilitar la MEP de los impactos de manejos sostenibles e innovaciones agrícolas como la AR, el Capítulo 2 presenta un marco metodológico que guía la identificación y selección de indicadores técnicos y locales de calidad del suelo, conformando un sistema de monitorización para la evaluación participativa de la AR por parte de investigadoras/es y agricultoras/es. El marco metodológico incluye el desarrollo de una herramienta para la evaluación visual del suelo integrando indicadores locales de calidad de suelo para el monitoreo por parte de las agricultoras/es. El marco metodológico consta de 7 fases e incluye: Fase 1) Definición de objetivos de investigación y monitorización; Fase 2) Identificación, selección y priorización de Indicadores Técnicos de Calidad del Suelo (TISQ); Fase 3) Identificación, selección y priorización de Indicadores Locales de Calidad del Suelo (LISQ); Fase 4) Desarrollo de una herramienta de evaluación visual del suelo integrando LISQ; Fase 5) Puesta en práctica y validación de la herramienta de evaluación visual del suelo; Fase 6) Monitorización y evaluación de los impactos de los manejos implementados por parte de investigadoras/es y agricultoras/es, usando los TISQ y la herramienta de evaluación visual del suelo respectivamente y; Fase 7) Intercambio de los resultados de monitorización entre las participantes y evaluación conjunta de los impactos. Para facilitar la MEP de la AR en el altiplano estepario, se desarrolló este marco metodológico y fueron aplicadas las fases 1 a 5 a través de una serie de metodologías participativas que incluyeron una primera reunión con los miembros de la junta directiva de la asociación AlVelAl para la definición conjunta de objetivos de investigación, visitas a las fincas de las agricultoras/es participantes, el desarrollo de talleres participativos, y la realización de entrevistas formales e informales, entre otras. Las investigadoras/es participantes en la MEP identificaron, seleccionaron y priorizaron indicadores técnicos de calidad del suelo a través de una extensa revisión de literatura científica y la consulta ad-hoc a expertas/os con experiencia en monitorización y evaluación de calidad de suelos. Las agricultoras/es participantes identificaron, seleccionaron, priorizaron y validaron indicadores locales de calidad del suelo en dos talleres participativos. La herramienta de evaluación visual del suelo desarrollada conjuntamente, que denominamos Cuaderno de Campo, fue puesta en práctica y validada durante el segundo taller participativo. Los indicadores locales de calidad de suelo seleccionados por las agricultoras/es se enfocaron principalmente en la evaluación de servicios ecosistémicos de apoyo, regulación y abastecimiento, e incluyeron indicadores de regulación hidrológica, control de la erosión, fertilidad del suelo y rendimiento de los cultivos. Los indicadores técnicos de calidad del suelo seleccionados por las investigadoras/es se consistieron en propiedades fisicoquímicas y biológicas del suelo, incluyendo los indicadores: estabilidad de agregados, nutrientes del suelo, biomasa y actividad microbiana, y nutrientes foliares, y cubriendo importantes servicios ecosistémicos de apoyo. La información complementaria generada al combinar indicadores locales y técnicos de calidad de suelo permite ampliar la cobertura, viabilidad y efectividad en la MEP de los impactos de la AR, en comparación con usar de manera individual indicadores técnicos o indicadores locales. El marco metodológico desarrollado en este capítulo facilitó la identificación y selección de indicadores locales y técnicos de calidad del suelo para generar sistemas de monitorización y herramientas de evaluación visual de suelo relevantes y adaptadas a los contextos locales, lo que permite mejorar el intercambio de conocimientos y el aprendizaje mutuo entre agricultoras/es e investigadoras/es para apoyar la implementación de la AR y optimizar la provisión de servicios ecosistémicos. ; La implementación de la AR por parte de agricultoras/es generalmente ocurre de forma gradual debido a limitaciones socioeconómicas, informacionales, ambientales y políticas. Por ello, la adopción de la AR por parte de agricultoras/ es, se traduce en diferentes combinaciones de prácticas regenerativas y diversidad de manejos determinados por factores socioeconómicos, las capacidades de las agricultoras/es, las condiciones ambientales, y los resultados de restauración que se esperan conseguir. Para ayudar al diseño, adopción e implementación de las prácticas de AR más efectivas para optimizar la restauración de agroecosistemas degradados en ambientes semiáridos, el Capítulo 3 presenta la evaluación de los impactos de diferentes combinaciones de prácticas regenerativas implementadas por las agricultoras/es participantes en la MEP usando los indicadores técnicos de calidad de suelo y de rendimiento del cultivo previamente seleccionados. Este capítulo corresponde a la aplicación de la fase 6 del marco metodológico desarrollado en el capítulo 2. Este capítulo presenta la evaluación de impactos de la AR realizada durante dos años en 9 fincas, donde fueron seleccionados, junto con las agricultoras/es participantes, un campo con manejo regenerativo y un campo cercano con manejo convencional bajo laboreo frecuente (CT). Los campos bajo manejo regenerativo fueron agrupados en base a las prácticas de AR aplicadas, y se diferenciaron 4 tipos de tratamientos regenerativos: 1) laboreo reducido con abono verde (GM), 2) laboreo reducido con enmiendas orgánicas (OA), 3) laboreo reducido con abono verde y enmiendas orgánicas (GM&OA), y 4) no laboreo con cubiertas naturales permanentes y enmiendas orgánicas (NT&OA). Se evaluaron los impactos de la AR con respecto al manejo agrícola convencional comparando las propiedades físicas (densidad aparente y estabilidad agregada), químicas (pH, salinidad, N, P, K total, P disponible y cationes intercambiables) y biológicas (SOC, POC, PON, actividad microbiana) de la calidad del suelo y el estado nutricional de los almendros (N, P y K foliares). Nuestros resultados mostraron que el tratamiento GM mejoró las propiedades físicas del suelo, presentando una mayor estabilidad de agregados. Encontramos que el tratamiento OA mejoró la mayoría de las propiedades químicas y biológicas del suelo, mostrando mayores contenidos de SOC, POC, PON, N, K, P total, P disponible, cationes intercambiables y actividad microbiana. Los tratamientos regenerativos que combinaron cubiertas naturales o abonos verdes con enmiendas orgánicas (GM&OA y NT&OA) exhibieron una mayor restauración general de la calidad del suelo en comparación con los tratamientos con prácticas individuales (GM y OA). El tratamiento NT&OA destacó por presentar las mayores mejorías en la restauración de la calidad del suelo comparado con el manejo convencional. Todos los tratamientos regenerativos mantuvieron un estado nutricional de los almendros similar al manejo convencional. Concluimos que la AR tiene un gran potencial para restaurar la calidad física, química y biológica de los suelos en agroecosistemas de leñosos en el semiárido Mediterráneo sin comprometer el estado nutricional de los cultivos. Es de esperar que los manejos que incluyen múltiples prácticas regenerativas sean más efectivos en la restauración de la calidad del suelo que los manejos con prácticas regenerativas individuales. ; Paralelamente a la evaluación de los impactos de la AR por parte de las investigadoras/es, las agricultoras/es evaluaron los impactos de la AR en sus fincas, utilizando la herramienta de evaluación visual del suelo (Cuaderno de campo), desarrollada conjuntamente en los talleres participativos. El Capítulo 4 presenta los resultados de la evaluación de los impactos de la AR por parte de las agricultoras/es. También presenta las observaciones y la evaluación por parte las/los agricultores, realizadas en el tercer año desde el inicio de la MEP, sobre el proceso de evaluación visual del suelo usando el Cuaderno de Campo, así como sobre el impacto de la MEP en facilitar procesos de participación y aprendizaje en las agricultoras/es participantes. Este capítulo corresponde a la aplicación de las fases 6 y 7 del marco metodológico desarrollado en el Capítulo 2. La monitorización por parte las agricultoras/es mostró que la AR tiene potencial para restaurar agroecosistemas degradados en el semiárido Mediterráneo, aunque las mejoras observadas sobre la calidad del suelo fueron relativamente pequeñas con respecto al manejo convencional, siendo necesario más tiempo y mayores esfuerzos para alcanzar los objetivos de restauración deseados. Las pequeñas mejoras en la calidad del suelo documentadas por las agricultoras/es fueron complementarias a los hallazgos obtenidos por las investigadoras/es usando indicadores técnicos de calidad de suelo. Las agricultoras/es destacaron la MEP como un proceso de aprendizaje que les ayudó a ver sus suelos y sus esfuerzos de restauración de manera diferente, y que facilitó la creación de relaciones de apoyo y el desarrollo de habilidades en ellas/os, los cuales son requisitos fundamentales para fomentar la eficiencia y la adopción de innovaciones agrícolas. Las agricultoras/es confirmaron que la generación de espacios que favorecen el intercambio de conocimientos entre agricultoras/ es, así como las experiencias agrícolas en finca (in situ), son un factor clave para fomentar la experimentación y adopción de innovaciones agrícolas por parte de la comunidad agrícola. Además, las observaciones realizadas por las participantes revelaron la necesidad de involucrar activamente a las agricultoras/es en todas las fases de diseño y toma de decisiones en el desarrollo de herramientas de evaluación visual del suelo con el fin de generar herramientas que satisfagan sus necesidades. Junto con ello, se dedujo que el apoyo del equipo investigador a las agricultoras/ es en las primeras implementaciones de dichas herramientas puede contribuir a mejorar su adopción, facilitando que las usuarias/os consigan los objetivos de restauración deseados. Asimismo, la evaluación del Cuaderno de Campo por parte de las agricultoras/es indicó la necesidad de reforzar la utilidad multipropósito y los beneficios potenciales de registrar de forma sistematizada y colectiva los progresos de restauración, con el fin de aumentar la adopción de estas herramientas por parte de las usuarias/os a las que van dirigidas. La evaluación de la MEP por parte de las agricultoras/es refuerza la importancia de desarrollar comunidades de aprendizaje entre agricultoras/es e investigadoras/es que proporcionen una plataforma para el intercambio de experiencias y de apoyo en el proceso de investigación, lo cual es considerado un factor crucial para favorecer el aprendizaje social y apoyar la adopción de innovaciones agrícolas a largo plazo. Este capítulo concluyó que el éxito de las investigaciones enfocadas a la restauración de agroecosistemas puede incrementar mediante la integración de fases iterativas en las que agricultoras/ es puedan evaluar y ajustar las actividades y los resultados de investigación. Los procesos de MEP, que contribuyen a mejorar el capital social, el aprendizaje social y a generar una mayor comprensión de los esfuerzos de restauración, tienen tanto valor como los propios resultados de restauración sobre el terreno. ; El aprendizaje social es considerado un prerrequisito crucial para la adopción de manejos sostenibles e innovaciones agrícolas adaptados a los diferentes contextos. El objetivo principal de desarrollar una investigación de MEP involucrando a investigadoras/es y agricultoras/es en el altiplano estepario fue permitir el aprendizaje social para lograr una mejor comprensión de los impactos de la AR y así mejorar su adopción. Aunque existen cada vez más investigaciones científicas que afirman que los procesos participativos fomentan el aprendizaje social, este concepto ha sido definido de forma muy diversa, ha sido rara vez evaluado, y ha sido abordado de manera parcial sin cubrir su dimensión cognitiva y su dimensión relacional. Establecer que un proceso participativo ha favorecido el aprendizaje social, implica demostrar que se ha generado una adquisición de conocimientos y que se ha producido un cambio en las percepciones, a nivel individual y a nivel colectivo, de las personas implicadas en el proceso, y que este cambio de percepciones ha sido generado gracias al establecimiento de relaciones sociales, de intercambio de información y experiencias. El Capítulo 5 evalúa cómo la MEP de la AR en el altiplano estepario favoreció el aprendizaje social en las agricultoras/es participantes, mejorando la comprensión de los impactos de la AR al aumentar de manera efectiva el intercambio de conocimientos entre ellas/os, con las investigadoras/es participantes, y con otras personas que forman parte de sus redes sociales. Este capítulo presenta resultados necesarios para probar si la MEP de la AR favoreció el aprendizaje social en las agriculturas/es participantes, evaluando tanto la dimensión social-cognitiva (percepciones) como la dimensión social-relacional (redes sociales) del aprendizaje social. Además, en este capítulo se discute el potencial de la MEP para favorecer la adopción de manejos sostenibles e innovaciones agrícolas a gran escala gracias a fomentar la generación de flujos de información entre las agricultoras/es participantes y la comunidad agrícola de la que forman parte. Utilizamos el mapeo cognitivo difuso (fuzzy cognitive mapping) y el análisis de redes sociales como métodos gráficos semi-cuantitativos para evaluar los cambios de percepciones y de flujos de información compartidos por las agricultoras/ es sobre la AR, antes de empezar la MEP y después de transcurridos tres años de investigación. Nuestros resultados mostraron que la MEP favoreció el aprendizaje social en las agricultoras/es participantes, quienes fortalecieron y ampliaron sus redes sociales de intercambio de información sobre AR, presentando un conocimiento más complejo, común y amplio de los impactos y beneficios de la AR. De esto modo, se demostró que la MEP genera prerrequisitos cruciales para mejorar la adopción de la AR. Este estudio fue uno de los primeros en el ámbito del manejo sostenible de recursos naturales e innovaciones agrícolas que demuestra empíricamente el favorecimiento del aprendizaje social a través de procesos de investigación participativa, proporcionando evidencias tanto en su dimensión social-cognitiva como en su dimensión social-relacional. Nuestros hallazgos tienen una gran relevancia para el diseño de procesos de MEP, como pueden ser los living labs y otras iniciativas de restauración de ecosistemas, que tengan como objetivo apoyar, fortalecer y fomentar la adopción por parte de las comunidades agrícolas de manejos sostenibles e innovaciones agrícolas adaptadas a los diferentes contextos. Las investigaciones de MEP, donde la participación democrática de las/ os participantes y las necesidades de las comunidades agrícolas son consideradas centrales en el proceso de investigación, representan una gran oportunidad para generar procesos inclusivos, atractivos, eficientes y transiciones sólidas hacia agroecosistemas sostenibles y resilientes a largo plazo. ; This research was conducted within the PhD program "Natural Resources and Sustainable Management" in the research team on Agroecology, Food Sovereignty and Commons of the University of Córdoba (Spain), and the Soil and Water Conservation Research Group of the Centre for Applied Soil Science and Biology of the Segura, of the Spanish National Research Council (CEBAS-CSIC), and supported by a PhD fellowship of La Caixa Foundation (ID100010434) (LCF/BQ/ES17/11600008) Chapter 4 - This work was supported by "la Caixa" Foundation (ID100010434) through a PhD fellowship to RLS (LCF/BQ/ES17/11600008), and by the projects DECADE (Séneca Foundation, 20917/PI/18), and XTREME (Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation PID2019-109381RB-I00/AEI/10.13039/501100011033). Chapter 5 - This work was supported by "la Caixa" Foundation (ID100010434) through a PhD fellowship to RLS (LCF/BQ/ES17/11600008), and by the projects DECADE (Seneca Foundation, 20917/PI/18), XTREME (Ministry of Science and Innovation PID2019-109381RB-I00/AEI/10.13039/501100011033) and COASTAL (EU H2020 grant agreement N° 773782). For the Portuguese co-authors, this work was partially funded by National Funds through FCT - Foundation for Science and Technology under the Project UIDB/05183/2020. ; Chapter 2 - This chapter was published as: Luján Soto, R., Cuéllar Padilla, M., and de Vente, J. 2020. Participatory selection of soil quality indicators for monitoring the impacts of regenerative agriculture on ecosystem services. Ecosystem Services, 45, 101157. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ecoser.2020.101157Chapter 3 - This chapter was published as: Luján Soto, R., Martínez-Mena, M., Cuéllar Padilla, M., and de Vente, J. 2021. Restoring soil quality of woody agroecosystems in Mediterranean drylands through regenerative agriculture. Agriculture, Ecosystems & Environment, 306, 107191. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.agee.2020.107191Chapter 4 - This chapter is a preprint version adapted from: Luján Soto, R., de Vente, J., and Cuéllar Padilla, M. 2021. Learning from farmers´ experiences with participatory monitoring and evaluation of regenerative agriculture based on visual soil assessment. Journal of Rural Studies (in review)Chapter 5 - This chapter is adapted and published as: Luján Soto, R., Cuéllar Padilla, M., Rivera Méndez, M., PintoCorreia, T., Boix-Fayos, C., and de Vente, J. 2021. Participatory monitoring and evaluation of regenerative agriculture to enable social learning, adoption and out-scaling. Ecology & Society. ; Peer reviewed
The Country Partnership Framework (CPF) will succeed the Myanmar interim strategy note (FY13-14) and be the first full country strategy for Myanmar since 1984. This CPF comes at a time of great opportunity for Myanmar; over the three year period covered in this CPF, the reforms initiated in 2011 have the potential to bring Myanmar into a new era of peace and prosperity. Myanmar s history, ethnic diversity, and geography combine into a unique set of development challenges and opportunities, including (i) emergence from a long period of international isolation; (ii) widespread poverty, despite rich land, water, and mineral resource endowments; (iii) a strategic location in the fastest-growing region in the world; (iv) the role of the military and associated groups in the economy; and (v) long standing armed conflict and ethnic and religious tensions. Myanmar is on a path of fundamental transformation, seeking to address all these challenges and opportunities simultaneously. Along with unique opportunities, the CPF supported program will also face substantial risks. Political risks associated with the elections in late 2015 include a polarization among stakeholders, policy discontinuity, and a slow-down of reforms. The national peace process to resolve decades-old conflicts remains fragile. On the economic front, risks include vulnerability to volatile oil and gas prices, spending pressures, an underdeveloped financial sector, and a weak regulatory framework, while overall capacity constraints may limit the country s ability to effectively manage macro-financial shocks. The design of the WBG program will help manage and mitigate these risks, and the WBG will regularly review risks and opportunities and adapt the CPF during implementation as warranted. A performance and learning review planned for late FY16 will facilitate the adaptation of the WBG program to country developments as needed.
Cattle are one of the main instruments for economic (e.g., milk, meat, and cattle sale) and social (e.g., marriage, death, dispute settlement, and gift giving) exchange in Uganda. They serve as the main source of livelihood for a large majority of rural Ugandans, especially in the cattle corridor. Recent statistics demonstrate that the livestock sector contributes 13.1 percent of the agricultural gross domestic product (GDP) and 5 percent of the national GDP. Since 1991, the output of the livestock sector has grown on an average of 2.2 percent per annum, with most of the growth coming from the dairy sector. Dairy is an important and growing sector of Uganda's economy, and it is increasingly proving to be a lucrative livelihood option for a large number of households engaged in milk production and trade. Frequent realization of risks, however, impacts the performance of the supply chain. Effective management of these risks will require increased efforts to mitigate the identified risks and strengthen coping mechanisms. However, rather than a stand-alone risk management strategy, these efforts should be an integral component of a broader dairy development policy and strategy.
The objectives of the Costing Adaptation through Local Institutions (CALI) study were (a) to identify the costs of adaptation through local institutions, and (b) to investigate which institutions help households adapt to climate variability, which efforts and costs are needed to realize the adaptation options, and how they facilitate adaptation to climate variability. The study was carried out in Ethiopia, Mali, and Yemen. This report discusses the results for Yemen. In Yemen, village surveys were conducted in six villages and two expert workshops were organized to discuss the main framework of the study and to evaluate the draft results. The study assessed household vulnerability, analyzed the strategies households adopt to reduce the impacts of climate hazards, and evaluated the assistance households receive from different institutions. The analysis was based on household surveys, focus group discussions, and institutional stakeholder interviews. Vulnerability profiles, developed on the basis of field survey results, show that household vulnerability differs substantially between and within villages. The results show that the vulnerability and agro ecological potential in Yemen are related to rainfall, which is related to altitude. This study is a reflection of the insights that (a) poor, rural households are facing most of the climate variability- related hazards; (b) adaptation also has socioeconomic aspects; (c) understanding local adaptation processes is important for informing macro-policies; and (d) for prioritizing future adaptation, it is crucial to analyze historical adaptation strategies. The study involves an assessment of the adaptation options rural household pursue. The study also considers the differential access of various vulnerability groups, as well as the drivers for adopting particular strategies or constraints for not adopting other strategies. For this, households and institutional stakeholders were interviewed in six villages in Yemen, focus group discussions were organized, and experts were consulted.
A major problem in the transition countries of Europe and Central Asia (ECA) during the transition was the breakdown of the relationships of farms with input suppliers and output markets. The simultaneous privatization and restructuring of the farms and of the up- and downstream companies in the agrifood chain has caused major disruptions. The result is that many farms and rural households face serious constraints in accessing essential inputs (feed, fertilizer, seeds, capital, etc.) and in selling their products. The problems are worsened by the lack of public institutions necessary to support market-based transactions, such as for enforcing property rights and contractual agreements. The objective of the study is to analyze Vertical Coordination (VC) in agrifood supply chains in ECA and to identify options for improved policies, institutions, and investments which Governments could make, and which the World Bank could support, in order to improve links in the agricultural marketing and processing chain and increase access of farmers to input and output markets. This is especially important in those countries where contractual arrangements are slow to develop. It is also important if farmers are to be lifted out of subsistence farming and into a modern agrifood economy.
The Country Environmental Analysis (CEA) for Timor-Leste identifies environmental priorities through a systematic review of environmental issues in natural resources management and environmental health in the context of the country's economic development and environmental institutions. Lack of data has been the main limitation in presenting a more rigorous analysis. Nevertheless, the report builds on the best available secondary data, presents new data on the country's wealth composition, and derives new results on the costs of water and air pollution. The CEA calls for urgent attention to gaps in the environmental management framework, the lack of capacity to implement the few regulations in place, and the high cost of indoor air pollution and poor water, sanitation, and hygiene. Timor-Leste is a young country that regained independence in 2002, and it has emerged from a bitter past burdened by colonialism and violent conflicts. It is still a fragile state facing enormous challenges. The report also points out the lack of clean water, appropriate sanitation, and hygiene as an environmental priority. The CEA estimates that this imposes an economic cost of about $17 million per year by way of illness and premature death. The CEA also looks at outdoor air pollution and at natural resource management for land, forestry, and coastal and marine resources. Outdoor air pollution is not a serious problem for the time being, but it could become so in the long run if the economy grows rapidly, urbanization continues, heavy industry emerges, and motorization increases rapidly. This underlines the need for good forward territorial and development planning. In conclusion, much good work has already been done to enhance the quality of the environment in Timor-Leste. Efforts are under way to improve the data base for environmental management.
1. Introduction Biodiesel (BD) is a liquid biofuel that is defined as a fatty acid methyl ester fulfilling standards such as the ones set by European (EN 14214) and the American (ASTM 6751) regulations. BD is obtained by the transesterification (Scheme 1.1) or alcoholysis of natural triglycerides contained in vegetable oils, animal fats, waste fats and greases, waste cooking oils (WCO) or side-stream products of refined edible oil production with short-chain alcohols, usually methanol or ethanol and using an alkaline homogeneous catalyst (Perego and Ricci, 2012). Scheme 1.1. Transesterification reaction. BD presents several advantages over petroleum-based diesel such as: biodegradability, lower particulate and common air pollutants (CO, SOx emissions, unburned hydrocarbons) emissions, absence of aromatics and a closed CO2 cycle. Refined, low acidity oilseeds (e.g. those derived from sunflower, soy, rapeseed, etc.) may be easily converted into BD, but their exploitation significantly raises the production costs, resulting in a biofuel that is uncompetitive with the petroleum-based diesel (Santori et al., 2012; Lotero et al., 2005). Moreover, the use of the aforementioned oils generated a hot debate about a possible food vs. fuel conflict, i.e. about the risk of diverting farmland or crops at the expense of food supply. It is so highly desirable to produce BD from crops specifically selected for their high productivity and low water requirements (Bianchi et al., 2011; Pirola et al., 2011), or from low-cost feedstock such as used frying oils (Boffito et al., 2012a) and animal fats (Bianchi et al., 2010). The value of these second generation biofuels, i.e. produced from crop and forest residues and from non-food energy crops, is acknowledged by the European Community, which states in its RED directive (European Union, RED Directive 2009/28/EC): ''For the purposes of demonstrating compliance with national renewable energy obligations […], the contribution made by biofuels produced from wastes, residues, non-food cellulosic material, and ligno-cellulosic material shall be considered to be twice that made by other biofuels''. However, the presence of free fatty acids in the feedstock, occurring in particular in the case of not refined oils, causes the formation of soaps as a consequence of the reaction with the alkaline catalyst. This hinders the contact between reagents and the catalyst and makes difficult the products separation. Many methods have been proposed to eliminate FFA during or prior to transesterification (Pirola et al., 2011; Santori et al., 2012). Among these the FFA pre-esterification method is a very interesting approach to lower the acidity since it allows to lower the acid value as well as to obtain methyl esters already in this preliminary step (Boffito et al., 2012a, 2012b; 2012c Bianchi et al., 2010, 2011; Pirola et al., 2010, 2011). Aims of the work The aims of this work are framed in the context of the entire biodiesel production chain, ranging from the choice of the raw material, through its standardization to the actual biodiesel production. The objectives can be therefore summarized as follows: Assessing the potential of some vegetable or waste oils for biodiesel production by their characterization, deacidification and final transformation into biodiesel; To test different ion exchange resins and sulphated inorganic systems as catalysts in the FFA esterification; To assess the use of ultrasound to assist the sol-gel synthesis of inorganic sulphated oxides to be used as catalysts in the FFA esterification reaction; To assess the use of sonochemical techniques such as ultrasound and microwave to promote both the FFA esterification and transesterification reaction. 2. Experimental details 2.1 Catalysts In this work, three kinds of acid ion exchange resins were used as catalysts for the FFA esterification: Amberlyst®15 (A15), Amberlyst®46 (A46) (Dow Chemical) and Purolite®D5081 (D5081). Their characteristic features are given in Tab. 2.1. Various sulphated inorganic catalysts, namely sulphated zirconia, sulphated zirconia+titania and sulphated tin oxide were synthesized using different techniques. Further details will be given as the results inherent to these catalysts will be presented. Catalyst A15 A46 D5081 Physical form opaque beads Type Macroreticular Matrix Styrene-DVB Cross-linking degree medium medium high Functional group -SO3H Functionalization internal external external external Form dry wet wet Surface area (m2 g-1) 53 75 514a Ave. Dp (Ǻ) 300 235 37a Total Vp (ccg-1) 0.40 0.15 0.47 Declared Acidity (meq H+g-1) 4.7 0.43 0.90-1.1 Measured acidity (meq H+g-1) 4.2 0.60 1.0 Moisture content (%wt) 1.6 26-36 55-59 Shipping weight (g l-1) 610 600 1310a Max. operating temp (K) 393 393 403 Tab. 2.1. Features of the ion exchange resins used as catalysts. The acidity of all the catalysts was determined by ion exchange followed by pH determination as described elsewhere (López et al., 2007; Boffito et al., 2012a; 2012b). Specific surface areas were determined by BET (Brunauer, Emmett and Teller, 1938) and pores sizes distribution with BJH method (Barrett, Joyner and Halenda, 1951). XRD, XPS SEM-EDX and HR-TEM analyses were performed in the case of catalysts obtained with the use of ultrasound (Boffito et al. 2012a). Qualitative analyses of Lewis and Brønsted acid sites by absorption of a basic probe followed by FTIR analyses was also carried out for this class of catalysts (Boffito et al, 2012a). 2.2 Characterization of the oils Oils were characterized for what concerns acidity (by acid-base titrations) as reported by Boffito et al. (2012a, 2012b; 2012c), iodine value (Hannus method (EN 14111:2003)), saponification value (ASTM D5558), peroxide value and composition by GC analyses of the methyl ester yielded by the esterification and transesterification. Cetane number and theoretical values of the same properties were determined using equations already reported elsewhere (Winayanuwattikun et al., 2008). 2.3 Esterification and transesterification reactions In Tab. 2.2, the conditions adopted in both the conventional and sonochemically-assisted esterification are reported. For all these experiments a temperature of 336 K was adopted. Vials were used to test the sulphated inorganic oxides, while Carberry reactor (confined catalyst) (Boffito et al., 201c) was used just for the FFA esterification of cooking oil. Rector oil (+ FFA) (g) MeOH (g) catalyst amount vial 21 3.4 5%wt/gFFA sulphated inorganic catalysts slurry 100 16 - 10 g ion exchange resins - 5%wt/gF FA sulphated inorganic catalysts Carberry 300 48 10 g (5 g in each basket) Tab. 2.2. Free fatty acids esterification reaction conditions for conventional and sonochemically-assisted experiments. All the sonochemically-assisted experiments were performed in a slurry reactor. FFA conversions were determined by acid-base titrations of oil samples withdrawn from the reactors at pre-established times and calculated as follows: "FFA conversion (%)=" (〖"FFA" 〗_"t=0" "-" 〖"FFA" 〗_"t" )/〖"FFA" 〗_"t=0" " x 100" In Tab. 2.3, the conditions of both the conventional and ultrasound (US)-assisted transesterification are reported. KOH and CH3ONa were used for conventional experiments, while just KOH for the US-assisted experiments. The BD yield was determined by GC (FID) analysis of the methyl esters. Method Reactor Step gMeOH/100 goil gKOH/100 goil Temp. (K) Time (min) traditional batch step 1 20 1.0 333 90 step 2 5.0 0.50 60 US-assisted batch step 1 20 1.0 313, 333 30 US-assisted continuos step 1 20 1.0 338 30 Tab. 2.3. Transesterification reaction conditions. 3. Results and Discussion 3.1 Characterization and deacidification of different oils by ion exchange resins: assessment of the potential for biodiesel production In Tab. 3.1 the results of the characterization of the oils utilized in this work are displayed. The value in parentheses indicate the theoretical value of the properties, calculated basing on the acidic composition. The acidity of all the oils exceeds 0.5%wt (~0.5 mgKOH/g), i.e. the acidity limit recommended by both the European normative (EN 14214) and American standard ASTM 6751 on biodiesel (BD). The iodine value (IV) is regulated by the EN 14214, which poses an upper limit of 120 gI2/100 g. The number of saturated fatty chains in the fuel determines its behaviour at low temperatures, influencing parameters such as the cloud point, the CFPP (cold filter plugging point) and the freezing point (Winayanuwattikun et al., 2008). The IV are in most of the cases similar to the ones calculated theoretically. When the experimental IV differs from the theoretical one, it is in most of the cases underestimated. This can be explained considering the peroxide numbers (PN), which indicates the concentration of O2 bound to the fatty alkyl chains and is therefore an index of the conservation state of oil. Oils with high IV usually have a high concentration of peroxides, whereas fats with low IV have a relatively low concentration of peroxides at the start of rancidity (King et al., 1933). Moreover, although PN is not specified in the current BD fuel standards, it may affect cetane number (CN), a parameter that is regulated by the standards concerning BD fuel. Increasing PN increases CN, altering the ignition delay time. Saponification number (SN) is an index of the number of the fatty alkyl chains that can be saponified. The long chain fatty acids have a low SN because they have a relatively fewer number of carboxylic functional groups per mass unit of fat compared to short chain fatty acids. In most of the cases the experimental SN are lower than the ones calculated theoretically. This can be explained always considering the PN, indicating a high concentration of oxygen bound to the fatty alkyl chains. Oil Acidity (%wt) IV1 (gI2/ 100 g) PN2 (meqO2 /kg) SN3 (mg KOH/g) CN4 Fatty acids composition (%wt) animal fat (lard)* 5.87 51 2.3 199 62.3 n.d. soybean* 5.24 138 3.8 201 42.4 n.d. tobacco1 1.68 143 (149) 21.9 199 (202) 41.6 (39.8) C14:0 (2.0) C16:0 (8.3) C18:0 (1.5) C18:1 (12.0) C18:2 (75.3) C18:3 (0.6) C20:0 (0.1) C22:0 (0.2) sunflower* 3.79 126 3.7 199 45.4 n.d. WSO5 0.50 118 (129) 71.3 187 (200) 48.9 (44.6) C16:0 (6.9) C18:0 (0.9) C18:1 (40.1) C18:2 (50.9) C18:3 (0,3) C20:0 (0.1) C20:1 (0.4) C22:0 (0.4) palm 2.71 54.0 (53.0) 12.3 201 (208) 61.3 (60.6) 16:0 (43.9) 18:0 (5.6) 18:1 (40.5) 18:2 (8.6) WCO6 2.10 53.9 (50.7) 11.0 212 (196) 59.9 (62.7) C16:0 (38.8) C18:0 (4.1) C18:1 (47.9) C18:2 (4.2) WCO:CRO =3:1 2.12 69.0 (75.5) 30.1 200 (212) 58.1 (55.1) C16:0 (30.1) C18:0 (3.1) C18:1 (51.9) C18:2 (12.0) C18:3 (2.%) C20:0 (0.2) C22:0 (0.1) WCO:CRO =1:1 2.19 76.8 (90.7) 51.3 188 (203) 58.1 (52.8) C16:0 (21.5) C18:0 (2.1) C18:1 (55.8) C18:2 (14.7) C18:3 (5.1) C20:0 (0.8) C22:0 (0.1) WCO:CRO =1:3 2.24 84.5 (104) 62.4 177 (202) 58.1 (49.9) 14:0 (0.1) 16:0 (14.7) 16:1 (0.7) 18:0 (6.85) 18:1 (40.0) 18:2 (37.0) 18:3 (0.25) 20:0 (0.25) 22:0 (0.15) rapeseed (CRO7) 2.20 118 (123) 71.6 165 (200) 52.8 (45.9) C16:0 (4.1) C18:0 (0.1) C18:1 (63.7) C18:2 (20.2) C18:3 (10.2) C20:0 (1.5) C22:0 (0.2) rapeseed* 4.17-5.12 108 (107) 3.5 203 (200) 48.9 (49.5) C16:0 (7.6) C18:0 (1.3) C18:1 (64.5) C18:2 (23.7) C18:3 (2.4) C20:0 (0.5) Brassica juncea 0.74 109 (110) 178 (185) 52.4 (51.1) C16:0 (2.4) C18:0 (1.1) C18:1 (19.9) C18:2 (19.2) C18:3 (10.9) C20:0 (7.2) C20:1 (1.7) C22:0 (0.9) C22:1 (34.8) 24:0 (1.9) safflower 1.75 139 48.9 170 47.1 n.d. WCO: tobacco2 =1:1 4.34 119 (112) 56.0 191 (203) 48.1 (48.0) C16:0 (22.5) C18:0 (3.2) C18:1 (32.0) C18:2 (42.1) C18:3 (0.2) tobacco2 6.17 141 (151) 33.4 183 (201) 44.4 (39.5) C16:0 (8.7) C18:0 (1.6) C18:1 (12.8) C18:2 (76.0) C18:3 (0.7) C20:0 (0.1) C22:0 (0.1) 1Iodine value; 2Peroxide number; 3Saponification number; 4Cetane number; 5Winterized sunflower oil, 6Waste cooking oil; 7Crude rapeseed oil; * refined, commercial oils acidified with pure oleic acid up to the indicated value. Tab. 3.1. Results of the characterization of the oils. The results of the FFA esterification performed on the different oils are given in Fig. 3.1. Fig. 3.1. Results of the FFA esterification reaction on different oils. The dotted line represents a FFA concentration equal to 0.5%wt, i.e. the limit required by both the European and American directives on BD fuel and to perform the transesterification reaction avoiding excessive soaps formation. The FFA esterification method is able to lower the acidity of most of the oils using the ion exchange resins A46 and D5081 as catalysts in the adopted reaction conditions. High conversion was obtained with A15 at the first use of the catalyst, but then its catalytic activity drastically drops after each cycle. The total loss of activity was estimated to be around 30% within the 5 cycles (results not shown for the sake of brevity). A possible explanation concerning this loss of activity may be related to the adsorption of the H2O yielded by the esterification on the internal active sites, which makes them unavailable for catalysis. When H2O molecules are formed inside the pores, they are unable to give internal retro-diffusion due to their strong interaction with H+ sites and form an aqueous phase inside the pores. The formation of this phase prevents FFA from reaching internal active sites due to repulsive effects. What appears to influence the FFA conversion is the refinement degree of the oil. WCO is in fact harder to process in comparison to refined oils (Bianchi et al., 2010; Boffito et al., 2012c), probably due to its higher viscosity which results in limitations to the mass transfer of the reagents towards the catalyst. Indeed, the required acidity limit is not achieved within 6 hours of reaction. A FFA concentration lower than 0.5%wt is not achieved also in the case of WCO mixture 3:1 with CRO and 1:1 with tobacco oil and in the case of the second stock of tobacco oil (tobacco2). This is attributable to the very low quality of these feedstocks due to the waste nature of the oil itself, in the case of WCO, or to the poor conservation conditions in the case of tobacco oilseed. In this latter case, the low FFA conversion was also ascribed to the presence of phospholipids, responsible for the deactivation of the catalyst. BD yields ranging from 90.0 to 95.0 and from 95.0 to 99.9% were obtained from deacidified raw oils using KOH and NaOCH3 as a catalyst, respectively. In Fig. 3.2, the comparison between A46 and D5081 at different temperatures and in absence of drying pretreatment (wet catalyst) is displayed. As expected, D5081 performs better than A46 in all the adopted conditions. Nevertheless, the maximum conversion within a reaction time of 6 hours is not achieved by any of the catalysts both operating at 318 K and in the absence of drying pretreatment. A more detailed study on the FFA esterification of WCO and its blends with rapeseed oil and gasoline was carried out. In Tab. 3.2 a list of all the experiments performed with WCO is reported together with the FFA conversion achieved in each case, while in Fig. 3.3 the influence of the viscosity of the blends of WCO is shown. Fig. 3.2. Comparison between the catalysts. D5081 and A46 at a) different catalysts amounts and b) temperatures and treatments. The results show that Carberry reactor is unsuitable for FFA esterification since a good contact between reagents and catalyst is not achieved due to its confinement. A15 deactivated very rapidly, while A46 and D5081 maintained their excellent performance during all the cycles of use due to the reasons already highlighted previously. The blends of WCO and CRO show an increase of the reaction rate proportional to the content of the CRO, that is attributable to the decreases viscosity (Fig. 3.3), being all the blend characterized by the same initial acidity. Also the use of diesel as a solvent resulted in a beneficial effect for the FFA esterification reaction, contributing to the higher reaction rate. Feedstock %wtFFAt=0 Reactor Cat. gcat/100 goil gcat/100 g feedstock Number of cat. re-uses FFA conv. (%), 1st use, 6 hr 1 WCO 2.10 Carberry A15 3.3 3.3 6 15.4 2 WCO 2.10 slurry A15 10 10 6 71.7 3 WCO 2.10 Carberry A46 3.3 3.3 6 7.7 4 WCO 2.10 slurry A46 10 10 6 62.0 5 WCO 2.10 slurry D5081 10 10 6 63.7 6 CRO 2.20 slurry A46 10 10 10 95.9 7 CRO 2.20 slurry D5081 10 10 10 93.7 8 WCO 2.10 slurry A46 10 10 0 62.0 9 WCO 75 CRO 25 2.12 7.5 71.3 10 WCO 50 CRO 50 2.19 5.0 79.9 11 WCO 25 CRO 75 2.24 2.5 86.1 12 CRO 2.20 10 95.9 13 WCO 75 DIESEL 25 1.74 7.5 76.8 14 WCO 50 DIESEL 50 1.17 5.0 58.7 15 WCO 25 DIESEL 75 0.65 2.5 40.4 16 WCO 25 DIESEL 75 (higher FFA input) 2.44 2.5 63.5 Tab. 3.2. Experiments performed with waste cooking oil. . Fig. 3.3. FFA conversions and viscosities of the blend of WCO with rapeseed oil. 3.2. Sulphated inorganic oxides as catalysts for the free fatty acid esterification: conventional and ultrasound assisted synthesis Conventional syntheses In Tab. 3.3, the list of all the catalyst synthesized with conventional techniques is reported together with the results of the characterization. Catalyst Composition Prep. method precursors T calc. SSA (m2g-1) Vp (cm3g-1) meq H+g-1 1 SZ1 SO42-/ZrO2 one-pot sol-gel ZTNP1, (NH4)2SO4 893 K O2 107 0.09 0.90 2a SZ2a SO42-/ZrO2 two-pots sol-gel ZTNP, H2SO4 893 K 102 0.10 0.11 2b SZ2b SO42-/ZrO2 two-pots sol-gel ZTNP, H2SO4 653 K 110 0.10 0.12 3 SZ3 SO42-/ZrO2 Physical mixing ZrOCl2.8H2O (NH4)2SO4 873 K 81 0.11 1.3 4 SZ4 Zr(SO4)2/SiO2 Impregnation Zr(SO4)2.4H2O SiO2 873 K 331 0.08 1.4 5 SZ5 Zr(SO4)2/Al2O3 Impregnation Zr(SO4)2.4H2O Al2O3 873 K 151 0.09 0.67 6 ZS Zr(SO4)2.4H2O (commercial) - - - 13 0.12 9.6 7 STTO_0 SO42-/SnO2 Physical mixing + impregnation SnO2 TiO2 P25 H2SO4 773 K 16.8 0.10 3.15 8 STTO_5 SO42-/95%SnO2-5%TiO2 773 K 15.9 0.11 3.43 9 STTO_10 SO42-/ 90%SnO2-10%TiO2 773 K 16.5 0.09 5.07 10 STTO_15 SO42-/ 85%SnO2-15%TiO2 773 K 14.9 0.11 7.13 11 STTO_20 SO42-/ 80%SnO2-20%TiO2 773 K 16.9 0.09 7.33 Tab. 3.3. Sulphated inorganic catalysts synthesized with conventional techniques. The FFA conversions of the sulphated Zr-based systems are provided in Fig. 3.4a and show that Zr-based sulphated systems do not provide a satisfactory performance in the FFA esterification, probably due to their low acid sites concentration related to their high SSA. Even if catalysts such as SZ3 and SZ4 exhibit higher acidity compared to other catalysts, it is essential that this acidity is located mainly on the catalyst surface to be effectively reached by the FFA molecules, as in the case of ZS. In Figure 3.4b, the results of the FFA esterification tests of the sulphated Sn-Ti systems are shown. Other conditions being equal, these catalysts perform better than the sulphated Zr-based systems just described. This is more likely due to the higher acidity along with a lower surface area. With increasing the TiO2 content, the acidity increases as well. This might be ascribable to the charge imbalance resulting from the heteroatoms linkage for the generation of acid centres, (Kataota and Dumesic, 1988). As a consequence, the activity increases with the TiO2 content along with the acidity of the samples. For the sake of clarity, in Fig. 3.4c the FFA esterification conversion is represented as a function of the number of active sites per unit of surface area of the samples. Ultrasound- assisted synthesis In Tab. 3.4, the list of all the catalyst synthesized with conventional techniques is reported together with the results of the characterization. Samples SZ and SZT refer to catalysts obtained with traditional sol-gel method, while samples termed USZT refer to US-obtained sulphated 80%ZrO2-20%TiO2. The name is followed by the US power, by the length of US pulses and by the molar ratio of water over precursors. For example, USZT_40_0.1_30 indicates a sample obtained with 40% of the maximum US power, on for 0.1 seconds (pulse length) and off for 0.9 seconds, using a water/ZTNP+TTIP molar ratio equal to 30. SZT was also calcined at 773 K for 6 hours, employing the same heating rate. This sample is reported as SZT_773_6h in entry 2a. Further details about the preparation can be found in a recent study (Boffito et al., 2012b). Entry Catalyst Acid capacity (meq H+/g) SSA (m2g-1) Vp (cm3g-1) Ave. BJH Dp (nm) Zr:Ti weight ratio S/(Zr+Ti) atomic ratio 1 SZ 0.30 107 0.20 6.0 100 0.090 2 SZT 0.79 152 0.19 5.0 79:21 0.085 2a SZT_773_6h 0.21 131 0.20 5.0 n.d.1 n.d 3 USZT_20_1_30 0.92 41.7 0.12 12.5 80:20 0.095 4 USZT_40_0.1_30 1.03 47.9 0.11 9.5 81:19 0.067 5 USZT_40_0.3_30 1.99 232 0.27 4.5 81:19 0.11 6 USZT_40_0.5_7.5 1.70 210 0.20 5.0 78:22 0.086 7 USZT_40_0.5_15 2.02 220 0.20 5.0 80:20 0.13 8 USZT_40_0.5_30 2.17 153 0.20 5.0 78:22 0.12 9 USZT_40_0.5_60 0.36 28.1 0.10 10 79:21 0.092 10 USZT_40_0.7_30 1.86 151 0.16 5.0 78:22 0.11 11 USZT_40_1_15 3.06 211 0.09 7.0 80:20 0.15 12 USZT_40_1_30 1.56 44.1 0.09 7.0 80:20 0.17 Tab. 3.4. Sulphated inorganic Zr-Ti systems synthesized with ultrasound-assisted sol-gel technique. Some of the results of the characterizations are displayed in Tab. 3.4. The results of the catalytic tests are shown in Fig. 3.5 a, b and c. In Fig. 3.5a and 3.5b the FFA conversions are reported for the samples synthesized using the same or different H2O/precursors ratio, respectively. Fig. 3.5. FFA conversions of sulphated inorganic Zr-Ti systems synthesized with ultrasound-assisted sol-gel for a) the same amount of H2O, b) different amount of H2O used in the sol-gel synthesis, c) in function of the meq of H+/g of catalyst Both the addition of TiO2 and the use of US during the synthesis are able to improve the properties of the catalysts and therefore the catalytic performance in the FFA esterification. The addition of TiO2 is able to increase the Brønsted acidity and, as a consequence, the catalytic activity (compare entries 1 and 2 in Tab. 3.4). The improvement in the properties of the catalysts due the use of US is probably caused by the effects generated by acoustic cavitation. Acoustic cavitation is the growth of bubble nuclei followed by the implosive collapse of bubbles in solution as a consequence of the applied sound field. This collapse generates transient hot-spots with local temperatures and pressures of several thousand K and hundreds of atmospheres, respectively (Sehgal et al., 1979). Very high speed jets (up to 100 m/s) are also formed. As documented by Suslick and Doktycz (Suslick and Doktycz, 1990), in the presence of an extended surface, such as the surface of a catalyst, the formation of the bubbles occurs at the liquid-solid interface and, as a consequence of their implosion, the high speed jets are directed towards the surface. The use of sonication in the synthesis of catalysts can therefore improve the nucleation production rate (i.e. sol-gel reaction production rate) and the production of surface defects and deformations with the formation of brittle powders (Suslick and Doktycz, 1990). For the samples obtained with the US pulses with on/off ratio from 0.3/0.7 on, the conversion does not increase much more compared to the one achieved with the sample obtained via traditional sol-gel synthesis. Their conversion is in fact comparable (see samples USZ_40_0.3_30, USZ_40_0.5_30, USZ_40_0.7_30 and SZT in Fig. 3.5a. The similarity in the catalytic performance of these catalysts may be ascribable to the fact that they are characterized by comparable values of SSA (entries 2, 5, 8, 10 in Tab. 3.4) and, in the case of the catalysts obtained with pulses, also by comparable acidities (entries 5, 8, 10 in Tab. 3.4). A high SSA may in fact be disadvantageous for the catalysis of the reaction here studied for the reasons already highlighted in the previous sections. The best catalytic performance is reached by the sample USZT_40_1_30, i.e. the one obtained using continuous US at higher power. This catalyst results in fact in a doubled catalytic activity with respect to the samples prepared either with the traditional synthesis or with the use of pulsed US. In spite the acidity of this catalyst is lower than that of the samples obtained with the US pulses, it is characterized by a rather low surface area (entry 12 in Tab. 3.4) that can be associated with a localization of the active sites mainly on its outer surface. As evidenced by the FTIR measurements (not reported for the sake of brevity), it is also important to highlight, that only in the case of the USZT_40_1_30 sample, a not negligible number of medium-strong Lewis acid sites is present at the surface, together with a high number of strong Brønsted acid centres. The XRD patterns of the samples were typical of amorphous systems, due to the low calcination temperatures. Samples calcined for a long time (SZT_773_6h) exhibit almost no catalytic activity (results not reported for the sake of brevity). This catalytic behaviour might be ascribable to the loss of part of the sulphates occurred during the calcinations step that result also in a very low acid capacity (see Tab. 3.4). For the sake of clarity, in Fig. 3.5c the FFA conversions as a function of the concentration of the acid sites normalized to the surface area are reported for the most significant samples. For what concerns how the water/precursors ratio affects the catalysts acidity, some general observations can be made: increasing it up to a certain amount increases the H+ concentration (compare entries from 6 to 9 and 11 to 12 in Tab. 3.4) because the rate of the hydrolysis and the number of H2O molecules that can be chemically bounded increases. Nevertheless, increasing the water/precursor ratio over a certain amount (30 for pulsed and 15 for continuous US, entries 8 and 11 in Tab. 3.4, respectively), seems to have a negative effect on the acidity concentration. In fact, the risk of the extraction of acid groups by the excess of water increases as well and the US power density decreases. 3.3 Sonochemically-assisted esterification and transesterification Esterification In Tab. 3.5 a list of the sonochemically-assisted esterification experiments is displayed together with the final acidities achieved after 4 hours of reaction. The reactor used for these experiments, provided with both an US horn (20 kHz) and a MW emitter (2450 MHz) is described elsewhere in detail (Ragaini et al., 2012). Standard calorimetric measurements were carried out to measure the actual emitted power (Suslick and Lorimer, 1989). Considering entries from 1 to 6 (rapeseed oil with high acidity), a final acidity lower than 0.5%wt is achieved within 4 hours operating at the conventional temperature of 336 K with all the methods, while this does not happen operating at lower temperatures. In particular, the lowest acidity is achieved at 336 K with MW. Considering entries from 7 to 12, inherent to the raw tobacco oilseed, final acidities lower than 0.5%wt are achieved only with the use of US. It is remarkable that at the temperature of 293 K the FFA esterification reaction rate results 6X faster than the conventional process at the same temperature. In the case of the rapeseed oil with low acidity (entries from 13 to 20), the use of MW increases the FFA conversion at 293 K and 313 K but not at 336 K. Moreover, the higher the applied power, the higher the FFA conversion. Oil Initial acidity (%wt) Cat. Technique Temp. (K) Emitted power (W) Tthermostat (K) Final acidity (%wt), 4 hr 1 Rapeseed oil (5)* 4.2-5.0 A46 conventional 313 - 315 1.18 2 336 338 0.50 3 ultrasound 313 38.5 293 0.55 4 336 313 0.48 5 microwaves 313 61.4 293 0.69 6 336 313 0.32 7 Tobacco 1.17 A46 conventional 293 - 293 0.97 8 313 315 0.55 9 336 338 0.45 10 ultrasound 293 38.5 277 0.48 11 313 293 0.46 12 336 313 0.30 13 Rapeseed oil (2)* 2.0-2.3 D5081 conventional 293 - 277 0.82 14 313 315 0.44 15 336 338 0.25 16 microwaves 293 31.7 277 0.73 17 313 31.7 293 0.34 18 61.4 293 0.37 19 336 31.7 313 0.29 20 61.4 313 0.25 Tab. 3.5. Sonochemically-assisted esterification experiments. The positive effects of acoustic-cavitation in liquid-solid systems are ascribable to the asymmetric collapse of the bubbles in the vicinity of the solid surface. When a cavitation bubble collapses violently near a solid surface, liquid jets are produced and high-speed jets of liquid are driven into the surface of a particle. These jets and shock waves improve both the liquid–solid and liquid-liquid mass transfer (Mason and Lorimer, 1988). MW is considered as a non-conventional heating system: when MW pass through a material with a dipole moment, the molecules composing the material try to align with the electric field (Mingos et al., 1997). Polar molecules have stronger interactions with the electric field. Polar ends of the molecules tend in fact to align themselves and oscillate in step with the oscillating electric field. Collisions and friction between the moving molecules results in heating (Toukoniitty et al., 2005). The increase of the FFA conversion as the power increases may be attributed to the fact that more power is delivered to the system and, therefore, the enhanced temperature effects caused by electromagnetic irradiation are increased with respect to lower powers. Differently the reason why a too high power was detrimental at the temperature of 336 K could be accounted for by two factors: i) the acoustic cavitation is enhanced at lower temperatures due to the higher amount of gas dissolved; ii) possible generation of too high temperatures inside the reaction medium that could have caused the removal of methanol from the system through constant evaporation or pyrolysis. Transesterification Transesterification experiments were performed on rapeseed oil both in batch and continuous mode. For the batch experiments two kinds of reactors were used: a traditional reaction vessel and a Rosett cell reactor, both with two ultrasound horns with different tip diameters (13 and 20 mm), and operating powers. A Rosett cell is a reactor designed to promote hydrodynamic cavitation through its typical loops placed at the bottom of vessel. Sonicators used in this work were provided by Synetude Company (Chambery, France). In Fig. 3.6, results from the conventional and the US-assisted batch experiments are compared. The US methods allows to attain very high yields in much shorter times than the traditional method and using less reagents (see Tab. 2.3) in just one step. The beneficial effects given by the US are attributable to the generation of acoustic cavitation inside the reaction medium leading to the phenomena already described in the case of esterification reaction. In particular, with the use of the Rosett cell reactor, BD yields of 96.5% (dotted lined) are achieved after 10 minutes of reaction. This is likely due to the combined approach exploiting acoustic cavitation along with hydrodynamic cavitation, which is able to provide a very efficient mixing inside the system. The use of the Rosett cell reactor provided transesterification reaction rates up to 15X faster than the conventional process. Continuous experiments were performed using two tubular reactors with different volumes (0.070 L at 35 KHz and 0.700 L at 20 kHz) and different US powers (19.3 and 68.3 W, respectively). The volume of the treated reagents was varied to obtain the same power density in both the reactors. Results are presented in Fig. 3.7. BD yields higher than 96.5% were obtained in the case of the small reactor within a reaction time of ~5 minutes. It is remarkable that BD yields higher than 90% were obtained using pulsed US (2 seconds on, 2 seconds off) after only 18 seconds, corresponding to just one passage in the reactor. In this case the transesterification reaction rate was 300X faster than the conventional process. The beneficial effects of pulses for the reactivity of the transesterification have been extensively reported (Chand et al., 2010; Kumar et al., 2010). In particular, as reported by Chand, when pulses are adopted, excessive heating of the reaction medium is not promoted, so preventing the loss of the gases dissolved in the system that are necessary for the acoustic cavitation to occur. Moreover, excessive heating during the transesterification reaction might lead to evaporation followed by pyrolysis of methanol and its subsequent removal from the reaction environment. 4. Conclusions As a conclusion to this work, some final remarks can be claimed: Feedstocks with a high potential for biodiesel (BD) production are Brassica juncea oilseed, which can be used as feedstock for BD100, Carthamus tinctorus, tobacco, animal fat and waste cooking oil to be used in BD blends with other oils or in diesel blends. However, blending different oils among them or with diesel already during the free fatty acids (FFA) esterification reaction may increase the reaction rate due to the lowered viscosity. Free fatty acids esterification over acid ion exchange resins in slurry reactors remains the preferred method of oils deacidification due to the optimal contact between the reagents and the catalyst and the good durability over time. The final high BD yields obtained for the oils de-acidified with the pre-esterification method over sulphonic ion exchange resins demonstrate its effectiveness in lowering the acidity and the possibility of obtaining high quality biodiesel from the selected feedstocks. Surface acidity and specific surface area of sulphated inorganic systems can be increased by both adding TiO2 and using ultrasound (US) in precise experimental conditions to assist the sol-gel synthesis of the catalysts. Changing the experimental conditions of US during the sol-gel synthesis makes also possible to tune the properties of the catalysts. In spite of not satisfying FFA conversions were obtained, US-assisted sol-gel synthesis turns out to be an extremely interesting method to obtain catalysts with high acidity and surface area. Both US and microwaves (MW) enhanced the FFA esterification reaction rate at temperatures lower than the one used conventionally (336 K). The positive effects of US are attributable to the phenomena generated inside the reaction medium by the acoustic cavitation, while MW are able to generate temperature effects localized in the proximity of the catalyst surface and to increase MeOH-oil solubility. US-assisted transesterification reaction is much faster than conventional transesterification: BD yields higher than 96.5% were achieved in most of the cases within 10 minutes of reaction, whereas the conventional method requires 150 minutes, besides higher reagents amount and higher temperatures. In particular, BD yields higher than 90% were obtained using a continuous reactor and pulsed US within 18 seconds, corresponding to just one passage in the reactor. In this case the transesterification reaction rate resulted to be 300X faster than the conventional process. Suggestions for the continuations of the work concern the further study of the synthesis of sulphated inorganic systems such as SO42-/ZrO2 or SnO2 or TiO2 with US and MW. Future work should also be devoted to the optimization of the experimental variables related to the use of MW and US to promote both FFA esterification and transesterification reactions. References Barrett E.P., Joyner L.G., Halenda P.P., "The determination of pore volume and area distributions in porous substances. I. Computations from nitrogen isotherms", J. Am. Chem. Soc. 1951, 73, 373. Bianchi C.L., Boffito D.C., Pirola C., Ragaini V., "Low temperature de-acidification process of animal fat as a pre-step to biodiesel production", Catal. 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The Marriott,Slaterville City Oral History Collection was created by the residents of the town to document their history. Each participant was provided with a list of questions asking for; stories about their childhood, schools they attended, stories about their parents and grand,parents, activities they enjoyed, fashions they remember, difficulties or traumas they may have dealt with, and memories of community and church leaders. This endeavor has left behind rich histories, stories and important information regarding the history of the Marriott,Slaterville area. ; 31p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in.; 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Abstract: This is an oral history of Julian Morris Powell. It was conducted September 23, 2007 and concerns her recollections of the history of the Marriott-Slaterville area. JP: I am Julian Morris Powell. I was born January 20th, 1911. I am getting a little older now. I am ninety-six years old. I don't think quite as fast as I used to. My dad was Thomas Ezra Powell and my mother was Catherine Morris Powell. I am the only child born of the two of them. I don't have any full brothers or sisters. My dad had a family and his wife passed away, my mother and him lived in the Marriott ward close together for years and years and their partners had left and my dad had six children and my mother had three. They married, and I am the only child of that marriage. Dad and mother and ten children and I was the youngest of any of them. Here is a picture of the Marriott ward basketball team. I will talk real short about them. Well over here in this left side is Clyde Hipwell. His dad Bill, moved over there from West Weber, and his mother was born and raised in Marriott where he was born. Deloss Bingham was the son of Dell Bingham. He was born in Marriott and grew up there and lived there all his life. His mother died when he and Delbert were just young children. The other one is Cornelius DeFriez. He is next to the youngest in the big family of the DeFriez family. He played basketball with us for maybe a year or two, but not too much. The next one is Marvin Buck. He was born and raised in Marriott, a son of Luther and Sara Buck. He lived there all his life until a few years after he was married. The next one is Euki DeFriez. He played with us for several years. He is an exceptionally good ball player. I would have to say at this point that he was the best athlete in the DeFriez famiy. There were quite a few of them and they were tall but he played with us several years and a good all around player and fast man. The next one is Clyde Morris. He played with us some and then he went and played up at the Agricultural College in Logan. He and his brother and Delbert Bingham went up and played and won the championship up here in high school. Then they went up and played, the four of them, up in the Utah State Agricultural College and they won the championship up there. The other DeFriez one that I said was Wesley and he played with us several years. The next one is Wayne Stanger. He played with us a few years. The next on is myself. We went to the Salt Lake tournament eight consecutive years and then the war came on and we were out for a couple of years. Then we went back again and I coached the Marriott team and we went to Salt Lake for the finals eight consecutive years and then we went back another two or three years. The next one is Elmer Slater. He didn't play with us too much. He was kind of short and small but he was always on the job and did the best that he knew to do. The one sitting over in this left hand corner was Delbert Bingham and the one on the right hand side down was Jay Clifford Blair. He coached us for several years. We went up here in Weber and Ogden City and we went down there under his direction as the coach for about five years. Then he quit and I took over as a player and the coach for several years. Clifford was an exceptionally good athlete and he played for the Farm Bureau for Marriott. The Farm Bureau league has one of the best catchers in Weber County. Well this was a good team. This picture doesn't have one of the better players that was on the team named Sam DeFriez. He wasn't as fast as some of the players but he was real tall and he was real strong. A lot of times he would never come back on defense. We played a five man defense and a lot of times he would never come back on defense because he would stay close to the basket and very few times he would miss. He shot if he was close to the basket. One of the best players—he didn't play with us too many years, but when he did play I would say he was the best score man that we had. We were playing up in the Weber gym up 24th street in a tournament and he said to me, "When I put up one finger I want the ball and I want it now." He put up his finger for me to throw it and get him the ball. He was in a good position to score and a kid from up in the balcony hollered down, Sam and his family all came here from Holland and this kid from up in the balcony hollered down and said, "Where's your wooden shoes?" He turned to look up there to shake his fist at them and I had let the ball go. The ball hit him right on the side of the head and dropped him just hard right down, and he hit on his shoulder. I ran over to him and rubbed him and got him up, and he played the rest of the game but he hit right on his shoulder. I thought maybe it had hit his head but it didn't. It knocked him flat down. He was an exceptionally big man and a good player. One time I was playing and about five or six players were under the basket pushing it up trying to get it in, he didn't jump, he stood there and he had his one leg bent and I just ran in and the ball was up bouncing around the basket. I ran in and I stepped right just above his knee right on his leg with a basketball rubber shoe and tipped the ball to his brother Euki and he scored. Sam come back and was rubbing his leg. He said, "I wonder what went wrong with my leg." But I had stepped on it with a rubber sole and it had kind of burned his leg but he was an exceptionally good player. Never to give up. We went down eight consecutive years from this area to play in the church finals in Salt Lake. We went eight consecutive years and then missed a few. We were playing and they notified us—I was coaching them then—and they said that they had one too many teams in the tournament at Salt Lake for the finals. Then we'd flip a coin to see if we went or if we didn't go. I said, "Well who is the other team?" And they said, "You and a basketball team from Pocatello, Utah were tied to go in," and it was up to one of us to go. He said, "Would you like to flip a coin?" And I said, "No. Send them down and we will play them." They sent them down and we beat them. Then one time, nothing to do with the church basketball but they had a tournament up at Malad, Idaho and they sent a team from down here up there. They went up for one night and played at Malad. Marriott got beat so the kid that was going to drive that day said he wasn't going up to play anymore because they got beat. So we had a guy working there, his name was Lee Dopp. He had his car in the shop getting it fixed and they would give him a V8 Ford. So we got our heads together and Clyde and Floyd Morris and Delbert Bingham, and Riley Shaw who was my brother-in-law and me. We had to drive fast to get up there to play that afternoon. We didn't know we were going until noon. We drove up to Malad and played in a tournament there and we played the Fort Hall Braves and we beat them in the afternoon and we went out and got something to eat and came back and played the Mendon Wildcats again that night for the championship. We beat the game in the afternoon and we won the next one again at night. When we came back they had fixed his car from the Ford motor company and they came out to bring his car back to him and his wife said, "Well he is out of town." They said, "Where is he?" She said, "He is in Malad." They said, "Oh he can't take that car across the state line!" But we came back, we got back after midnight. We went up the next morning to the Ford motor company and I said well we was broke down and this guy took us up there and brought us back and they said, "Okay." They wouldn't press any charges against us. While we were in the process of playing a lot of basketball for the church, some professional teams would come here and play. Sometimes we would play them a full game and sometimes we would only play them a half. But they were professional players. A team came from a clothing store in Wichita, Kansas and they were all white players. I have never seen a team with as pretty of suits as they had on. They were professionals and we played them and they liked to shoot long shots and not play any rough stuff. I don't think I ever did see them shoot a long shot that went in. It just seemed like they didn't score up close and they were a professional team. They would pass the ball around in back of their selves and to another player and that was the best team that we did play, the Wichita Kansas Clothers. Then we played the Iowa Ghosts. They were all black and they were traveling across the country. We played them maybe two or three consecutive years. They would come through and they would call and say they would be here on certain dates and they would pick someone and we played them. The center's name was Sue K. Simmons and we both got the ball in the center of the floor so the referee called a tie up ball. He was about seven feet tall. I crouched down just a little bit, and I thought well maybe if I jump as hard as I can jump he will stay flat footed and just tap it. Maybe I can jump as far as he would just reach and I could block the ball. So I crouched down and when the referee blew the whistle to start I jumped as high as he stood flat footed and he just reached out with his right hand and put it around me and put me right around his hip and reached up with the other hand and knocked it down to one of his players. His name was Sue K. Simmons of the Iowa Ghosts. The Globe Trotters were all black and we played them several times, when they were traveling through, particularly toward California. They would call in here and sometimes we would play them a full game and sometimes we'd only play them a half game, but they were all professional players. We tried to beat them but we never could come close in doing it. One—I can't remember what his name was now—he was black and little and he was a guard. He went out around me, I was over close to the side and about half way down the gym, and he stepped right out around me and down to the basket. A little later in the game he wanted to do the same thing and he came right around the sideline dribbling and when he went to go out around I just leaned over and caught him on my right shoulder and he lit about the third bench up on the bleachers. I can't recall his name right now. He was a play guard and was fast but he wasn't that big. One time when we were playing mutual ball and going, like I said, eight consecutive years down to Salt Lake and after that we went a few years after, after the war. We had a good team. The Marriott family had moved up in the twelfth ward, and it came our turn to play them to see who was going to Salt Lake, and it happened to be my Aunt Nell Marriott's birthday that day and so they said, well, they would close her birthday a little earlier in the evening because they wanted to go to the ball game because Marriott was going to play the twelfth ward. They brought a couple of guys down to Salt Lake to play with them and when we were in there warming up that night Deloss Bingham came over to me and he said, "Did you see the shoes that Russell Marriott has got on?" And I said, "No." I looked at his shoes, we were just getting ready to play them and warming up and he said, "He has got all leather shoes on. I have never seen anyone with all leather basketball shoes on." I said, "Well, we don't care what kind of shoes he has got on but we have got to beat them." So we started to play. Russell was a good player. He was left-handed and he liked to go up and play next to the wall on the outside, just inside the boundary and then cut in to the basket and he would shoot with his left hand and he was hard to guard. We were well aware of that fact and they had one of their best players with him. I remember his name was Fred Shots. He was an exceptionally good player and Russell was expecting him to score real well. He had played with us several years and we knew where he liked to play. He liked to go up the left side and stay just inside and then come in and scores with his left hand and to reach over a lot of times you would foul him. But we were aware of that so before he would cut in to the basket we would travel right along the side of him and crowd him a little bit so he couldn't get that left hand up. He would have to cross over. Sometimes he would lose the ball and he would whirl around. When he went to do anything that was real hard for him to do he would always stick his tongue out to the side like that. He would stop and stick his tongue out and whirl around with his fist but by the time he got turned around everybody would be gone. He would turn around several times with his tongue out, biting and swing with his right hand because we wouldn't let him score with his left. We beat them and we got four points ahead of them right on the start and then they never did catch us. Just a little while before the end of the game they put Woodrow in and he was a younger one, they put him in but he only played a couple of minutes and they took him out. We never did get behind. We stayed ahead of them all the way through. They had a cheering crew there and a group of young people in a section for the twelfth ward and they were really trained to cheer for them. But when the game was over, Russell's dad, Will Marriott, he was there sitting with the twelfth ward. They had just moved in the twelfth ward about a year before that. We all had suits on with Marriott written across them. When the ball game ended and we were still ahead of them, we stayed ahead of them all the way through. Russell's dad, who was my uncle, got up and was real cold and he went down off of the bleachers a little ways and with his hat in one hand and his overcoat over his arm on the other and turned and walked in front of the twelfth ward cheering crew and he said, "What the hell is the trouble? Can't anybody smile?" And then he came over and congratulated us for beating them. I always thought that he wanted us to win although he had moved into the twelfth ward. We had his name Marriott wrote right across our suits. I was always of the opinion that he was glad that we beat the twelfth ward but he came over and congratulated us and then smiled and walked out of the gym. It was cold that night. There were only about sixty-five families in the Marriott ward. They had a dance hall there and a stage in the one end. They took that stage out and that gave us about another thirty feet so it was a pretty good sized gym for us to play in. Some of the toughest teams we had to play in the league for the mutual was probably North Ogden and Plain City and the Eighth Ward of Ogden, the Fourth Ward of Ogden, and the Seventeenth Ward of Ogden. Other than the Plain City—they were all pretty well city wards. They had a big group of people to pick from because they were big wards. And we only had about sixty-five families in the ward. Sometimes they had good players and they would find out where the best team was and so they could go over and rent an apartment. Some of them were married guys and some of them were single. They would go and rent apartments in that ward so they could play with them. One night I remembered I was playing and Clifford Blair was coaching us for several years. I don't remember right now just who we were playing but we were getting to the end of the game and we were only three or four points ahead and Clifford called a timeout. Deloss Bingham was playing forward, he was not very big but he was fast and a good scorer. Coach called a timeout and we went over to see what he wanted and we were real close. We were just a few points ahead of them. He said to Deloss Bingham, "What the hell is wrong with you? Why aren't you going like you are usually doing?" He said, "I got the skin off of my foot and I have got a sore foot." And Clifford said, "You'll go back in and forget you got a damn foot!" Now that is the kind of coaching we did get. He came back in and we won the ball. We played four nights to get to go and we had to win. I played the first night and I turned an ankle. That was the only time in all of the time I have played that I ever turned an ankle, but I turned an ankle that night and we still won the ball game. The next morning I went up to Doctor Seidner. He was in the office and I pulled off my shoe and I said, "Can you see anything wrong with my ankle here or what you can do for it?" He said, "I don't see much of anything wrong with it." So I thanked him and pulled my shoe on and walked down the hall to Doctor Clark Rich. Now his dad was a doctor before him, Ezra and Edward Rich. They were half brothers but they were both doctors. Technically Ezra Rich came to our house when I was born to deliver me. But I walked down the hall and his son Clark Rich was the only one in his chair. It was in the morning and he was looking at the early newspaper. I went in and pulled my shoe off and I said, "Can you see anything wrong with my ankle?" He said, "A blind man could see what is wrong with that!" So he took a bandage and bandaged it up and he said, "Now I'll undo that and you watch how I do it. You bring it up the outside; you take it down on the inside and bring it up on the outside." And he banded it up again. He said, "I'll tie that up for you and you keep this, I won't put it that tight." Then he said, "Tonight, when you get ready to play you tighten that up real tight and at the half your foot will maybe go a little numb. At the half you come out and loosen it and then before you go back in, tighten it back up again. Always pull it up from the outside out." I did that and I played alright and at the half I loosened it a little and pulled it back up. It did get a little numb but I played that night and went down to Salt Lake and played in the tournament. It never bothered me; I just tied it up every night for the rest of the season. I was born in 1911 and World War I with Germany was in 1918 and so I was seven years old when the war was on. They took one of my brothers. Carl went up to Logan to the training camp and Clifford Blair, he was twenty-one on the fourth of June. He had to register on the fifth of June. He said, "Oh why couldn't I have been born later and I wouldn't have had to register?" When that war came on, I was only seven years old, but we had a lot of sugar beets and they took him and Frank Tribe who was my oldest sister's husband. Guy Wecker was my other sister's husband, and Clifford Blair and then a lot of the men of our neighbors in our community, took them in World War I. They took them in the late summer. My mother went up and got a letter. I remember going with her, I was seven years old and we went up in the Eccles Building and saw Caleb Marriott. He had just graduated and opened an office as an attorney. My mother had been to an attorney and wrote a letter to the government to see if Clifford could come home to harvest the sugar beets. We never did hear from them so we went in the Eccles Building and kicked on the door. Caleb Marriott had just graduated and he was admitted to the bar. He would take his lunch with him, eat his lunch, and then he would take a nap for an hour. The door was locked but his dad said he would be there. So I went there with my mother and I kicked on the door. I remember kicking on it with my shoe and he opened the door and he had taken a nap. It was just after lunch. My mother went in and told him what we wanted and he said, "I will write a letter." He wrote a letter and in two weeks Clifford came home. He was in Presidio, in California in the camp. He sent that letter there and he released him and he came home. We got all the sugar beets out and then he went back. Well when—I was going to tell you about General Pershing. When I went there with my mother when they marched them all from 24th street down and down 25th and into the railroad yards, I would guess that they must have had 150 men in uniform, young ones that they had picked up then. My brother and our neighbors were among them. I went with my mother and they marched them down off of the hill and into the railroad yards. They had a passenger train there and it had bars on the window. They didn't let them stop to speak. You didn't bother them at all. They had officers with them and they stayed right in line. They walked up the steps and into these cars, a whole trainload of them with bars on the windows. I stood there with my mother and I know I cried. I cried a little bit because I thought I would never see them again with the bars on the windows. They went to the camp and later on in the early fall, they sent General Pershing. "General Pershing is coming to town! He'll be at the Depot and he'll talk shortly." I pleaded with my mother and we went with a buggy and a horse, tied it up, and then walked over to the Ogden Depot on 25th street. We waited just about five minutes and they switched the car. They had a wooden platform there on wheels that they had made. It was just a platform on wheels but it was high. They pulled the passenger car in and it stopped right in front of us and a couple of men went over and wheeled this wooden platform over to the door and they opened the door on the passenger train and General Pershing walked out onto that platform. He had all the ribbons and the citations on his suit. He didn't have a hat on, he was gray-headed. He was a medium sized man and he walked out on that step and he said, "We are going to end the war and we are going to send your boys home." I thought that was the best news that I had ever heard. He talked for, oh, maybe two or three minutes at the most, then he waved goodbye and stepped back in and they moved the car I guess to some other place for him to speak. I waited for that time and sometime after—that was in about August I'd say and along in November all the whistles started to blow. There weren't many cars around then but there were a few. They were honking the horns but there were a lot of whistles blowing in Ogden City and you could hear them out where we lived in Marriott, just down 12th street. Our family was gone working on milk routes and farming and whatnot. Just my mother and I were home. She said, "The operator won't talk to you on the phone, so you go catch that gray horse and go from where we live over across 12th street and the railroad track over to 17th street and ask Mrs. Wecker." Her boy was Guy Wecker and he had married my sister before he went in the military. "You go over and ask Mrs. Wecker if she can get the operator to tell her what the whistles are and the trains blowing." So I got on the horse and rode over there and they had a little fence up in front of their house. Her daughter was there and she said, "What can I do for you?" I said, "I want to talk to your mother." So her mother came out on the sidewalk and I said, "I want to know if you can call the operator and find out what all the horns are blowing and all the whistles are blowing." She said, "You tell your mother that you can't talk to the operator, but she just keeps saying, 'They have caught the Kaiser.' And then in a second or two she'd say, 'They caught the Kaiser.'" So I said, "But she wants to know what the whistles are." And she said, "Well you tell her that they have caught the Kaiser." So I went on home and my mother was standing in the yard by the house as I rode in on this old gray horse. She came right over to the horse and she said, "What did she say?" I said, "She said to tell you that they have caught the Kaiser." She put up her hand and smiled all over. She said, "The war is going to end. The Kaiser is the head of the German army and they have gotten him so the war is going to end." I thought that was the happiest time that I had. Sure enough, in about December, just about Christmas time, they shipped those boys from our community and a lot of other soldiers home. They were home for Christmas. Years after that, I was seven years old then, and when I was about sixteen or so I was in a meeting and they said, "Other than your dads or your fathers, who would you think was the greatest man that you ever saw or talked to?" I guess there was about fifteen in that circle and I was almost to the end, not quite, and they went around. When they come to me I said, "It was General Pershing. He was the best man I ever knew and ever did see." They said, "You didn't know General Pershing." And I said, "Yes, I did. I went up to the train and he walked out on the little platform and he said, 'We are going to end the war.' That was in about October and then in November, about a month or so later, I guess that was about August and I said, "He said we are going to end the war and send your boys home." I said I thought he was the greatest man I had ever heard speak. If I knew the future, like I remember the past I would be pretty smart. It isn't hard for me—at times I recall lots of things that have happened in the past and I grew up pretty active. Like I said, when the war was on I was seven years old and when it ended I'd had a birthday and the war ended in 1918 so I was only seven years old that winter. Then coming in the spring in January I became eight years old. I was active, and we had a big family, four girls and six boys. I don't have any full brothers or sisters. My dad lost his wife, she died with a heart attack and my mother married my dad and I was born when she was thirty-four years old. She had three children and he had six. They had known each other, born and raised in the same ward. They decided they would get married. They had lost their partners so I was the tenth child. When I was a kid I enjoyed growing up with this family. Although I was on one side and some on the other, that didn't bother me and didn't seem to all the way through my life. I respected them as my full brothers and sisters. My oldest sister on my dad's side was Ethel and she used to curl my hair. I was blonde. I had kind of golden colored hair and she used to put it up. They didn't have bobby pins and stuff like that then, they had hair pins. She used to tear strips of cloth and put my hair up in curls. When I got three years old I thought maybe somebody would think I was a girl, so I said, "I guess I had better go have my hair cut." My mother took me up the next morning and just down 24th street, right by the Eccles Building there was a barber shop, a big long barber shop. I walked in there and climbed in the first chair. It was in the morning. The barber got a board and put it across the arms of the chair and set me up on there so he could reach me. He cut my curls off and laid them all in an empty chocolate box. He laid it in there and wrapped it up and tied a string around it. That was the first cut I had ever had. I guess I was about three years old. I took the box, and when I went home I had this box under my arm. I handed it to my sister Ethel; she is the one that always curled my hair. I handed it to her and she cut the string on it and undid it and my curls were all laying kind of golden color in there and she cried. She put her arm around me and she cried because that was the first hair cut I ever had. Like I say, I was born in Marriott in 1911 and I don't remember much about Ogden City until I was about three years old. We had a dairy farm and a crop farm and whatnot and ran that all with the horses on iron towered wagons. My dad had two retail routes and two wholesale routes. There was no refrigeration then. You had to pack things in ice in the summer and cover them in the winter to keep them from freezing. When we would go into town—in Ogden City we sold all the milk. My dad had a big herd of cows and then he bought a lot of milk. Ten gallon cans and then processed it. We delivered that into Ogden. You might say we had to put ice in the bottom of the wagons in the summer because the jarring of the wagon would churn the bottles of cream and we'd have whipping cream and coffee cream and milk. The jar of the wagons would shake that whipping cream and when you would get it into town it would have about an inch or half inch of yellow butter on top. We had to pad those wagons all up with canvas and then put ice on them or whatever to keep them cold in the summer and keep them from freezing in the winter—drove them all with the horse wagons. Then there were a few grocery stores around and I remember going to town once in awhile with my mother. We drove a horse and buggy, and up in the front was a dashboard and you had a lap robe you threw over your legs, and there was a socket where you could put the whip if you had one, and we drove a single horse on that buggy. It had a top on to keep the storm off you and put a lap robe on you, then go into town and tie them up on the side of Washington Boulevard. When the circus would come to town, a man would come along on his bicycle and he said, "Take care of the horses because the elephants are coming." People didn't want the horses jumping around. I thought that it wasn't the elephants and he wouldn't go any farther. He'd go to the South or the North but he wouldn't go any farther up to the circus grounds. He could smell those animals. When we were downtown there were a few grocery stores here and there. Henry Tribe ran a grocery store and it was out this way in Ogden. As you went over there was another grocery store. Then there was somewhere—what was the name of them—Piggly Wiggly. My brother Carl decided he was going to go and get a job and he went to work and they gave him a job in the store, Piggly Wiggly's but he only stayed there about two months. He said all he was doing was stacking shelves. Piggly Wiggly's was in and then Safeways. But the grocery stores were far apart and then they were long. There were a lot of people on the street then. Very few cars, maybe a car here and there, maybe a Ford car and then a Buick car, a few long but very few cars. At the grocery stores a few and the clothing stores, clothing store—there was one on the West side of Washington—it was called the Golden Rule Store. It was a clothing store. Wright's was another store on the northwest corner of 24th street. Wright's clothing store was across the street from the Eccles Building which is still there. Bank buildings then weren't there. A few grocery stores, a lot of clothing stores. It was wet until 1918, and then it was against the law to sell or have liquor or whiskey. Of course, there was some bootlegging going on where they made their own whiskey and sold it. As I grew up as a kid, going along the sidewalk, there were a lot of people walking on the sidewalk and not many vehicles, so they would be walking along the street and it wouldn't be anything to see two or three men sitting with their feet in the gutter, they would be sitting there drunk and then you would go over here a ways farther and there would be a few more. Then they had policeman come along. They didn't take them in all of them, but they tried to keep the streets cleared up. Then a lady would come along and maybe have a package in one hand and a couple of kids trailing along her side. She would stop a young man here or there and ask them if he would go into the saloon—saloons were over there where you would buy whiskey and drink. This was just before 1918 and she would ask them, "Would you go in and see if you can get my husband to come." They would go in and sometimes they would go in and sit at the bar and other times they would bring them out and they were wobbling, they were drunk, and sometimes they couldn't get them to come out. It wasn't anything to go along the street and have several drunks on Washington Avenue. You don't see that now. Lots of people walking. Like I say, 1918 it went dry so they couldn't have any alcohol. Then in Ogden City, 25th street was noted as one of the special streets in Ogden. The trains stopped—all the passenger trains then had a big station just below Wall. You walked off of Wall onto a big passenger—oh it was five hundred feet long and two hundred feet wide where you went to go in and seats were all in there where you went in to wait for the train to go out of town or for one to come in and meet people and then they came. There was hotel right on the corner of 25th and Wall and they had a lot of business in there for people that rode the passenger trains and then came up the street and the Marriott Hotel and then you'd get up farther and the Broom hotel was there. That was a prominent hotel on 25th street, the upper part. Then across the street, the skyscrapers you might say went in as a hotel over across Washington. It wasn't anything then to see quite a few people. There were saloons all over—three along 25th street and a couple or three along Washington. That all "went dry." Then in just a few years they come along with "three-two beer." Old man Becker was in the Brewery business in the eastern states and he and his boys Gus Becker and Albert Becker. He had come down and opened a brewery on about 21st and Lincoln. There was no Wall Avenue come across there. He opened a brewery in there and they run that and they were allowed to make "three-two beer." So he opened that and built the brewery there. He first put it in and they sold Becco, didn't have any alcohol in it but it had Becker's Becco. The people drank that. He sold quite a lot of that. People thought that that helped their health and the doctor's recommended it for some people. Then they made all kinds of soda water and different brands of soda water there. Then two percent beer came in. So they had to make that. We had a contract with them to haul all the malt that was there—it was a three story building, the first one was the ground floor and then on the second was the big kettle, it was as big as these two rooms and that is where they brewed it. The next one was the barley and the hops and that. They had a big copper kettle there and they made that. You could see the thing going out of the top, little pipes going out where the alcohol went out. That was a "three-two beer." It couldn't test any more than that. They brought one of their son-in-laws from California and he was a doctor in California. He came in and they put him in the chemistry room. He had to test it so it couldn't go over three-two in two-three beer—two-three I guess it was. You would go into a store and as soon, and as you went in they had a clerk who would come, the same in the grocery stores. In the clothing stores someone would wait on you as soon as you went in—try to sell you a suit of clothes or a pair of shoes. The best shoes you could buy were five dollars. Suits would cost you maybe thirty dollars for a suit of clothes, as good of clothes that you could buy. Shirts and whatnot—people wore shirts and then they had a collar—you brought a collar and put it around you and fastened a little brass button here and then you would put the necktie on. The shirts you would buy didn't have any collars, work shirts did, but the dress shirts never had any collar on it. They would just come around and button here—then you put a tie on top of that. It was quite a job for our family to keep all the collars and all the shirts—they had to wash them and iron them out and then they put the tie on top of that. Maybe wear the shirt a couple of times with the collars. I remember several of the stores that came along, like Piggly Wiggly and Safeway and others. Then there was—I remember the Egyptian theatre. It was later in years and they had the stars all show up in the ceiling. The Peery's owned the Egyptian and the Ogden Theater and Glassman's owned the Orpheum Theater and the Alhambra was down on Keisel Avenue. You would go to the shows and it would cost you—when I was a kid it would cost you fifteen cents to get in. Adults were about thirty-five cents to get in to the shows. I remember when Willard Marriott went back to Washington D.C., he met his wife Anna Sheets. He met her in the University of Utah. He had been on a mission. He went on a mission and when he came back he went to Weber Academy here and Aaron Tracy was the President then. When he came back they had closed that and he went down to the University of Utah. There is where Willard Marriott met Anna Sheets. She was going to the University of Utah and he met her there, got acquainted with her and he married her. Before he married her he bought a new model-T Ford and went up north and sold woolen goods, most of it from the Utah Woolen Mills in Salt Lake where they took the wool and refined it and made woolen clothes. He went up there and stayed all summer. When he came back from his mission he went up there and stayed all summer and sold woolen clothing and blankets and everything. That is where he met his wife and then he came back and went up again and then he got married and I remember him, Willard Marriott, stopping at our house in the morning—it was about eight o'clock in the morning—and he had a model-T. He had come in and my mother and I walked out to his car with him and Anna Sheets was sitting in this model-T and my mother said to him, "Have you got good tires on this car?" I walked around it and I couldn't see a bit of tread on any of them. They were all bald tires. She was sitting in the seat there but we wished him well. Now here is what he said and I shouldn't tell you this but I will anyway. He wouldn't care. My mother said, "Well that is a long ways to drive this model-T to Washington D.C." He had come from up north and a lot of places that he went, he couldn't collect his money where he had sold clothing and blankets and things. When he came back he said, "Mrs. Sheets," that would be his mother-in-law, "gave me five hundred dollars and said you can use that and go on your honeymoon from here to Washington D.C." So he said, "I have plenty of money." Anna Sheets mother gave him five hundred dollars. Now that is what he said right there in front of our house. They were going to drive this model-T back there and go on their honeymoon. He went back there and he and another man, Sterling Colton, went back to Washington D.C. and opened the A & W Rootbeer stands. Russell and I once in awhile we'd go in to town and walk over by the Egyptian Theatre and they had a barrel going around of A & W Rootbeer. Once in awhile Willard would send a letter, an envelope that would have some A & W tickets in there. We'd go in there and get a couple of mugs of A & W Rootbeer on the tickets he would send for it. That was quite a treat to go in and get free A & W Rootbeers. Ogden City has grown in the last several years, then they put the mall in and it fell apart and there is a lot of Ogden City that has moved into the upper bench and over into Riverdale and out into places. Ogden City isn't anything like it used to be. They put the big mall in there and then they couldn't make it financially. Other than the banks—the city itself has slipped away. Years and years ago, 25th street was well known all over the country. The trains would come in and stopped in the depot at 25th and Wall. Then people went up and there were several hotels in there and restaurants. When you got almost to Washington, right there by Kiesel Avenue, by Washington and Kiesel, was a place opened by two men, it was a long restaurant. It was Ross and Jack's Burger with spuds for a quarter. They had more business there than they could take care of hardly. You could go any time of the day or the night and they had customers there. My dad furnished them all the dairy products for that place. It was Ross and Jacks and you got a big hamburger, potatoes and gravy, and a vegetable for a quarter. That is what it was advertised—Ross and Jacks dinner for twenty-five cents. You got a big hamburger, the potatoes and gravy and a vegetable for twenty-five cents. Ketchup and other things were all sitting there, you could help yourself to them. I remember they had a sign there one time it had come out and it said, "Go easy on the butter boys, it is forty cents a pound." It was a long restaurant, the cash register in the front and rows down here and clear down there, and there were people there—twenty-five cents. J. W. Randall came and wanted me to put in one hundred and thirty thousand ton of sugar beets in two big piles. They were a half a block long and eighteen feet high. I told him, "I don't want to." He said, "Yes, you put them in." And I put in one hundred and thirty thousand ton of beets in with beet forks, with just men by hand. He said, "Don't hire all the guys." The depression was on then. "Try to hire them all around Weber County where they have grown sugar beets." I finally agreed to do it and I paid those men four dollars and twenty cents a day. The twenty cents went for insurance. Each one was insured for everything for twenty cents. They got four dollars and they worked for eight hours. I put that in and he said, "Don't hire everybody in your community, hire them all around Weber County." I had to turn guys down and they put it on an endless belt, here was the pile a half a block long and another one here. It had a pipe flume with the top lids, you took them off. The water would run fast, pumping it and it circulated and washed the beets in and we put them on a belt and they went over and dumped into this flume. I put a hundred thirty thousand ton of beets in with beet forks. Not one man did I ever have to correct, never had one quit, never had one get sick, never had one get hurt, and I never told one he had to do more work or correct him in his throwing. It never stormed. We put them in, through all of November, the factory guy would look up there and if you would watch the moon, the moon will be up here and as it goes down it isn't the moon. It looks like it has turned but it hasn't. He would look up at the moon and say, "That is a wet moon, you'll have to hurry Juke, it is going to storm." We had a platform and you'd come up here and it had a tent of canvas. So if it did storm they were under it. It had a little caterpillar electric on each end of it. It was as long as the pile of beets was wide. It had a little electric caterpillar end. Steve Crowley worked for the sugar company and he stayed and when they would throw the beets in from here to there and have to reach for them, it was electric and he'd put it in and it would crawl up close to the pile. When they reached them—a lot of those guys would sit with their rump right on the edge. It had a four by four along here and a belt, the belt kept going and they would sit right with their butt on that and throw those beets on. That was in 1935, it was the year Sharon was born. The year that Franklin D. Roosevelt took the presidential election by a landslide, was in November of 1932. Remember that the President goes in on an even year. He goes in on '32, '36, and right on up. When they picked those potatoes up I gave them six sacks, six hundred pounds apiece. Some worked 'til noon and they got three hundred pounds. They were red bliss potatoes, just perfect and I said to them when they left that night at five o'clock, it would have been the day before Election Day and the night after election in 1932 it started to snow. You never saw the ground until spring. That was the toughest winter I ever saw. They went over and voted and that night they put Franklin D. in and the next day we got through. The price of potatoes—I took them out in the spring, I carried them upstairs, downstairs, Wesley Hewitt didn't have a job and he lived in a house that charged him seven dollars a month. He couldn't pay the rent so he worked it out. We delivered those potatoes, upstairs, downstairs, traded them in for groceries. They were thirty cents for a hundred pound bag. Uncle Will Marriott moved into town. They had moved into town off of the farm and he come to me and he said, "Do you want to rent the lower farm?" I said, "Well yes I would rent it." So I rented that lower farm for him. I put it all in sugar beets, and if you crowd it there was seventeen acres. The Warren canal ran along the east end and the riverbed was on that end. I ran them from there right through. I put that into sugar beets and I got three dollars and eighty-five cents a ton for them. Now, earlier, a few years before that, the sugar beets were up to twelve dollars and they stayed there. My dad was a bishop for a dozen years. My mother and my dad went down to conference and when they came back we had a long table and there was twelve of us at the table. I sat at the far end and my dad sat at the head end. When they were there one of our family said, "Well what did they tell you at conference?" My mother said, "President Smith,"—Joseph Fielding was the President—he got up and he said, "If you are in debt, get out as fast as you can and if you are not in debt, stay out because the price is going to go down." Sugar beets were twelve dollars a ton. We had every piece of ground around in sugar beets. In fact, we got a furlough for Clifford to come home and dig sugar beets in September. They were twelve dollars a ton, and they started going down in 1932, Uncle Will and Aunt Nell Marriott and Russell and them had all moved into town. They had moved up to the 12th Ward. The spring of 1932 I put it all in sugar beets, seventeen acres and I got three dollars and eighty-five cents a ton for them. I grew that whole field down there and I got a check for eleven hundred and something dollars, I had a good crop. I dug those potatoes and quit and went down and hauled beets for everybody. I hauled over sixteen hundred ton of beets on a 1932 Chevrolet truck and I loaded them all with beet forks. I hauled them beets in and I had almost three hundred ton and I got a check. When he came, they were all good beets and I dug these potatoes and quit and went down and the next day and that night I finished the potatoes it snowed. It started to blow from the east and it snowed. I still had about four acres of sugar beets, I left them right by the road, right on this end and I had to dig them in the snow. I went down the next morning and I had four—this is a coincidence—I had four toppers, topped them all by hand and put them in wind rows. I had two red-headed guys, Wesley Hewitt and the Dana kid. I had Joe and Bill Elmer, they lived on 17th street and were both married men. These two topped the row and these two topped the row and I drove right down the middle of them. I put a team of horses on the truck and I never drove them. They were good horses, I had used them all fall. They were the last beets I got out. Here is the seat, the mirror stuck out here, I hung the lines on the mirror and I loaded this corner and a man here and then the two would throw, all with beet forks. Guys would come and say, "I'll come on and drive those horses for you." I would say, "Nope we don't talk to them." I left them standing, I got out right here, didn't shut the door, leave it open, when I got in all I would do is touch the gas and they just knew to go. They would start to pull and when I let the gas off they stopped. We rent right up and never got stuck a load. Uncle Will came down there, he came down there and Myer and Wright, Myer and Wright was in his arms. He came down in the spring they were all like this. Myer would run out over here and I said, "That sand is hot." That was in the spring. He said, "He'll be back in a minute," the old man said, Uncle Will. He did, he ran about from here to the front door and here he had come back. He had burned his feet because the sand was hot. He picked him up. That was in the spring. In the fall, the same place Uncle Will came down there alone and I was getting the last of them out the last day. I had a team of horses on there and no driver, they would pull right up and when I put the gas down that is just like saying "get up" to them and when I take the gas off they stop. We loaded them and he drove down there with his car and stopped outside the bridge of that lower field and he said, "I have never seen horses pull like that without a driver." They would go right up and come right out. They listened to the gas. When you would give them the gas they went. When you quit the gas they stopped. When Aunt Nell and Uncle Will come to my mother's house and came in the front door and talked to my mother a little bit, my mother said—her and I were there, the only ones—she said, "Willard is making a lot of money. He is about a millionaire." Aunt Nell spoke up and she said, "Yes, the poor boy. It has cost him over ten thousand dollars income tax." Then Uncle Will chuckled and laughed and she was real serious and he chuckled and laughed. He said, "I have come to get the rent," from the farm I had rented. I walked in the other room in the bedroom and I had the cash there. I got a check for eleven hundred dollars. I counted it out and Uncle Will was sitting here and she was sitting here. I gave him half—I didn't get quite eleven hundred, but I gave him five hundred and fifty dollars. That was half of it. I went there to give it to him in cash and Aunt Nell spoke up and she said, "No, he don't get it, you give it to me." It put me in a spot. I said, "Well, he come and ask me if I wanted to rent it and I rented it off of him for five hundred and fifty dollars and I will have to give him the money." So I give him the money, I gave him just a few dollars over half of what I made. They got up and left. I guess Aunt Nell thought that I made too much money so they didn't rent it to me anymore. I sold the potatoes at thirty cents a hundred and I sold the sugar beets for three dollars and eighty-five cents. I went camping with Russell Marriott, Roy Hodson and Clyde Covington, they were cousins, and myself. We got up there we slept way out in the wild and the first night, we had our own food and some blankets and stuff. We camped out there the one night. The next night we came in and we were still out quite a ways from the camping grounds so we pulled up there and the car was like this. We made the bed here and we had plenty of food. The running board was on the outside there. We put some food under those running boards. Clyde Covington wouldn't sleep outside, he was scared, so he slept in the back seat. Russell slept here and Roy Hodson here and me here. Our heads right by the running board of the car. I woke up for some reason, I guess by the noise. I woke up and it was just coming daylight. I woke up and I could hear something. I sat up in bed and I looked about—oh judging thirty feet from where we were sleeping there was a black bear and it was standing facing us and it was growling. I think that was what woke me up, it was growling. I woke up and I looked up there and she was standing on all four feet facing us. I said to these guys, "Hey! Do you want to see something?" "Nah," they slept. They finally woke up and Roy Hodson was in the middle, he raised up and he saw that bear and he went right down in and pulled the covers over him. Clyde Covington was in the car and he was jumping around like a squirrel in there and Russell was over here. I looked that thirty feet away and they got calmed down a little and that bear just kept growling. I reached around here and Uncle Will and Russell and Woodrow and them had just shingled the barn on the farm over there and they had the shingle—so I took one of the shingling hatches that they had and put it under my pillow. I reached around and I thought, "Will I give that bear time to move?" She didn't want to move. I think it was a female bear. So I reached around and I felt there and I got that hatchet in my hand and took a hold of the handle of it. A hatchet is a long blade but it is narrow. I got up on my left knee and that bear still stayed there and she kept growling, and I would say it was twenty-five feet. I got up on my knee and I looked at that and thought, "Maybe if I throw that I can pin her right between the eyes." When I brought my hand up like that, that bear whirled around but it was too far gone. I brought it back like that, she whirled around, and I let it go just as hard as I could throw it and it stuck up right the side of her tail. The full length of the blade went right in her. She ran about twenty-five feet with her hind legs looked like they were going faster than her front ones. She was hunched up but it was a female bear. She ran about twenty-five or thirty feet and the hatchet fell out. But it stuck in her that long. I jumped out of bed and run out there and got it. It was covered in blood all over the hatchet. I brought it back and showed it to them. She never came back. We gathered up camp and right here, she had been in there before, and never woke anybody up. I think she had a cub—I am satisfied she had a cub bear back—a bear will come and get the food and leave the cub back there. Right here by Russell Marriott's head, here was the car, that high and right under the running board by his head we had some bacon and a little sack of sugar, maybe a five pound and half of it was gone. That bear had come and reached in right the side of his head and took that little sack of sugar and we traced it and it had sprinkled a little sugar all over here and there. It had torn the sack a little. All the way out there was a little bit of sugar. She had taken that—she had to get within six inches of his head but she must have reached in with her paw and got that sack with the sugar in and brought it out and took it. Then she fed the cub. That is how close she had come to that kid's head and never woke him up. We never saw the bear again.
Diary 47 begins on November 4, 1897. According to his diary, Joseph arrived back in Baghdad from his journey to Europe with his son Alexander, his wife Eliza, and the outgoing British Consul Col. Mockler on October 14. He quickly settled back in to his normal life, traveling up and down the Tigris River from Baghdad to Basra and back, aboard the steamers of the Lynch company. Typically, Joseph was clerk aboard the H. Blosse Lynch, though on occasion his services were required aboard her newer sister ship, the Mejidieh. At home in Baghdad, Joseph corresponded with his son by mail?Alexander had begun studying several subjects in school, including German. Joseph also noted in his diary that he had paid a carpenter for four days worth of work while he was away at Basra, part of an ongoing series of improvements to his home in Baghdad. (4 November 1897, 2-3) Evidently, Eliza had returned to Iraq separately from Joseph, she had recently arrived at Basra in the SS Arabistan, one of several British steamers which made a regular run from Europe, through the Red Sea and Persian Gulf before traveling on to India. On Monday, November 8, Joseph met Eliza at Basra. Upon meeting her again, he wrote in his diary: ?I could not keep myself from the tears on seeing her without my son Alexander.? (8 Nov. 1897, 9) The news that she brought was just as bad. She complained that in Paris, their family friend Ibrahim Gejou had treated them quite poorly. He was unprepared for their arrival and charged them extra for her to stay in the same room with Alexander. To make matters worse, Eliza believed that Alexander should not remain in Paris because he spent too much money too quickly and made a habit of selling his postage stamps instead of using them to write home. The whole conversation left Joseph ?so very sorry & broken hearted that [he] lost all the pleasure of talking with her about anything else.? That night, he could not sleep well on account of the excessive mosquitoes and his wife?s story of his son?s life in Paris. (8 Nov. 1897, 10) Upon their return to Baghdad together, the rest of the family was glad to see Joseph and Eliza once again. Throughout November, Joseph often noted that the weather was unusually cold and calm, recording morning temperatures in the low thirties Fahrenheit, and overnight temperatures that sometimes dipped as low as the mid-twenties. On Tuesday the 16th, Joseph took the time to call on the new British Consul General, Colonel Lock, who had replaced the outgoing Col. Mockler. Lock, it seems, was rather interested in performing archaological expeditions in the surrounding desert. An avid amateur archaeologist himself, Joseph recommended that Lock visit the site of Sippar at Tell Abu Habbah, southwest of Baghdad. Joseph then went to meet the new French Vice Consul M. Ron?, and engineer M. Jacquer?s. (16 Nov. 1897, 17-18) After visiting with some family on November 17th, tending to some home business, and receiving another letter from his son, Joseph embarked for Basra again on the 19th. Throughout the journey, Joseph continually complained of the cold weather and its ill effects on his health.? At Basra, they took on an important cargo: the body of Sheikh Mezel of the Mahomerah tribe. Mezel had been murdered by his brother Khazal, and the body was being transported to the Shi?a holy city of Karbala for burial. On this journey, Joseph listed among the notable passengers: the new Inspector for the Quarantine of Baghdad dispatched by Constantinople, Dr. Z. Yeronimakus; Dr. Malakis of the Basra Quarantine and his clerk Solon Calothi, coming for an unspecified political affair, as well as Ezra Daniel the Jew Apothecary. (23-4 Nov. 1897, 27-9) On November 28, Joseph learned of the death of Yousif Sayegh, a relative of his wife Eliza?s late husband Fathallah. Joseph and his brother-in-law Antone Marine attended a wake at the Sayegh family home in Baghdad, where Yousif had lived as the last resident after his remaining brothers in the clergy moved north to Mosul. Later that afternoon, Joseph, Antone Marine, and their friend Yousif Korkis Tessy accompanied the body from the Sayegh home to the Armenian Church near the ancient citadel in the northwest corner of Baghdad, where funeral services were held. The Baghdadi Christian community turned out in droves to pay their respects, including the Russian consul Mr. Mashkow. Following the funeral, the body was taken by mourning carriage to the Christian cemetery complex on the eastern outskirts of the city, where it was interred. (28 Nov. 1897, 34-5) Aside from unusually rainy and gloomy weather, the late autumn and early winter of 1897 was a relatively uneventful time. The work on the Svoboda family home continued, he noted in his diary that he painted the pillars and railings in his home yellow and green. (30 Nov. 1897, 37) In December, Joseph continued to correspond with Alexander, who complained of the bitterly cold winter in Paris, the like of which he had rarely experienced??temperature always at zero, or freezing point.? (16 Dec. 1897, 53) Once, on a journey from Baghdad to Basra, Joseph noted that some of his passengers were the former administrators of the Basra Quarantine, ?Dr. Lubiez and Dr. Malakis. They, along with their entire staff, had been dismissed from their positions for reasons that Joseph was not aware of, and were returning to Istanbul via the Suez Canal in the steamer Alphonse Parran. (17 Dec. 1897, 55) On the same trip to Basra, Joseph gave Rezooki Sayegh three Arabic language manuscripts to send to Alexander via Bombay so that they could be sold in Paris. Joseph also sent four Rumelian Railway lottery bonds (purchased at a price of 28 Turkish Lira) for Alexander to sell in exchange for some of the Paris Exhibition Lottery bonds for 1900 for 1 Napoleon apiece. (21 December 1897, 59-60) On Christmas Day, Joseph noted that they passed the Ottoman steamers Mossul and Ressafah near Bughela carrying Ottoman soldiers to Kuwait to settle a disturbance, as he put it, ?between the followers of the Sheikh of Kweit Moobarak el Subah and his brother?s sons, as his brother Mahomed was Killed by the former 2 years ago, the Arabs have split in two parts.? Later, the crew celebrated Christmas aboard the Blosse Lynch with a caked baked by Captain Cowley?s butler Francis. (25 December 1897, 64-5) Upon arriving back at Baghdad, Joseph wrote that the Damascus Post, the key mail line going over land through the Ottoman Empire, was delayed by more than four days, meaning he and Eliza had no letters from Alexander for Christmas. (26 December 1897, 66) It arrived the following day, the driver having been found dead in the desert between Hit and Saglawyeh east of the Euphrates. (27 December 1897, 68) Several days later, Joseph mailed Alexander a cheque for 200 francs from his uncle Yousif Marine as a Christmas gift. (30 December 1897, 71) The first of the New Year brought an unexpected surprise. On a trip down to Basra, with morning temperatures hovering around freezing, Joseph notes a particularly uncommon weather phenomenon: ?It begun to Snow after midnight, a phenomena for this part of the world and a great rarity, I never saw it like this but once some 25 years ago; the whole desert, banks of the river and brush wood are covered with it so white and picturesque.? (1 January 1898, 74) Though recording wonder at the rarity and beauty of the event, Joseph complains of the cold for several days.?It seems the threat of Ottoman military force successfully settled the troubles in Gulf, at least temporarily, as the Blosse Lynch passed the same contingent of Turkish soldiers now encamped at Lebany on the banks of the Tigris. Evidently, the Sheikh of Qatar (Kater in Joseph?s rendering) Jassim el Thani had submitted to Ottoman authority. (4 January 1898, 79) The month of January 1898 saw three anniversaries that each occasioned great celebration in Baghdad. On January 6, the Father Superior of the Latin Church, Marie Joseph, was feted for his 40th anniversary at the Church in Baghdad. The French Vice Consul, Mons. Ronet, presented the priest with the Palmes d?Officier d?Acad?mie, one of the highest awards for the expansion of French culture abroad. January 9th, 1898 corresponded to the 16th of Sha?aban in the Islamic hijri calendar, and was celebrated as the Coronation Day of Sultan Abdulhamid II. According to Joseph, all of the foreign consuls in Baghdad paid their respects to the Governor of Baghdad Vali Atta-allah Pasha and Mushir Rejeb Pasha, Commander in Chief of the Ottoman 6th Army. (9 Jan 1898, 85-6) On January 27, late in the evening on account of the Ramadan fast, the German consulate hosted a reception in honor of Kaiser Wilhelm?s birthday. Joseph attended, along with most of the European diplomatic community and the Ottoman provincial administrators. There was a dance, and guests were entertained by the Ottoman military band. (27 January 1898, 111-3)? On January 10, Joseph received an urgent telegram from his son asking permission to travel to Cairo to work for the international commission overseeing the management of Egyptian public debt. He wrote in his diary ?I was astonished to see such a message, how could I possibly let him accept such a situation without first knowing what condition and how and who has asked him, or if he has been applying for it?? He attempted to send a telegram ordering Alexander to wait, but it was delayed by a cut telegraph line, an all-too common occurrence. In the mean time, his brother-in-law Anton Marine advised him to allow Alexander to pursue the opportunity. Joseph resolved to wait until his son sent more details by mail. (10 January 1898, 87-8) Upon receiving Joseph?s telegram, Alexander replied by wire that he would wait until the end of February. Joseph wrote: ?All here advise me to let him go after I receive the full particulars of this situation in Cairo if advantageous; I was so restless all the night thinking about Alexander?s project of wishing to go to Cairo.? (18 January 1898, 99)?A week later, Joseph received two letters from Alexander from the end of December, more thoroughly explaining his motivations. Through Sherif Beg, the son of a Moossa Kadem Pasha, he met the unnamed son of a Serkis Pasha, who in turn promised to introduce Alexander to Nubar Pasha, the former Egyptian Prime Minister that had retired to Paris. (24 January 1898, 107-8) Throughout the later months of winter, Joseph continued to correspond frequently with Alexander. On Sunday February 6, he received an inexplicable telegram from his which simply read: ?Grammaire, 100 francs repondez.? In his diary, Joseph puzzled over the meaning of the message. He went to the German consulate to gather and copy the necessary documents for Alexander to renew his Austrian passport through their family friend Mr. B?hm in Vienna. After a few days, Joseph finally surmised that, by ?grammaire,? Alexander must have meant the Arabic manuscripts he had sent to him in December. He replied telling Alexander to suspend the sale, as 100 francs was far too low a price. He then sent Alexander a longer letter via the Damascus Post to telling providing the details of a trip to Vienna and telling him that he ?must give up the idea of the job in Egypt for the present." (6-10 February 1898, 124-30)?On February 19, Joseph received two letters from Alexander from a month earlier, explaining that he had been quite unwell, but that he had given up the thought of going to Cairo and would instead go to Vienna come spring. (19 February 1898, 142-3) Glad to hear that his son had come to his senses, Joseph wrote to Alexander to tell him that if he was short of money he could draw 500 francs from Rezooki Korkis for his travels. (23 February 1898, 146)? For the most part, the winter of 1897-1898 was cold and dry. In late February Joseph noted with relief that rain had finally come. The drought had pushed grain prices to historic highs. According to Joseph: ?wheat had risen to 500 piasters per Wazna of 78 Constantinople Oke; a thing which has never yet occurred before.? (25 Feb. 1898, 149) The bad weather had also killed off livestock and destroyed much of the vegetable crop. Bad pasturage from the cold meant that young lambs were killed early for their skins rather than their meat or wool. (1 March 1898, 155) Joseph recorded in his diary upon returning to Baghdad from Basra in early March: ?There is a great scarcity and dearnes of provision in town; which is worth noting, it is caused by the scarcity of rain & the severe cold of this winter which killed all of the vegetation & pasturage for sheep & cattle & the price rose steadily, although there are a great quantity of Grain stowed away by the dealers in hopes of getting the price up & therefore making a good profit, the Government do not seem to take any steps to avoid this, & force the people & the sellers to dispose of the provision at a reasonable price, every kind of food rose accordingly.? (4 March 1898, 158-9) Joseph wrote that the spike in food prices precipitated unrest and banditry amongst the tribal Arabs outside the city: ?Lots of theft & plunder are taking place in the town & outside, the Arabs are plundering Keleks & caravans; & theives robbing houses & shops on account of the scarcity.? (5 February 1898, 160) On March 5th, at the invitation of Eliahoo Denoos, the Seraf of the Residency, Joseph, his wife Eliza, Antone Marine and his family, Yousif Asfar and Philip Chiha went together to the wedding of his brother Noonoo Denoos. Joseph was not pleased by the nights? festivities. He complained to his diary: ?there were hundreds of people Jews and Mahomedans, with the Jews band, and the Native music?the ladies were separated from us in other rooms, I did not like this entertainment at all, there is no taste in it, neither head or tale. We left at 11 1/2 and came to our houses. But I lost my sleep and could not do so all the rest of the night.? (6 March 1898, 160-2) The following morning, Joseph sent a telegram to Alexander authorizing him to sell the Arabic manuscript for 100 francs and the Rumelian Railway Lotteries for 105 Francs each. He lamented that he had paid 140 francs for each of them initially. (7-10 March 1898, 162-7) He later sent a more detailed letter to Alexander laying out his financial situation. Joseph allowed Alexander to keep the proceeds from the manuscript sale (100 francs) and the Rumelian lottery sale (225 Francs, less the cost of 10 shares of the 1900 Paris Exhibition lottery for various family members), plus 500 francs apiece from N. Sayegh and Rezooki Korkis, and a 300 franc bank note from Joseph, giving Alexander more than 1600 francs. Joseph thought this was an ample sum to get Alexander through to Vienna. That evening, he received a letter from Alexander informing him that he had sold the Rumelian lotteries for 104 Francs each, minus 14 francs for stamp duties and commissions. Joseph noted that the whole transaction had come at a loss to him of 158 francs. Alexander also told his father that he was planning to leave for Vienna around April 10. (10 March 1898, 166-7) As he often did, Joseph complained about government corruption on the occasion of the dismissal of the Vali of Basra, Arif Pasha, in mid-March. Joseph noted that he had been appointed in November of 1896, a scant 16 months earlier. He wrote that the Vali left ?with a nice fortune made of nearly 30,000 TLiras, it is the largest sum of that any former Governor had been able to squeeze out from the sheikhs and merchants and other bribery.? The Lynches transported Arif Pasha back to Baghdad aboard the Blosse Lynch, breaching normal diplomatic protocol by not flying the Turkish flag, as neither they nor the dismissed Vali had one. The following day the ship?s crew rectified this oversight by running up a makeshift Turkish flag in the rigging. (14-5 March 1898, 172-6) Joseph also made a habit of recording various business intrigues and company gossip. In late March, he noted that Mr. Hatfield, the Blosse Lynch?s second mate was reprimanded and dismissed by Mr. Bottomley, Stephen Lynch?s agent in Baghdad. The unfortunate Hatfiled was immediately pulled from service and given a one-way ticket to Karachi, the nearest British port. His dismissal came as the result of various derelictions of duty: once failing to pick up the mails for India, once leaving the ship without permission on account of an alleged illness, and bringing numerous prostitutes onto the steamer into his cabin??in excess,? as Joseph put it. Nevertheless, Joseph did not seem to believe that Hatfield?s behavior was too out of line, writing: ?Otherwise he is sober and of good and mild temper he certainly has followed what other officers are doing in both steamers. (24 March 1898, 185-6) As the Mesopotamian winter transitioned into spring, and the cold gave way to heat, humidity, and insects, life continued apace for Joseph. April 15 marked a year since he had departed for Europe with Alexander and Eliza. The same day, he received a letter from Alexander asking for permission to return home from Vienna via the overland route at Aleppo, as he disliked traveling by sea. At the same time, he also asked permission to take an alternate route to Vienna, via Lyon, Milan, and Venice. ?(15 April 1898, 216-7) Meanwhile, the renovations to Joseph?s continued. He noted in his diary ?I had masons today in repairing the wall on the narrow street, and also in my small house behind. (19 April 1898, 223) On 27 April, Joseph complained to his diary of a new flare up of his persistent stomach ulcer: ?I took a dose of Castor Oil this morning early at 4 1/2 as I have felt bilious and bowels out of order, I had not taken it for a year? (27 April 1898, 233) In late April, the Chaldean Patriarch from Mosul, Aleed Ishoh came to Baghdad to oversee the completion of a new Chaldean church. Construction on this church had begun some five years earlier, but it had been halted due to lack of sufficient funds. Joseph recorded of him: ?He is an old man of 75 and very clever, speaking several European languages he has the decoration of the Mejidieh Class? I found him a nice person very talketive and amusing.? (29 April-1 May 1898, 237-39) The Patriarch?s visit was of some local social importance, he was called on by the Atta-allah Pasha the Vali and Rejeb Pasha the Mushir of the Ottoman 6th Army. In May, some two months after Arif Pasha?s dismissal as Vali of Basra, Joseph recorded that Anis Pasha had been permanently appointed in his place. This appointment proved controversial among Anis Pasha was the former Governor of Diyarbak?r and helped order the massacres of Armenians during the Hamidian pogroms of 1894-96. Joseph writes: ?This is the same Anis Pasha who was Governor of Diarbekir 2 years ago, during the Armenian Massacre there, encouraged by him and he remained inactive, and the French Consul there wired to the French Ambassador Mons. Cambon, the latter went immediately to the Sultan and complained very strongly and demanded the immediate dismissal of Anis Pasha to stop the massacre, which he did, and there was no further bloodshed; Now he has been appointed to Basreh, but the English and French protested strongly to the Sultan regarding his being appointed Wali at Basreh.? (2 May 1898, 240-2) Despite the protestations of European diplomats, Anis Pasha arrived in Basra aboard the Ottoman steamer Ressafah. He was met with great fanfare from the local officials and nobility amidst an honor guard of Ottoman soldiers. (9 May 1898, 252-3) In mid-May, Joseph received a telegram from Alexander told his father to rest assured that he would depart Paris for Vienna soon, but that he needed to be sent an additional 500 francs. Joseph confided to his diary: ?I suppose he wants the money for the Bycicle which he must have bought; I had written to him not to buy one now as I had arranged with Johny, my nephew to get two out from London one for himself, I did not know what to do, and not having money just now to advance him so I had to satisfy his wishes.? Joseph arranged for Rezooki Korkis to advance Alexander 20?. (13 May 1898, 259) Meanwhile, the renovations to Joseph?s home continued. On May 18th, he recorded in his diary: ?I have carpenters at home for the last 30 days working in making me a new railings on top of the house made of Jawi wood.? Later that day, Joseph received a telegram from Alexander dated the previous night informing him that he had arrived safely in Vienna. Joseph speculated that Alexander must have left Paris on the 10th and travelled by Milan, Turin, and Venice to reach Vienna on the 17th. (18 May 1898, 264-5) Late May brought severe weather. On the night of May 24th, Joseph observed lightning and thunder on the southern horizon while the Blosse Lynch took on coal and offloaded cargo and passengers at Amara. Joseph watched with apprehension as the storm seemed to move up to the north and west, with ?thick black clouds like a range of high mountains.? A sudden shift in the wind brought the ominous clouds above them at Amara. Joseph later wrote: ?it gave us no time to furl the awnings when it begun to blow a terrific squall such as I never witnessed; With thick dust and rain and the strong lightning, the Wind is blowing from the opposite side and played havoc with the upper deck riggings, all the awnings were torn away, stretchers broke and stancheons bent and were rattling on the deck like so many sounds of cannons, the passengers Kit flew on shore and most of it were picked away by Arabs; the passengers came down yelling and crying; the thick dust blinded us, the incessant lightning and thunder was a sight like a hurricane at sea.? The squall lasted for a half an hour, intruding into the cabins and causing small leaks below deck. However, the damage to the Blosse Lynch was minimal. The crew finished taking on six tons of coal and a shipment of ghi, and she got underway again after just a few hours. (24 May 1898, 275-6) In June, Joseph noted a major dispute between the Arab tribes. He records: ?About a month ago, a great quarrel had taken place between the tribes of Hassan ibn Jendeel of the Beni Laam tribe and Magasis located from Coot and downward on the West bank and both lost about 20 or 30 Men Killed; and now all the Governors of the surrounding districts have gathered at S. Saad to arrange the Matter and collected the Sheikhs to oblige them to give a Guarantee for their future Good behaviour.? The mutasarr?fs of Amara and Nasryeh(?), and the Kaymakam of Kut Jaffer Beg, as well as Ottoman officials came with a company of soldiers to mediate the dispute. (17 June 1898, 307-8) Later that month, Joseph received a few letters from Alexander about his stay in Vienna. He recorded in his diary with pride that Alexander ?is very well, taking his German lesson from Dr. Bayer, and goes to a large merchants office, a very extensive export firm he is very glad of this place and the Director is very satisfied of him, he was recommended to this large house by Mr. B?hm, who also writes to me a very nice letter and telling me how he is looking after Alexander.? (24 June 1898, 320) At the same time, he received a telegram from Alexander stating ?Require 500 hastily advise Korkis.? Knowing that the expense of the journey from Paris and his emergency visit to the doctor were quite high, Joseph confided to his diary ?I could not possibly avoid sending him as he may be in great need.? Joseph went to Yousif Korkis and had him wire his brother Rezooki for 20? Sterling for Alexander. (24 June 1898, 321) However, Alexander?s stay in Vienna was destined to be a short one. On July 8th, Joseph wrote to Alexander and provided details about his impending journey home over land, including a list of stations from Alexandretta (?skenderun) to Deir ez-Zor in the Syrian desert. (2 July 1898, 330)?But, In order for Alexander to return home, Joseph had to engage in some subterfuge. In early July, Alexander his Ottoman passport back to Joseph for renewal. Mr. B?hm, the Svoboda family friend in Vienna, could not obtain an Austrian passport for Alexander. Having just turned 20, Alexander was still liable for mandatory conscription into the Austrian army, and if the authorities knew of his presence there, he would be drafted in September. Thus, Alexander would have to travel back to Istanbul on an Ottoman passport. (8 July 1898, 338) On the same day, Joseph recorded that the Mushir of the Ottoman 6th Army, Recep Pasha, had been transferred to Tripoli in North Africa by order from Istanbul. Joseph wrote: ?It is to the regret of everybody here Christians, Mahomedans and Jews because he is one of the best man in the Turkish service, a very honest streight forward man, a just and wise administrator, he belongs to the New School and a liberal and open hearted.? Evidently, the Vali was jealous of Recep Pasha?s popularity: ?The present Waly here Atta-Allah Pasha who is a very old man, very fanatic and lazy, and does no good to the welfare of the people and the country, hated by everybody, but has a great influence and being a relative of the Sheikh ul-Islam and hates the Mushir in his internal feelings, being jealous of him because every body likes the latter, and has been undermining him and, the Sultan hates every person in his services who has such influence and liberality with the nation; and frightened by false rumor bing represented to him, that if the Mushire is allowed to be left in Baghdad where his popularity is gaining ground, he might eventually gain his independence by having all the Army Corps siding with him as well as the population, and it might end by the dismemberment of Irak Arabia from the Turkish dominion.?(8 July 1898, 338-40) The Mushir was popular with the local citizens of Baghdad. A group of concerned residents telegrammed to Istanbul begging the Porte to retain him, but according to Joseph their appeals had the opposite of the intended effect. Instead, they inflamed the Atta-allah Pasha and Sultan Abdulhamid II?s fears that Recep Pasha?s popularity might one day lead to rebellion. Instead, the Mushir of Yemen was called in to take Recep Pasha?s place. The next several days were ?fearfully warm,? as Joseph put it, with afternoon temperatures hovering in the mid-110s. The pace of business slowed considerably?the Blosse Lynch remained docked at the Customs House for some time offloading cargo. Joseph took advantage of time to catch up on correspondence and visitation. On July 9th, he received a new telegram from Alexander stating: ?Advantageous Affaire in hand, require thousand florins? This sum was equal to about 90? Sterling. Joseph had Rezooki Korkis wire Alexander the money, believing it to be for the purchase of items in Europe that could be resold at a better price in Baghdad. (9 July 1898, 343) On the 11th, Joseph called on the Agha Muhammad at his home on the outskirts of Baghdad, and the following afternoon he went to visit Mushir Recep Pasha to bid him goodbye. On the 13th, Joseph sent Alexander a lengthy letter?six sheets?arranging accommodations for him in Istanbul at the Mostapha Pasha Han. He sent along a letter of recommendation from his friend Georgis Antone to Antone?s friend Nazaret Kasparyan, who ran the han, to provide Alexander 30 Turkish Liras on his arrival. The package also included Alexander?s Ottoman passport. (13 July 1898, 349) Throughout the summer, tensions between the local Ottoman authorities and the Arab tribes of the lower Tigris continued. Joseph wrote in mid-July that ?there has been a disturbance lately caused by the Motserrif of Amara Mostapha Pasha who came here to fill his pocket from Sheikh Seyhood (the runaway brigand who had attacked the Khalifah, and now made Sheikh and reinstated by the Turks and farmed lands here and the Motserrif wanted to exact more money from him and his sons Faleh, Kathem, etc, the Motserrif having taken one of the sons and put him in prison, and the father Seyhood came and attacked the village and fired shots from the opposite side on the telegraph office where the Motserrif was sitting.? Both of the active Lynch steamers?the Khalifa and the Blosse Lynch?were given contingents of zaptyehs to guard against attack from Arab gunners. (16 July 1898, 354-5) On July 22nd, Joseph received two letters from Alexander complaining about the strangeness of Vienna. Alexander wrote that Mr. B?hm had departed Vienna to stay in the countryside for the summer, leaving him alone. He also informed his father that he had used one of the payments of 500 francs to buy 100 pairs of European shoes, presumably to bring back to Baghdad to sell. (22 July 1898, 368) On July 25, Joseph received an urgent telegram from Alexander in Paris dated July 22, informing him that he was in Paris for an important purpose, and that he would sent a letter soon explaining why. Joseph was astonished at his sudden departure and feared that Alexander had fled because someone had tipped off the authorities to his presence, making him liable for conscription. Joseph wrote in his diary: ?I suspect the sons of Isak Lurion either Faust or Edward, they saw that he was in the office of Olloi Schweizer the General Export merchant and did this out of spite." Joseph immediately telegramed Ibrahim Gejou in Paris asking for an explantion. (25 July 1898, 370-1) He tried to contact Mr. B?hm at his summer home to ask about the situation. (27 July 1898, 374) On the morning of July 28th, Joseph set out for Basra aboard the Blosse Lynch, not knowing Alexander?s fate. He spoke to Mr. Julietti at the Baghdad telegraph office and made arrangements for any telegrams addressed to him at Baghdad to be forwarded to him at Amara or Basra. Yet, when they anchored at Amara on the 30th, there was still no word from Alexander. Being left in such a state of ignorance took a heavy toll on Joseph?s mental well-being: ??I could no longer write and was getting mad and feel so weak that I do not know what to do and where to go, my heart fails me and I am so sorry and out of temper on account of Alexander.? (31 July 1898, 380) Upon landing at Basra, Joseph received a package of three urgent telegrams, one from Ibrahim Gejou and two from his wife Eliza. In the first, Gejou informed Joseph that Alexander was indeed in Paris, seemingly to be married. In the second, Eliza exhorted Alexander to telegraph the Austrian consul in Baghdad to inform the Ambassador in Paris to put a stop to the marriage, this was followed by one from two hours later, in which Eliza stated that she had corresponded with Monseigneur Altmayer, the Archbishop of Baghdad, who advised that involving the Austrian ambassador could be a risky proposition. Alexander had, after all, been preparing to depart Vienna so that he could avoid conscription into the Austrian army. Joseph sarcastically recorded in his diary: ?This is a fine thing Alexander is doing if what Ibrahim says is true; I am at a loss to find out the reality of this news; but if it is true Alexander must have been doing a great fault and foolishness; unless Ibrahim has been working at it all the time before he went to Vienna.? He discussed the matter with his friends and relations in Basra and resolved to telegram back to Paris to both Ibrahim Gejou and Alexander to discover what was behind Alexander?s seemingly erratic behavior. Joseph was unable to sleep that night. On the morning of August 1, after he had sent off his telegrams to Alexander and Ibrahim, Joseph boarded the Blosse Lynch to return to Baghdad. In one of the final entries in Diary 47, he wrote: ?This news has stunned me and made me quite sick pulled down as it is a thing that I never expected it to come from my only son that I hold so dear and precious on earth, my affection to him has no limit and I have been expecting to see him soon and am sacrificing everything for him even my health and existence.? That evening the Blosse Lynch set sail, with Joseph still awaiting a response from his son and an answer to his worries. (31 July-1 August 1898, 380-6) ; NELC, Simpson Center for the Humanities
Issue 12.1 of the Review for Religious, 1953. ; Review t:or ~eligious Volume XII January December, 1953 Publlshed'at ~ THE COLLEGE PRESS Topeka, Kansas , "Edited by THE JESUIT FATHERS SAINT MARY'S COLLEGE St. Marys, Kansas REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS is indexed in ÷he CATHOLIC PERIODICAL INDEX ¯ The C rt:husi ns Jerome Breunig, S.J. ~"HE centuries-old Carthusian Order is breaking ground in the | NewWorld and the eyes of America are watching with interest. Through the generosity of a benefactress and with the approval of the Bishop of Burlington, the Most Rev. Edward F. Ryafi~, a pio-neer band, consisting of two Carthusian priests and two lay brothers with some Americancandid~ates, has established the first ~ommunity at Sky Farm near Whitingham in the Vermont hills. The very name Carthusian is pronounced, with reverence on Catholic lips, and in .many minds it represents the ultimate in austerity and deep spiritual-ity. The coming of the Carthusians brings many questi~ons to mind. Is there place for them today? Aren't they passe, a respected' relic of the past? Just how old are they? Who founded them and why? Do they differ from the Trappists? What do they do? What did they do? How do they live? Is it true that they do not eat meat, that they do not heat their rooms, that they always wear a hairshirt? Are there Carthusian nuns? Many of these and similar questions are answered in the Apos-tolic Constitution of Pius XI, Umbratilem, in the booklet, The Car-thusian Foundation in America, and in tw~o recent books that com.- plement each other: The Cartbusians, which gives a detailed factual' description ,of their life, and The White; Paradise, which is a glowing account of his visit to the chartethouse ~it La Valsainte in.Switzer-land by the gifted autho£-conv~rtI, Peter van der Meer de Walcheren. Mo~t of the information in this article is taken from these four sources. Any questioning of the validity; and modern relevance of the Carthusians should be cut short by Umbratilem, the Constitution issued on July 8, 1924, when the Statutes of the Carthusian Order were. approved in conformity with the new dode of Canon Law. This important document on the contemplative life states clearly at the, outset that Carthusians h~ive chosen the better part, and holds up their life to the, admiration and imitation of all. ".All those, who, according to their .rule~ lead a life of solitude 'remote from the din and follies of" the world, and who not only ~3 JEROME BREUNIG Reoiew for Religious assiduously cbntemplate the divine mysteries and the ~ternal truths, and pou~ forth ardent.and continual prayers to God that his king-- dom may flourish and be daily spread more widely, but who also atone for the sins of other men still more than for their own by mortification, prescribed or voluntary, of mind and body--such indeed must be said to have choser~ the better part, like~ Mary of Bethany. "For no more perfect state and rule of life than that *can be pro-posed for men to take up and embrace, if the Lord calls them to it. Moreover, by the inward holiness of those who lead the solitary life in the silence of the cloister and by their most intimate union with Gbd, is kept brightly shining the halo of' that holiness which the spotless Bride of Jesus Christ holds up to the admiration and imita- ~tion of all." The document also mikes it clear that there is need for Carthu- .sians today. "For, if ever it was needf_ul that there should be ancho; rites of that sort in the Church of God it is most specially expedient nowa'days "when we see so (nany Christians-living without a thought for the things of the next world and utterly regardless of their eter-nal salvation,° giving rein to their desire for earthly pelf and the pleasures of the flesh an'd adopting and exhibiting publicly as well as in their private life pagan manners altogether opposed to the Gospel. ¯ . . It is, besides, easy to understand how they who assiduously fulfil the duty of prayer and penance contribute much l~ore to the increase of the Church and the welfare of mankind than those who labo~ in tilling the Master's field; for unless the former drew down from heaven a shower of divine graces to water the field that" is being tilled, the evangelical laborers would reap forsooth from their toil a more Scanty crop." The Founder An authentic hunger for God led a diocesan priest-educator in the eleventh century to formulate a" way of life that h'appily blends community life with thelife of solitude and keeps the advantages of each form. This life was first put into practice in 1082 by the same priest and six companions at Chartreuse in the Alps of Dauphin~, in Southern France, and endures to our day. From the extant r~cord of tributes after his death, this priest, whom we know as St. Bruno, was one of the great men of his time. Besides noting Bruno's talents as a preacher, writer, and educator, these tributes single out three vir-tues for which the saint was conspicuous: spirit of prayer, extreme January, 1953 THE CARTHUSIANS mortification, and filial devotion to Our Lady, virtues also conspicu-ous in his Order. Born in Cologne, St. Bruno (1030-i l~J)'studied at the episco-pal school at Rbeims. After his ordination he remained at this school for 25 Years as '.teacher~, principal, and "diocesan superintendentl) of schools. After a short term as chancellor of the diocese he evaded the efforts of the clerg~ to make him their bishop by "~scaping" to Chartreuse in 1082. In .I090 Pope Urban II called his former teacher, St. Bruno, to Rome to be his counsellor. The orphaned community wavered in their vocation for a time and later even deserted by.following their founder to Rome, but after a year they returned to their hermitages at Chartreuse. Though Sty. Bruno made the ground plan for the Carthusian Order, it was the fifth general, Guigo the Venerable (1109-1136) wh6 xvrote the Consuetudines, the first Statutes of the Order. "The Consuetudines are the Carthu-sian gospel, Guigo our evangelist and Saint Bruno our founder and lawgiver" (The Carthusians, 17). The Life of Solitude In Rome is a famous statue of St. Bruno by~Houdon. It is so lifelike, the comment is: "It would speak if his rule did not compel him to silence." Silence and solitude, so essential to the Cartbusian life, are insured by providing each monk with a separate hermitage consisting of four distinct rooms and an enclosed ghrden plot. There is a storeroom and work shop, usually on the first floor, and, above, an ante-chamber called the Ave Maria, because it honors a statue of, Our Lady, and an "'inner chamber" or living room. A private wash-room is also provided. In the cell proper the monk has a prayer-stall, desk and book cas~, a bed, and a small table for meals. Except on Sundays and feast days the meals are brought to an opening in each cell. There is never any breakfast and m~at'is never permitted even in sickness. From September 14 to Easter the evening meal is cut down to a collation of dry bread and whatever is the most com-mon drink of the country. Penitential as it is; the diet seems to insure longevity rather than shorten life. The cell is the monk's "living toom." Except for community exercises and the occasional recreation periods the monk never leaves his hermitage. He lives for God and God alone. Here he devotes whole hours to study, to spiritual reading, and to prayer, including mental prayer, the part of the Divine Office not said in choir, the JEROME BREUNIG . Reoieto for Religious Office of Our Lady. and sometimes the Office of the Dead¯ Since "the harp needs a rest,", th~ monk relaxes from time to time with light manual work such as sawing wood for his fire, cultivating his gar-den. making religious articles, and caring for the hermitage. No siesta is permitted and the night's sleep is always broken into two periods of about three and a half hours each by the night Offce. The Comrnunit~ Life The community life which tempers the solitude provides a~ frame-work with a fixed daily'order and sustains the courage of each monk by mutual good example. 'jBrother helped by brother-makes a strong city." The main daily communal exercises are the chanting of the night Office and of Vespers and the conventual Mass. On Sundays and feast days the rest of the Office except Compline is-chanted, meals arc taken in the refectory, and there is a recreation period. Besides there is a weekly walk outside the enclosure.- ,This period is called, the spatiarnenturn and lasts about three and a half hours. Dom I.e Masson an outstanding general of the order'(1675~- 1703). says of this exercise: "It is only with the greatest reluctance that I excuse from the spatiarnentum, and then. on!y to tbe aged. So great, it appears to me. is the utility of this walk for good both of body and soul . More easily and willingly would I exempt a car-thusian monk from the night Office for some days, or from fasts, of th~ Order. than from the spatiarner~tum." (The Cartbusians. 62.) What They Did Onl.y eternity will unfold the~ contribution of the Carthuslan Order to~ the glory, ~: God- and .the salvation of souls. Even in recorded history the order is eminent in providing the Church with saints, beati, and saintly bishops, archbishops, and a few cardinals. Perhaps the greatest s!ng[e contribution is the'treasure of writings in ascetical and m~stical theology. The only wealth of any kind in a charterbouse was to be found in the library. Scbolarship'was always held in high esteem and the monks helped enrich other libraries as well as their own ldy providing both copyists and eminent writers. Besides St. Bruno,' who is said to have written bi~ famou~ commen~ ¯ tary on the Epistles of St. Paul when at Chartreuse, the list of writers includes Ludolf of Saxony, whose Vita Cbris~ti was so influential for centuries~ Dionysius the Carthusian called the Ecstatic Doctor, who has written more than St: Augustine; John Lansperg, who ~_~te of Devotion to the Sacred Heart before St: Margaret Mary l and Lau- danuar~t, 1953 THE CARTHUSIANS rentius Surius, whose Vitae still help supplement the work of the ~3011andists. The official document of the Church Ur~bratilem is quite articu-late about the contribution of the Carthusians to the. religious life. "In his great kindness, God, who is ever attentive to the needs and well-being of his Church, chose Bruno. a man of eminent sanctity, for the work of bringing the contemplative life back to the glory of it~ original integrity: To that intent Bruno founded the Carthusian Order. imbued it thoroughly with his own spirit and provided it with those.laws which might efficaciously induce its members to ad, ,vance speedily along the way of inward sanctity and of the most rigorous penance, to the preclusion of every sort of exterior, ministr) and office: laws which would also impel th~em to persevere with steadfast hearts in the same austere and hard life. And it is a recog-nised fact that through nearly nine hundred years the Carthusians have 'so wel! retained the spirit of their Founder, Father "and Law- , giver that unlike other religious bodies, their Order has never in'~o long a space of time needed any amendment, or, as they say, reform." The badge of the order is appropriate. It is a globe surrounded by~ a cross and seven stars, with the motto: Star crux dum votoitur orbis terrarum The cross remains firm while the world keeps spinning around. If, persecution is a mark of Christ's followers, the Carthusians can certainly, be identified. "They have persecuted Me. they will also persecute you.'" Three Carthusian priors .were among the proto-martyrs of Henry VIII: fifteen more mohks died on the scaffold or starved to death in prison during the English persecution which practically suppressed the order in that country.~ Spain pre-vented a Carthusian foundation in Mexico in 1559, compelled the charterhouses to separate from the order in 1784, and suppressed them in 1835. The, French Revolution was the greatest blow. In ",1789 there were about 122 charterhouses. Almost all,of-them were suppressed, first in France and then throughout Europe as the French armies over-ran the continent. The restored houses in France were again disrupted in 1901 as a result of the Association Laws. Tile. Italian houses were suppressed during the course of the Risorgimento. The Carthusian Order in 1607 had about 260 houses with 2,500 choir monks and 1,300 lay brothers and donn~s. At the pres-ent time there are 18 established charterhouses witil a total of over 600 members. There are four charterhouses in France, five in Italy and Spain, and one each in Switzerland, Jugoslavia, Germany, and England. 7 January, ) 953 The Carthusian Nuns In 1245 Blessed John of Spain,, Prior of,the Charterhouse of Montrieux, was ordered to adapt the Carthusian Rule for a group of nuns at the Abbey of Pr~bayon in Provence. Since then there have never been more than ten convents for Carthusian nuns. The nuns; live in private rooms not separate buildings, have two recreations a day, eat in a common refectory, and are not obliged to wear the hair-shirt. They spend eleven hours a day in prayer, meditation, and work, and are allowed eight hours, sleep. The nuns have always been distinguished for their austere sanctity and strict observance. Out-standing among them ar~ Blessed Beatrix of Ornacieux and St. Rose-line of Villaneuve. Both lived durin'g the fourteenth century. The body of the latter is still incorrupt. At present there are four con-vents for nuns, two in France and two in Italy. BOOKS ABOUT THE CARTHUSIANS The following can be obtained from The Carthusian Foundation, Sky Farm, Whitingham, Vermont: The'Church and the Carthusians. The teaching of Pope Plus XI as contained in the Apostolic Constitution Umbratilem; Introduction, translation and Latin text. Pp. 18. $.10. The Cartbusian Foundation in America. Pp. 24. With pictures and illustrations, $.25. The Carthusians: Origin --- Splrlt--Familg Life. First p~inted in 1924. Re-printed in 1952 by the Newman Press, Westminster, Maryland, Pp. 107. $1.75. The White Paradise. The Life of the Carthusians. By Peter van der Meer de Walcheren. Witha preface by ~Jacques Maritain. David McKay Co., New York, 1952., Pp. 91. $2~00. THEOLO~Cf DI~EST Theglogy Digest, a new publication edited by ' Jesuits at. St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, is for priests, religious, seminarians, and laity who are interested 'in present-day theological thought, but who perhaps find it hard to maintain and cultivate this interest. The Digest aims to help such readers to ke~p informed of current problems and developments in theology by presenting a concise sampling of current periodical writings in America and Europe. The digests-deal with the vari-ous branches of theological learning--Apologetics. Dogmatic Theology, Scripture, Moral Theology and Canon Law, Ascetics, Liturgy, and Church History--with emphasis on the speculative rather tbar~ the pastoral aspects of theology. Published three times yearly. Subscription price in U,S.A.] Canada, and coun-tries of Pan-American Union, $2~00. Foreign, $2.25. Send subscriptions to: Theology Digest, 1015 Central, Kansas City 5, Missouri. "So Trust in God as it:. ," Augustine G. Ellard, S.J. ! [AUTHOR'S NOTE: For nearly everything in this brief account I gladly and grate-fully acknowledge my indebtedness to the article by C. A. Kneller, S.J., "'Ein Wort cleshl, lonatius oon Logola,'" in the Zeitschri?t t~uer Aszese und M~stil~, 1928, 253-'257. There one will find a fuller treatment of the matter and the original texts.] ONE could hardly be familiar with modern spiritual literature and not have encounfered one or the other, or both, of these sayings attributed to St. Ignatius: "So trust in God as if all success depended on yourself, and not at all on God; but take all pains' as if you were going to do nothing, and God alone every-thing"; and the other: "S~ trust in Go.d as. if all success depended on Him, and not at all on yourself; but take all pains as if God were going to do, nothing, and you alone everything." Both rules have become commonplace. The firsl~, more paradoxical, form occurs in various editions of the Thesaurus Spiritualis Soci~tatis desu, an official collection of documents of prime importance in the spiritual formation of mem-bers of the Society and in the hands of all of them. This version was first published by the Hungarian Jesuit Gabriel Hevenesi (d. 17i5) in a little book entitled lgnatian Sparks. For every,day of the year he proposed an aphorism of St. Ignatius. They were to have some-thing of the effect, if we may use an anachronistic cgmparison, of a spark-plug upon one's daily life and fervor. The book rhust have been excellent: it went through dozens of editions, one of them being ~s late as 1909. This di'ctum, "So trust . .," is put down for January 2, a fact which suggests that in' Hevenesi's opinion it was one of the best of the maxims which he' found in St. Ignatius. The dictum has been censured as contrary to the Catholic doc-trine of grace. It implies, the objection runs~ that man carinot do anything, not even merit, toward his eternal salvation. But the maxim is not concerned with how divine and human activities are united. I~t purports to give a working rule on how to combine one's expectations with one's exertions. It has.also been argued that the saying does not make sense, and that therefore it could not have been uttered b'y St. Ignatius. In an article on "The Tensions of Catholicism" in ThoughtI 1. Thought (December, 1950), 630-662. AUGUSTINE ~. F.LLARD Reoieuv/'or Religious Father Andr~ Godin.states that Catholic hope can deteriorate in two different vfay:~. The first is.by way of "the rationalizing tendency: to march toward salvation with assurance and in a spirit of con-quest." The secohd is the "affective tendency: to attain salvation ~hrough fear and tremblirig.'; The true "Catholic equilibrium of "the two tendencies" is "to act as though all depends on God and to pray as though all depends on us." He notes that ."the formula is sometimes r~versed, but then it ,s~ems extremely banal.''~ Father Godin takes "this celebrated formula" to mean that in Christian action there should be both humility and hope, and in pra, yer anguish as wellas ardent appeal. It excludes both Quietism and Pelagian-ism. One's life becomes a unified whole, in which there are both "the tranquil certitude of Christian hope 'and the. anxiety of invocation in .prayer." . If one were perfectly united with God and as it' were identified with Him, one might well trust in God as if all success depended on oneself, that is, really, on God, and tak~ all ~pains as if. God were going to do everything, that is again, God and oneself co-operating with Him. ~Father Pinard de la Boullaye, in his Saint Ignace de Logolq Directeur d'Ames, quotes it in French translation. He ~ays that it was inspired.by the doctrine of St. Paul: "I planted, Apollos watered, but God gave the growth" (I Cor.3:7). It should warn us, he adds, not to be negligent in any way on the-plea that after all it is reallyGod who accomplisl~es things. But Father Pinard de la Boullaye seems to betray a sense that there is something wrong with this direction by supplementing it immediately with another "quota-tlon from St. Ignatius (and Hevenesi also) strongly emphasizing foresight and constant self-correction: "To plan in advance,, what one is going to do, and then to examine what one has done, are two of the most.reliable rules for acting r.ightly,''~ The counsel to trust in God as if nothing depended on Him, and to exert oneself as if one's efforts were to have no effect, seems indeed to be more than a paradox or an oxymoron: how understand it as something other than a perfect absurdity? One so advised might ask, "How am I to go about formulating such a trust? What is the point in doing something expressly acknowledged to be of no avail ?" Although this first form of the maxim is in every Jesuit's 2.Ibiil~, p: 64~. 3. Thesaucu~"Spiritualis Societatis Jeiu (Bruges, 1897); No. 9, p. 604.~ 10 ~la'nua~'~ 1953 So TRUST IN G6D Tbesaurus~ oddly enough it is not the one more Commonly heard, or encountered. One is more, apt~ to meet, substantially this advice:. "Trust in God as if everythifig depended on Him, and exeft yourself as if you were'doing everything by' yourself." Given "this contrary and more intelligible .turn, the principle is said to ha;ce been a favorite guiding rule of the late eminent Arch-, bishop John I~eland of St. Paul. However, with him it underwent a further minor change: "We ought to act as if everything depe'nded on us, and pratt as if everything depended on God." Praying is sub-stituted for trusting. One of the most famohs pulpit-orators of the last century, namely, the French Jes6it Xavier de Ravignan, distin-guished for the conferences he used to give in the Cathedral of Notre Dame, Paris, in advising some of his younger religious brethren how to prepare themselves for preaching, said: "Listen to St. Ignatius, " who gives us this'meaningful counsel, 'One must do all as if one were alone in acting, and one must expect everything from God as if one ¯ had done nothing.' " This form of the saying is very common' on leaflets given to .retreatants, on :religious-calendars, holy cards, and so on. Another slightly different turn given to it is this: "Let Us ;act as bravely as if we could d6 everything, and still abandon ourselves to Providence as if we ~ould do nothing." A person who hears, that St. Ignatius advises one to act a~ if everything depended on ~ne's self and then again 'as-if nothing at all depended on one's self, may rightly '.wonder what St. Ignatius really said. Reason for wondering is enhanced when one notices the long interval of time that elapsed between Ignatius and Hevenesi, namely, .150 years. If, too, one should try to. find the' original 'words of St. Ignatius in hi~ printed works or in other first-class sources, one's wonderment could become still greater. Neither the first nor the second form of this saying is a direct~ quotation from the saint. However, the substance or idea of toe ~econd form does occur repeat-edly in the documents written by him or by his contemporar{es about Hevenesi gives, as his authority the Bologna Jesuit Carnoli (d. 1.693), Who published a life.of St. Ignatius at Venice ~n 1680. In a chapter on the faith and hope of the saint he relates the follow-ing incident. Off a certain occasion Ignatius, accompanied by Riba-' deneira, a confidant and frequent companion of his, called on~ the Spanish ambassador in Rome, the Marquis de Sarria, ~nd met with a cool reception. Ighatius's suspicion ~as that the M~rquis was piqued AUGUSTINE (3. ELLARD . . Review for Religious because~ his influence with the Pope was not considered great and his intercession was not much in demand. Then Ignatius explained to Ribadeneira that thirty years earlier the Lord had taught him to employ all permissible means in the divine service, but not to build his hope upon them. Hence neither upon the noble Marquis nor upon any other creature would he base his confidence. Carnoli does not give his source. In fact at that time it was not in print. Now it is, namely Ribadeneira's work, De Actis P. N. lgnatii.* In No. 108, the pertinent place, Ribadeneira writes: "He said to me that he thought of telling him that thirty-six [sic] years ago our Lord had given him to understand that in. matters of His holy servic'e, he ought to use all the possible legitimate means, but then to place his confidence in God, not in those means." Ribadeneira himself wrote a biography of St. Ignatius, and in the account of this visit quotes him as saying: "I shall tell him [the Ambassador], an'd I shall say it plainly, that thirty years [sic] ago I 'learned from God that in doing the work of God, I should seek all helps, but in such a way that I consider my hope to rest, not in those aids, but in Godralmselr. . s In a letter to St. Francis Borgia St. Ignatius gives expression to the same thought: "Looking to God our Lord in all things . considering it wrong to trust and hope merely in any means or efforts by themselves, and also not regarding it as secure to trust entirely in God without using the help He has .given, since it seems to me in our Lord that I ought to avail myself of all aids . I have ordered . "6 I The same Ribadeneira wrote a treatise entitled "On the Method of St. Ignatius in Governing," and in it he says: "In the matters belonging to the service of ou~ Lord that he undertook, he employed all human, means to succeed in them, with as-much care and efficiency as if success depended on them, and" he confided in God and kept himself dependent on divine Providence as if all those other human means that he took were of no effect.''7 Pinard de la B'oullaye gives several other .references to old writings which witness to St. Igna-tius's use of the sam~ principle.8 4. Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu, Monumenta lgnatiana, Set. ,~, v. 1. 391 ; cf. 400. ¯ 5. Pedro de Ribadeneira, Vitq lgnatii Loyolae (Cologne, 1602), Lib. 5. cap. 9, 615ff. 6. Monumenta'Ignatiana, Set. 1, t~. 9 (Sept. 17, 1555), 626. 7. Ibid., Set. 4, v. 1, 466. 8. Pinard de la Boullaye, Saint lgnace de Loyola Directeur d'Ame~, p. 299. 12 January, 1953 So TRUST IN GOD This principle is also characteristic of the spirit that animates the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus. In one of the most important parts of them, after stating that, to preser;;'e and perfect the Society, supernatural means should be given the priority, the Founder says: "This foundation having been laid . natural means also . . . are conducive to the same end; if however they be learned and used sin-cerely and only for the service of God, not that our trust should rest upon them, but rather that, in accordance with the order of His supreme providence, we should in this way co-operate with divine grace.''9 The very same idea, in almost identical words, is proposed in the rules for priests.1° Perhaps the latest development in the long and complicated record of this aphorism :is the,following. About the beginning of 1951 Father Joseph De Lapparent, editor of Vari~t~s Sinotogiques~ wrote to Father John B. Janssens, the General of the Society, com-plaining'that the text of this dictum as it occurs in all the different editions of the Thesaurus Spiritualis was defective. In reply Father Janssens says: "Although that form of.the saying is not without -some sense~ it must be confessed that it is twisted and far-fetched, and does not perfectly correspond to very many sayings of St. Igna-tius, as one can see in the notes already published by your Rever, encen and in the study of Father C. A. Kneller, S.J., "Ein Wort des hl. Iqnatius yon Loyola.' "'~ Father Janssens goes on to say that in getting out the Spanish edition of the Thesaurus pubiished at San-tander in 1935 the'editor did well to change th~ text to: "So trust God as if all success depended on Him, not at all from, yourself; however, exert yourself as if God were going to do nothing, and you alone.everything."~3 ~ Before the times if St. Ig.natius the well known theologian, spir-itual writer, and chancellor of the University of Paris, John Gerson (1363-1429) had said something very. similar: "Presumption re-fuses to co-operate with God, and despair will not wait for ~he co-operation of God with it. The middle course is so to act that everything may be attributed to divine giace, and so to trust in grace 9. Constitutiones Societatis desu, Pars X, n. 3. 10. Regulae Societatis desu (1932), No. 14. 11. Nouvelles de la Mission de Shanghai, Sept. 15, 1944; Oct. 31, 1947; Dec. 30, 1948. 12. Zeitschrift fuer Aszese und M~stik (1928), 253-257. , 13. Acta Romana Soc&tatis desu (1952), 137-138. 13 AUGUSTINE G. ELLARD as not to give up one's own activity, doing what one can.'°14 Bossuet's conception of the matter was thus expressed: "One ought to expect everything from God, but nevertheless t0 act also. For one ought not only to pray as if God alone should do every-thing, but also to do what one can, and use one's own will with. grace, for everything is done through this co-operation. But neither should we ever forget that it is always God who takes'the initiative, for there precisely lies the basis of humility.''is St. Vincent de Paul puts it ~hus: "I cons,ider it a good maxim to avail oneself of all the means that are licit and possible for the glory of God, as if God should not help us~ provided that one expect all things' from His divine Providence, as if we did not have any human means."16 An Englishman, who like St. Ignatius, has a name in history as a military 'man and a religious leader, but was~ very unlike him in other respects, namely, Oliver Cromwell, is said to have given his followers this admonition: "Put your trust in G6d; but mind to keep your powder dry!" 14. "'De Si~nis Bonis et Malis;'" Opera (Ed. Dupin)~ III, 158 d. 15. Meditations sur l'Etaangile (40e jour).: cf. Pinard de la Boullaye, op.cit.29.9. 16. Letter t6 Markus Cogl~e (April 24, 1652), Oeuvres (Ed. P2 Coste, Paris, 19.21) ,rlV, 366. EXAMINATION OF THE PAST TWENTY-FIVE YEARS" , Proposed for Superior.s General 1. Has the love of God grown in proportion to the graces offered: daily Com-mumon, develop~ent.'of liturgical life, deeper study of Holy Scripture, increased de-vouon to Our Lady, doctrine of the Mystical Body, and way of spiritual childhood? Are there more souls of prayer in our communities? Is there a deeper sense-of God? 2. Has true charity increased within our communitie~ in thought, word, and deed? 3. Is tension caused by the quantity of work undertaken, to the detriment of patience and humility which ,should win hearts and draw them, to the religious life? -4. Has motherly charity in government rather than mere administration given a true idea of the holocaust of charity? '5. Has the pursuit of technical and p~ofessional progress obscured ~he need fo~ poverty, disinterestedness, a, nd0great lo~;e for the poor? / 6. Is the Gospelspirit of self-denial, penance, and reparation not only unques-tioned but stronger~to defend religious holiness against the spirit of the world? 7. Is more consideration given to religious who are tired and over-strained, and ".what means are taken to guard against that conditibn? 8. Have fi'iendliness between congregations, collaboration in work, the "spirit of the Church," increased? 14 Lengt:h ot: Lil:e of Religious Men: Marianist:s, 1820-195! Gerald J. Schnepp; S.M~ and John T. Kurz, S.M. ~'JHAT is the average age at death of male religious? Has their W~ length ~o~ life increased, decade by decade, with the rest of the population? Are there differences by country? Finally, how does the average age at de~ath of religious' compare with that of males in the general pdpulation? Answers to these questions are now availhble for 2,380 Marian-ists who died in the Society of Mary between 1820 and 1951. Source of the st~atistics is the latest edition of the Necrolo~g of ibe Societg of Marg which lists the name, age at death, and year and place of death of each religious who persevered.1, The Soci~ety of Mary was founded in 1817 in Bordeaux,-France, "by Very Reverend William Joseph Cha~inade: during the decade 1820-29, seven religious2 were called to their eternal reward and in succeeding decades, increasing numbers died. The congregation comprises three categories of persons: Priests, Teaching Brothers, and Working Brbthers. For the present study,s no breakdown by categories is given because, first, the Necrol-ogo does not distinguish the two types of Brothers, and secondly, the number of Priests is too small (perhaps ten per cent of the total) tO supply an adequate sample over the 130-year period covered.4 Let us take up, in order, the answers to the four questions posed. The mean or average age at death of the entire group of 2,380 Marianists is 55.7 years, with a standard deviation of 22.4 years: 1purpose of, the Necrology (Dayton, Ohio: Mount St. John Press. 1952), which also lists the exact day of death, is to recall to the li~'ing members the names of the deceased, for remembrance in their prayers: the list for the following day is read in community after the evening meal. 2Here and throughout the article is included the first Marianist to die, Brother An-thony Cantau, who passed away in Bordeaux in 1819. 3The present article is based on John Kurz, S.M., Length of Life of Male Religious (Unpublished M.A. thesis, Saint Louis University, 1952). 4Research on the lengih of life of religious priests' w~uld be of interest in the light of one study which shows that, the average age 'at death of Catholic priests in Eng-land is five per cent above the average for the general population. See Louis J. Dublin, Alfred J. Lotka, and Mortimer Spiegelman, Length of Life (New York: The RonaldPress Co., 1949), p. 219. '. 15 GERALD J. SCHNEPP and JOHN T. KURZ Ret~iew for Religious this means that approximately two-thirds of the ages at death fall between 33.3 years and 78.1 y~ars. The median age, or mid-point ¯ in the distribution, is 61.5 years. A total of 844 Marianists, or 35.5 per cent, lived out the traditional "thr~e score and ten" 70 years or beyond. These figures, it should be kfiown, are weighted by com-paratively low ages at death in the earlier years of the S'ociety. Even so, they indicate a fairly "respectable" life span. Measured in terms of service, assuming that each Marianist began his active life at the age of 18, this represents 89,726 years of service which the Society of Mary has given to the Church from 1820 to 1951.5 Concerning the second question, it is known that life expectancy all over the civilized world has been increasing during the past 130 years, the period of time covered by this study. Improved living con-ditions, better nutrition, and advances in medical science undoubt-edly all played a part in this development. Likewise, the extraordi-nary development of science and industry, along with the improve-ments in agricultural and processing techniques c6mbined to improve the quality, quantity, and variety of food. These factors had an in-fluence on the lives of all who lived during this period, including the religious who are the subjects of.this study. The facts concerning the 2,380 Marianists are presented in Table 1. During the first three decades, all deaths (except one) occurred at age 54 or less, and hence the mean ages at death are very low 23.9, 25.9, and 28.1 years. This is to be expected in a young society, since, if any deaths are to occur, they are likely to be deaths of rela-tively young religious. The length of time involved is not sufficient to enable men who joined at the usual age 15 to 25 to reach much beyond 50. But there is a steady upward progression through-out the series, with slight breaks during the 1910-19 and 1940-49 decades. The explanation ~eems to be that both were decades in which world wars occurred; in some European countries, religious in the younger age brackets served in the armed for~es, and some of them were killed. Further, during the '1910-1919 decade, the influenza epidemic interfered with normal life expectancy. In general, then, Table 1 indicates that Marianist life expectancy,has increased, decade by decade, reaching a high of 67.2 years during the 1930-39 decade. In order to make comparisons with the general population, how-ever, it is necessary to consider~ the figures for each country separately; SThis figure would be considerably larger, of course, if the services of those still living were included. Z TABLE I--Ageat Death and Decade of Death (1820-19Sl) for 2,380 ,Mar;an;sts 1820-29 1830;39 AGE GROUP 1 3 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 23.9 3 8 2 0 1 ~1 1 0 0 O 0 0 0 " 0 0 0 16 25.9 1840~49 12 14 13 2 4 4 1 1 0 0 °0 0 0 0 0 1 52 28.1 -- 1850:59 12 21 17 9 6 5 5 3 I 3 2 0 1 0 1 0 86 32.4 14.8 1860-69 5 I0 18 I1 6 8 4 8 6 5 '5 4 1 0 0 0 91 40.7 16.4 1870:79 14 28 19 I1 I0 6 10 I0 10 13 14 15 5 3 0 0 168 44.3 19.5 1880-89 1.7 22 13 10 15 8 12 10 22 17 I~ 16 8 5 ,,3 1 193 48.2 20.4 1890-99 18 34 ~20 9 5 ~,6 13 13 17 23 29 32 22 13 1 0 255 :51.8 "21.6 1900-09 5 28 I0 '4 8 "12 5 11 '17 26 32 37 30 18 8 5 256 59.2 20.6 I~10-'19 12 34 18 19 16 l0 8 16 12 23 39 46 41 30 10 3 337 57.1 20.1 1920-29 6. 23 7 . 7 4 7 I1 15 22 19 28 37 35 25 13 3 262 61.1 20.2 1930-39 2 lO 14 ll 9. 1 8 14 19 ~l 34 52 56 36 34- 14 345 67.2 18.0 1940-49 3 II 21 7 lO 6 3 8 ll 20 17 37 46 60 15 13 288 66.1 20.6 1950-51 1 .2 0 0 0 0 2 3 0 5 3 2 2 2 2 0 24 61.2 Total 111 248,175 100 94 74 83 112 137 185-217 278 247 192 87 40 2380 55.7 22.4 GERALD J. SCHNEPP and JOHN T. KURZ ¯ Reoiew for Religious this will help~to answer the third question. °World-wide figures, even if available,¯ would be misleading, since the f~ctors affecting length of life do not operate uniformly all over. It is also necessary to consider tbh figures for males 'only, since female.life expectancy is generally greater; for example, in the United States at the present time, male life expectancy is about 66 years, whereas femal~ life expectancy is about 71 years. Ten countries are represented as places of death for the 2,380 Mafianists.included in this study bui~ com-parative figures can be presented only for' France (1,314 deaths) ; Switzerland (171) ; United States (370) ; Belgium (141) ; ~and Austria (11i6) ' Statistics for .Spain (175 deaths) are unavailable in regard to the male population; smallness of sample rules out com-parative figures for the'other four countries: Japan (52) ; Italy (22) ; Russia (17) ; and C~na (2). TABLE 2 I-ireExpectancy o~r Males af Age 17 ~n France, Swlfzerland, United States, Belgium, and Austria Compared to Age at Death of MaHanlsts, by SpeciRed Time Intervals MARIANISTS WHO DIED IN FRANCE Years Average Age I. FRANCE Life Expect. atAge 17(1) ~861-65 63.4 1877-81 62.9 1891-00 63.8, 1898-03 63.3 1908-13 64.4 1920-23 65.9 1933-38 66.9 II. SWI'I'ZERLAN D 1910-11 65.5 1921-30 68.4 1931-41 70.0 I939-44 71.3 III. UNITED STATES 1930-39 70.1 1945 72.1 IV. AUSTRIA 1930-33 68.4 V. BELGIUM 1928-32 69.2 Years at Death 1860-69 42.0 1870-79 45.6 1890-99 55.2 1900-09 62.8 1910-19 " 53.3 1920-29 66.0 1930-39 ~ 71.0 MARIANISTS WHO blED 1910-19 ' 66.6 1920-29 67.5 1930-39 70.8 1940-49 74.9 No. of Deaths During Decade 77 ,153 223 129 1'99 97 116 IN" SWITZERLAND. 30 40 MARIANISTS WHO DIED IN THE UNITED STATES 1"930-39 - 70.3 ~' 87 1940-49 68.6 MARIANISTS', WHO DIEDIN AUSTRIA 1930-39 71.4 27 MARIANISTS WHO DIEDIN BELGIUM 1920-29 70.0 32 (1) Life Expectancy at Age 17 computed by interpolation from Dublin, Lotka, and Spiegelman, Length of Life and here expressed, for comparison, as expected age at death (li{e expectancy at 17, plus 17). References for the various countries: France, p. 346 ; Switzerland,' p. 348 ; United States, p, 324 ; Austria and Belgium, p. 346. January, 1953 LENGTH OF LIFE As is noted from Table 2; the comparisons are not perfect, "be-cause statistics from the various countries are not always available by decades. Since it may be assumed that all the Marianists had sur-vived at least the first 17 years of life (17 is the ordinary age for taking first vows), the figures, for the various countries are presented on the basis of life expectancy at age 17. A cursory examination of the tables will bear out this general conclusion: Mariani~t life ex-pectancy is about the same as, or somewhat more favorable than, that of the general male population of each country in the years since 1900; prior to' that time,. Marianist life .expectancy was somewhat lower, and in the early years of the Society; considerably lower, than the general male life expectancy. Another way of looking at this is to return to the figures in Table I. If only the 1,512 Marianists who died since 1900 are considered, it is found that 712 or 47.1 per cent lived to age 70 or beyond. Another matter of interest is the average length of life by coun-try. Tbis is available for our study but not for the male population of the ten countries over the span of years that Marianists have been working in those countries. The figures, in' order from highest to lowest, are: Belgium, 69.2 years; Switzerland, 65.8 years; United States, 60.5 years: Italy, 58.4 years: Spain, 57.5 years;: France, 53.6 years: Austria, 52.9 years: Japan, 46.8 years; Russia, 39.8 years; and'China, 22.5 year~. It should again be pointed out that these averages are b;]sed on a small number of cases in-,regard" to Japan, Italy, Russia, and China. For the rest, cautious comparison with the over-all average of 55.7 years seems to be justified. The only couff-tries with a large number of deaths which fall below this. general average are France and Austria. Compulsory military service and war undoubtedly are factors in both cases; and, for France, the cradle of the Society, it must be remembered that figures extend back to 1820 when general life'expectancy was not so high as it became in later years. The over-all conclusion, from this study is that life expectancy of Marianists for the past 50 years has been about the same as that of the general male population. Since the unmarried population has a lower life expectancy than the general population,6 ~tbese Marianist figures demand some explanation. Why do these Marianists-- 6"Among white males at ages 20 and over in the United States in 1940, the single had a death rate just 1 2/5 times that of the married." Dublin, Lotka, and Spiegelma~, op. cir., p. 140. 19 GERALD J. SCHNEPP and JOHN T. KURZ Ret~iew for Religious all unmarried of course--have a higher life expectancy than 'other unmarried males in the population? Explanations readily suggest themselves: the screening process by which only healthy persons are accepted in'to the congregation; the fact that most of these men were male teachers, an occupational classification with a higher than aver-age life expectancy? lack of financial and dbmestic worries; regular-ity of life, i~ncluding regular hours for prayer, work~ recreation, meals, and sleep; easy access to good medical care; and, in the United States, exemption from military service. Less certain as a factor is the loss, through defection, of individuals who, if they had perse-vered, might tend to decrease the average age at death. Although it is impossible to state, from the present study, that these are the factors at work, they are mentioned here as suggestions for a more ambitious project which might be undertaken in the future. It would also be profitable to make similar studies of other religious orders and con-gregations of men and of women; to consider Priests and Brothers separately; and to make some inquiries int.o the causes of death. The general value of such studies is to provide an answer to the recurring criticism that religious life, from a physical and/or psycho-logical point of view, is unnatural and harmful. For the particular order or con. gregat!on, such studies are valuable in guiding the ad-ministration in such matters as recommendation of religious for ad-vanced studies; appointments to serve as superiors: .policies on diet and medical care; adaptation of religious life to modern conditions; and provision for the aged members who, according to all indica-tions, will be progressively more numerous in the future, propor-tionately, than ever before. Since these considerations may seem to put too much emphasis on the natural, it must not be overlooked that the Will of God in regard to the death of each religious is a fact; however, we may be certain that God does not prohibit but rather commands that all natural means be used to prolong that life as long as possible. 7Ibid, p. 219. OUR CONTRIBUTORS THOMAS SULLIVAN, the designer of a special Communion card for patients (REVIEW, Sept. 1952, p. 248),is chaplain at St. Luke,s Hospital, Aberdeen, South Dakota. GERALD J. SCHNEPP and ALBERT MUNTSCH are-professors of sociology at St. Louis University, St. Louis, ,Missouri; the latter has been teaching 49 years. JOSEPH F. GALLEN teaches canon law at Woodstock College, Wood-itock. Maryland. AUGUSTINE G. ELLARD and JEROME BREUNIG are members of' the editorial board. 20 Canonical oVisi!:at:ion ot: Nigher Superiors ,Joseph F. GaIlen, S.J. THE visitation of the houses 9f a religious institute by the higher. superiors and the local Ordinary, since it is prescribed by canons 511-512, is called the canonical visitation. The pur-pose of this article is to explain the visitation of higher superiors. 1) Frequencg of visitation. The Code of Canon Law does not determine the frequency of the visitation of higher superiors. In the practice of the Sacred Congregation of Religious in appro',;ing the constitutions of lay congregations, which is and should be closely imitated by diocesan institutes, the far more common norm is ~hat the superior general, personally or throug~ anothe~ religious, visits the entire congregation at least every three years, even in congrega-tions that are divided into provinces. Many institutes not divided into provinces, realizing that they lack the customary annual visita-tion of a provincial; prescribe a greater frequency of visitation by the superior general, for example, every second year, at least every second year, or annually. This desirable greater frequency cannot be pre, scribed in many congregations because of their large number of sub-~ jects, the great territorial extent of the institute, or both, A much lower number of congregations command a visitation by the superior general only once every six years, but at least this is commanded in the .practice of.the Holy See for lay institutes, even in those that are very extensive and large. By far the greater number of institutes im-pose an annual visitation by the provincial; a small number limit this obligation to one visitation in three years or two in three years. The annual visitation' is the much more preferable norm and it may always be made, even when not commanded by the constitutions. Some constitutions permit the provincial ~o omit the visitation during the year that the house has been or is to be visited by the supe-rior generhl, but a prudent provincial will hesitate to use this privi-lege unless some rare business of greater moment demands or counsels the omission of the visitation. A provincial cannot make the annual appoint.ments satisfactorily to himself or to others unless he knows both his subjects and the facts. 2) Moral oblioation of making the visitation. Canon 511 per- 2.1 JOSEPH F. GALLEN Review for Relfgious mits .the particular constitutions to determine the frequency and even to omit any prescription, as to the frequency of the visitation. If the constitutions have 'commanded a determined frequency, canon 511 imposes an obligation immediately in conscience on the higher supe-riors to make the visitation according to this frequency. The omis-sion 'of the visitation, without a justifying, reason, is thus a sin. Many canonicalauthors hold that this obligation is grave.1 The~sin .is certainly.grave if the culpable omission of the visitation is the ~:ause of the existence or continuance of a serious relaxation of reli- :gious discipline or of any another seriously harmful situatio'n.2 3) The obligation is personal. Canon 511 permits a higher :superior to designate another to make the prescribed visitation only when he is l~gitimately prevented from doing so himself. Legitimate impediments are the following and others of about the same import: sickness, infirmity, old age, the great territorial extent or large num-ber of subjects of the institute or province, other business 'of serious mom, ent, and long or frequent absences on visitation that impede the proper government of the institute or province. It is evident' that such reasons will frequently excuse from only part of the visitation': Houses omitted from a visitation should ordinarily be given the pref-erence in the following visitation. A few of the excusi.ng reasons will lose" some and even all of their cogency if the higher superior is given an efficient secretary and freed from the work of a typist' and clerk. The lack of proper "courtesy is also a time-consuming element in the lives of higher superiors. Matter~ that fall within the compe-tence of local superiors should not be brought to higher superiors. Subjects should ordinarily not seek an interview for matters that can be despatched by letter. Whgn an interview is necessary, proper courtesy demands that a subject request an interview by'l~tter. The telephone should be used only when a request or a matter is urgent. It.is obviously inconsiderate and discourteous to drop in on a higher superior at any time and to expect an interview. We can .all al~o render the lives of higher superiors more useful, fruitful, and peace-ful by coming to the point quickly and sticking to it. Reasons ex-cusing from making the visitation are to be interpreted more liberally for the superior general than for the provincial. 1. Beste, 335; De Carlo, n~ 92: Fanfani, n. 70; Fine, 981: Gerster, 263; Geser, q. 364; Piatus Montensis, ,,L 636; Pruemmer, q. 170; Schaefer, a. 558; Vromant, n, 396, 2); Wernz-Vidal, III, n. 145. ¯ 2. Cf. Wernz-Vidal, III, n. 148. 22 danuar~lo 1953 : CANONI~U., VISITATION The'.understanding of the constitutions in a particular institute may be that the higher superior has full liberty either to make the visitation personally or to delegate another as visitor. This interpre-tation is more likely to be verified if the constitutions omit the.clause of candn 511, "if legitimately impeded," and is far more readily ad-mitted for the superior general than for the provincial. Aliteral in-terpretation of canon 511 leads to the conclusion that a higher supe-rior must delegate another for any visitation that he cannot make personally. This is also the: teaching of authors and is at least gen-erally true. However, if a personal visitation is mostrarely omitted, I do notbelieve that there exists a certain obligation to delegate an-other as visitor unless a, situation in the institute, province, or house clearly demands a visitation. Higher superiors are to be slow to ex-cuse themselves and to delegate a visitor. Su,bjects quite generally find it difficult to talk to a-delegated visitor. 4) Constitutions that do not prescribe ~isitations. Canon 511 does not directly command higher superiors to make visitations; it merely enforces any obligation of visitation imposed by the constitu-tions., If the particular constitutions do not impose a visitation, the higher superior has no.obligation but he always has the right of making a visitation. Some constitutions do not oblige the superior general to make visitations, but this would be unthinkable in the case of a provincial and also in that of a superior general of an institute not divided into provinces, , Canon ~I 1 is principally concerned with centralized institutes and thus with general and provin'cial superiors, who are the higher superiors in such institutes. These institutes can also have superiors of vice-provinces, quasi-provinces, regions, missions, districts, and vicariates, who should, as a general principle, follow the same norms-of visitation 'and of frequency as provincials. The canon also extends to the superiors of monastic congregations and confed.erations and ac-cordingly now affects the superior general or president lind regional superiors in federations and confederatiohs of nuns established cording to the counsel of the apostolic constit.ution, Sponsa Christi. ~,The constitutions of some institutes of ,religious. women factu-' ally consisting of many houses and engaged in the active life., contain no prescriptions on visitation, because by law they, are nuns or.con-. gregations of sisters whoseconstitutions.have been,taken from orders of nuns. The mothers superior of such institutes should make visita-tions according to the norms detailed-abo~e for .superiors general. 23 JOSEPH F. GALLEN Reoieto for Religious Theseinstitutes are factually centralized, and the purpose of a visita-tion is at least as necessary in them as in a canonically centralized in-stitute. 5) Designation of a delegated oisitor. The usual norm of con-stitutions of brothers and sisters permits a superior general to appoint -a visitor for a particular matter or an individual house but demands the consent of the general council for the delegation of a visitor for the entire congregation if this visitor is not a member of the general council.3 Some constitutions extend the necessity of ~his consent to any delegated general visitor and to a visitor designated by the supe-rior general for an entire province. The same norm ordinarily regu-lates the nec, essity of the consent of his council in the delegation of a visitor by a provincial superior. 6) Companion of oisitor. The constitutions of brothers and sisters almost universally prescribe that a superior general, provincial, or delegated visitor is to have a religious of perpetual vows as com-panion. 4 The companion can be of great assistance to the visitor by handling the latter's correspondence. He could also be delegated for the visitation of' pl.aces, i.e., the chapel and sacristy, cloister, refectory, kitchen, recreation or common room, library, and the living quarters of the religious. The whole house shofild be visited'. The general or provincial bursai would frequently be an apt companion. He could examine the books and investigate thoroughly the financial and material condition of the house. 7) Purpose of ~isitation. The 'importance that the Church places on the visitation of higher superiors and the seriousness with which canonical authors consider its obligation manifest evidently that the visitation is not to degenerate into a mere ~egal formality. The primary purpose is to learn and correct defects of religious dis-cipline, s "This includes the observance of the vows, "the laves, decrees, and. instructions of the Holy See, the constitutions, legitimate cus-toms, ordinations of the general chapter, and the regulations of higher superiors. Such a purpose implies the encouragement, of the fervent, the prudent correction of delinquents, and the prescribing of apt means to restore, preserve, and increase fait.hful and constant ob-servance. Higher superiors are to ax;oid the energy of the reformer but they-are also to shun the passivity of the quietist. Some people 3. Cf. Normae, nn. 256: 271, 9*. 4. 'Cf. Normae, n. 257. 5. Cf. Wernz-Vidal, III, n. 148. 24 January, 1953 VISITATION hold that the least government is the best government; others incline to the view that the worst government is no government. If a local Ordinary finds a serious situation in any house in his canonical vis-itation, the conclusion is almost infallible that higher superiors have been derelict in their duty. A paternal or maternal government does not exclude in religious superiors,, as it does not in our Holy Motherl the Church, decisive action when this is demanded by the circum-stances. The higher superior is~also to learn the spiritual and tem-poral needs and desires of subjects and to grant these according to the principles of the religious lifel the common good, and prudence. The purpose of the visita,tion is also to investigate the govern-ment of provincial and local superiors and the administration of the temporal property of the house and province. Defects of govern-ment and administration are to be prudently corrected. There is a general need of clarity and emphasis on the fact that the investigation of government is only a secondary purpose of the visitation. Too many religious prepare for an interview with a superior general or provincial with only one principle in mind: what is wrong with the superior and with the officials? The primary norm of the prepara: tion should be: what is wrong with me? Higher superiors should protect the good name and authority of local superiors, they should remember that in a doub~ ~he presumption favors the superior, bu~ they cannot follow the principle that a local superior never errs. Mi, nor, accidental, and occasional mistakes should be overlooked; the local superior also must be given the forbearance due to a son, or daughter of Adam. However, habitual and serious dei:ects that are ob-structive of the spirituality, efficiency, and peace of the community should be studied, and the local superior is to be admonished of them, but with appropriate consideration. It has been remarked that we can often justifiably apply to a superior the principle of what was said of a conspicuous historical character: the scrutiny fastened on him detects many flaws but entitles him to be. judged free of any-thing of which he is not charged. ~ An important purpose of the visitation is that the higher supe-rior acquires a knowledge of the Capabilities and deficiencies of sub, jects. This should be of great assistance in making the annual ap-pointments for both the common and the individual good. 8) Extent ot: the t~isitation. The visitation extends to all houses, persons, places, and things. Both superiors general and provincials should strive to visit the missions at least once during their term of ,JOSEPH F. GALLEN office. The religious on .the missions are those making the greatest sacrifice and they should not be the most neglected. Both in law and in fact it is the presumption that perfect observance is more °difficult in small houses, and yet higher superiors are inclined to make only a cursory visit of a few hours iii~such houses. Canon 511 commands a higher superior to visit all bbuses subject to him. Therefore. a provincial does not visit a house immediately subject to the superior general unless he has been delegated to do so by the" latter. Canon 513, § 1 obliges a visitor ~to interview only the determined religious and the number in a house that he judges necessary for the purpose of the visitation, but¯ the particular law or custom of an institute will almost universally oblige a higher superior to interview all the reli-gious, This is also demanded by paternal government and the pur-pose of knowing the individual religious. As stated in n. 6, the visitation extends to all places in the house. A visitor is to be sensi, tire not o.nly to the irregularities of worldliness, luxury, softness, and sensuality but also to the adequate and et~icient furnishings of the living quarters of the religious. The cell of stark monastic sim-plicity may be suitable neither for sleep nor work. The visitation extends to all'things, for example, the furnishings of the house, the chapel, the sacristy, the proper care of the sick in the infirmary, the clothing, the heating, light,- food, to the books and documents of temporal administration, and to the book of minutes of the council. A fastidiousness, over-interest, and preoccupation with food is evidently alien to the state of perfection, but the food of religious ~hould be simple, substantial, well-cookedl appetizing, and sui~cient. Religious poverty implies privation, not indigestion. Highe{isuperiors should not omit a quite careful visitation of the li-brary and should investigate the number and quality of the' books purchased during the year. It would be interesting to learn what percentage of the budget, if any, is allotted to the purchage of books in some religioushouses. The visitation covers the whole external life of the community. The suitability of the horarium to the work and climate of the community is to be studied. Some institutes, especially of women, appear to follow the l~rinciple that the religious may die but the horarium must go on. In this era of enlightened and pru.dent adaptation the higher superior is to look carefu11~r'into the matter of customs. Some of these are meaningless, antiquated, originate from the self-interest of the few, or serve only to imprison the soul of the religious life in a labyrinth of formality and detail. It - danuar~l, 1953 CANONICAL VISITATION would be unwise to conclude that the need of a~laptation extends only to religious women, not to religious men and priests. 9) Opening of the visitatiqn. A visitation customarily begins with an exhortation to the community by the visitor. "Fhe topic of this exhortation should ordinarily be a virtue or principle distinctive of the religious life, a virtue especially necessary for the particular in-stitute, or a present problem of the religious life or of the institute. 1 O). Precept of the vow of obedience. Some institutes oblige the visito~ at the opening of the visitation to.imi~ose a precept in virtue of the ",;ow of obedience on the members of the community to reveal serious offenses. A few institutes extend the precept to anything else the religious may think necessary for "the good of the community. This precept does not extend to conduct that has been completely re-formed and obliges only with regard to matters that are external, certain in fact, and serious.6 11 ) Prelirninar!/interviews. It would be profitable for the visi-tor to have a preliminary interview on the state of the community alone with the superior, with the entire group of councillors, at which the superior is not present, and for their respective fields with such officials as the bursar, the master of novices, of postulants, of junior professed, and of tertians, with the dean, principal, adminis-trator, or director of the school, hospital, or institution. In these preliminary interviews the visitor should cover such topics as the gen-eral religious discipline of the community, fidelity to spiritual exer-cises, silence, cloister, observance of pove, rty, whether necessities are obtained from the community or externs, whether material necessities are adequately supplied by the community, whether the quan.tity and quality of material things are. observed according to the tradi-tions of the community, the possession of. money by individual reli-gious, excesses or imprudences in contacts with externs, the more common defects of religious discipline, the general level of spirituality and charity in the community, the success in general of the com-munity in its work, obstacles to this success, whether all the activities. of the community are profitable, activities added or dropped, whether the community is overworked, the material and financial state of the house, state of the community in relation to the superior and:~fficials, whether the council is properly consulted, the s~.ate of the external relations of the community with the local O~dinary, the parish clergy, diocesan director of schools, hospitals, or., other institutions, 6. Bastien. n. 302 ~" JOSEPH F. GALLEN ReView for Religioud 'with the chaplain~ the confessors, and with secular authorities and agencies. Inquiry is to be made about the adjustment of the junior professed to the active life, their formation, care, direction, instruc-tion, and education. In a novitiate, an even more diligent inquiry is to be made on these headings about the novices and postulants. 12) Interoiews with indiuidual religious. The following is a suggested outline of topics for the interviews with the individual' re-ligious. It.is b~; no means necessary that all of these be covered with each religious. The visitation will be more helpful if the visitor suc-ceeds in getting the religious to talk spontaneously and if he directly and indirectly suggests topics rather than adheres to a formal ques-tionnaire. The visitor should, make a notation of any important matter. A notation is of great efficacy in mollifying a, tempestuous soul. a) Health. Sufficient rest? recreation? food? any particular ail-ment? it~ nature? care? the opinion of the doctor.?. b) Work. Success? progress? difficulties? sufficient time for preparation? according to the system and traditions of the institute and directions of' tho~e in authority? overwork? direction of extra-curricular activities? relations .with head of school, hospital, institu-tion? the level of moral and Catholic life among the students? the influence of the community and the individual on these? c) Studies. Studies taken during the year or the summer? in what? how profitable and practica.l? what success? What work is the individual inclined to?. thinks he will do his best in? Is there an~" time to advance by private study and reading during the year? , d) Companions. Getting along with them? Making an effprt to do so with all? Any particular difficulty with anyone or any type? Neglecting some and associafing with only a few? Any coldness, antipathy, anger? Divisions, factions, cliques in 'the com-munity? Their cause? Any cause of 'lack of peace, harmony," happi-ness, charity in the community? " e) Religions life. Any difficulty in attendance at common spir-itual exercises or in performing those prescribed? Any dispensatio, ns necessary? Why?'Any obstacle to profi.t from religious exercises? Any .problem in the observance of poverty?~ Any difficulty in securing ma-terial necessities from the communi.ty-? How is obedience going? With the superior? With officials? Sufficient opportunity for confession? Supply of spiritual books adequate? Does work, community duties, domestic duties interfere with the interior life? Sufficient opportunity 28 danuar~l, 1953 CANONICAL VISITATION to deepen and intensify the dedication to the interior life? Days of recollection, tridua, retrea~s profitable? f) Superiors and officials. Any external obstaCle to a spirit of faith towards superiors and officials? Any misunderstanding? Any hesitancy or diffidence in approaching them? g) Anything else? Any suggestions? complaints? difficulties? permissions? Everything he needs spiritually and temporally? Any-thing, else he wishes:to say? 13) Some principles for the individual interviews. The visitor , must cultivate the dexterity of giving each subject sufficient but not excessive time. The ability to end an interview promptly bui gra-ciously is an enviable gift for the life of a superior. All of us have to beware of the natural tendency to find greater truth in the story first ¯ told or greater force in the argument first presented. Fairness, judg-ment, patience, and prudence are necessary for any visitor who ~ishes .to be objective and to learn the objective truth. The fact that the subject is a friend, the possession of an attractive personality or man-ner, or a facile and orderly presentation is not an infallible criterion of truth. Our enemies and the unattractive and inarticulate are not always wrong.' The passing of the poetry of life teaches' us that man, and woman also, .too often knows only what.he desires to know, too often sees only what his inclinations want, and all too frequently finds in the objective oi~der what exists only in the desires or rebellion of his own heart. The visitor is,to ascertain the individual state of each subject. He is not to conclude too readily that a problem is. exactly the same as something in his own past life or that it possesses no distinctive note. The constant pronominal subject of the visitor's thought'should be ¯ you, nbt I. We rarely solve another's problem by the history of our own lives. The subject.should be made to feel that there is a sincere interest in him, An,interruption, exclamation of surprise, or calm remonstrance should be used to restrain any flow of words that is outracing the mind. Reluctant and forced replies, especially with re- ~gard to oneself, are very frequently suspect,in their objectivity. This is the suitable and expected time for the higher superior to administer necessary correction to individuals. The visitor should first make certain of the facts, hear all sides patiently, and correct calmly. A higher superior who never corrects should not be too quick to thank God for the fervor of his institute. The omission of correction is sometimes prudence. Sometimes it is sloth, or lack of courage, or 29 JOSEPH F.,GALLEN Reo~eto for, Rehgtous, human respect. Many a higher superior has prolonged his sleepless ~ nights by exclaiming: "Oh, if the,generals or provincials had onIy~ done something about him (or her) years ago! Now it is impossible to do anything." But now also is the time for him to do for futu're higher, superiors what he would have had done for himself: 14) The field of conscience and of religious government.~ The" forum or fieId of conscience consists strictIy of actions that are in- 'terior, or external but not readily knowable by others, provided eil~her is the type of action that one V~uld not care to reveal to an-other except under a-pledge of secrecy. The field of conscience thus consists of all completely interior acts, such as .graces: lights: good desires, inclinations, "attractions, affections, and motives; interior progress; consolation; desolation; desire of progress; conquest of self; acts and habits of virtue; interior acts of prayer; imperfect and evil attractions, propensities, aversions, and motives; interior trials ¯ and dangers; imperfections, sins, and habits of sin; and lack of in-terior effort in prayer and spiritual duties. All external actions not readily knowable by others are also restricted to the forum of con~ science. Such interior matte'rs as the ,knowledgeof. how to pray, to make the examen of conscience, the difficulty or ease in usin'g par-ticular methods of prayer or examen, the attraction or repulsion for particular types of spirituality, people, or occupations are not strictly matters of conscience, since one would not hesitate to speak of these to a friend .without a pledge of secrecy? Unless the Institute is Clerical and has the privilege of imposing the obligation of a manifestation.of conscience~ the visitor is forbid-den to inquire about any matters that appertain strictly to the forum , of conscience. If such interrogations are made, thesubject riaa.y lic-itly reply by a mental reservation. However, a subject is not forbid-den to reveal any of these matters voiuntarily to a visitor, even if the latter is a brother, ntin, or sister. All religious ale even counselled by canon 530, §'2 to manifest their consciences to superiors. If the superior is not a priestl this counsel does not extend to sin, tempta-tion, and any other matter that demands the knowledge and trair~ing of a priest. The. subject is not forbidden to reveal these n~atters also ~ to a visitor or any superior who is a brother, nun, or sister. The field of religious government consists of all external and 7. Bastien, n. 212, 3; Beste, p. 350: Creusen-Ellis, n. 128; Jone, 444; Schaefer, n. 684; Verrneersch-Creusen, I, n. 650. 3O danuar~,1953 CANONICAL VISITATION readily kriowabl~'conduct of a religious. Superiors may legitimately question a subject about such personal conduct, and the subject is obliged to answer truthfully,s Religious may therefore be questioned by the visitor or any superior on such matters as rising on time, ex-ternal performance of spiritual duties, prompt attendance fit common 'exercises, observance of silence, external charity, neglect of study, external neglect of the duties of one's offic.e, whether one went out of the house without permission, or without a companion, mailed .l~t-ters without permission, etc. 15) Denunciation of the conduct of a companion. Denunciation is the technical term that signifies the revealing of the conduct of a comp.anion to a superior." Religious do not and should not revealthe petty and purely personal defects of companions. This alone is to be classified as talebearing. Religious may certainly reveal the faults and defects of others that are of no serious malice but are disturbing, interfere with. one's own work, peace, or happiness, or with those of some others, or of the.entire.community. A religious is not obliged to lose a great deal of sleep or suffer headaches because a companion nearby tyl6es most of.the night and whis~tles most of the day. ,The door slammers, radio addicts, midnight bathers, corridor and cubicu- .lar orators and vodalists, and the nocturnal religious who flower into the life of work and talk only at night fall under this principle. A visitor or any superior may inquire and subjects are obliged to ankwer truthfully about an offense in external r~hdily khowable con-duct of ~/companion: a) if the religious by the particular law of their institute have re-nounced the righ't to their reputations to the extent that any sin or defect may be immediately denounced to the superior.9 Such a re-nuncxation is practically never found in the law of lay institutes. .b) if there exists a rumor or founded suspicion of the commission of the offense by the particular religious.I° c) if a truthful answer is necessary to avoid the danger of serious harm to the institute, the province, the house, an innocent third 8. Berutti. 109: Beste, pp. 336: 350: Creusen-Ellis, nn. 89, 2: 128: Geser. q. 510: Jombart. I. n. 839. 3°: Van Acken. q. 164; Vromant. n. 402. 9. Cf. Summary of the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus. nn. 9-10: Com-mon Rules, n. 18. 10. Augustine. VIIi,: ,~19-520: Coronata I, n. 540: Fanfani. n. 72: Geser. q. 377; Pruemmer. q. 110: Sipos. 339. 31" ¯ JOSEPH F. GALLEN~. Revie~o fdr Religious party, or the.delinquent himself,n This reason alone permits the revelation of the matter of an entrusted secret of counsel or official secret. 12 A religious maq reveal the offense of a companion spontaneously or in answer to the question of the visitor, since in the religious life the offense of another may always,, practically speaking, be immedi-ately denounced fo a superior without the necessity of a .previous fra-ternal- correction.13 Conduct that has been completely corrected is not to be revealed, and it is evident that a ~ubject has no right to in-ves'tigate the conduct of his companions.Subjects should be prayer-fully attentive/to the case listed above under c). In practice such a matter should be~revealed.to the superior as soon as possible. Reli-gious are apt to excuse themselves from such a revelation lest even "their own conscience accuse them of talebe.aring. Later they may painfully and shamefully hear their consciences condemn them as the cause of a human disaster and of the suffering of many or all of their fellow-keligious. Whenever the name of a companion oCcurs in a conversation with a superior, conscience should immediately signal the red warning of truth. The facts and their source should first be studied, not in the imaginative and exciting glow of the evening, but in the cold and gray stillness of the early morning. Any denunciation to a superior should also be preceded by a searching examination of conscience on one's purity of motive. An impure motive stains the soul and als9 discolors fZct. Superiors should remember that the voice, the.face, and even the bristling hair of the criticism of others often bear a.striking resemblance to those of defense of self. 16) The visitor rna~t use u2hat he has learned in the visitation. The purpose of the visitation is not mere spiritual direction but gov-ernment and evideritly gives the visitor the right of using what he has learned in the Visitation. The visitor may therefore do such things as instruct, reprehend, correct, change the employment, office, or house of a religious, or place him under the vigilance of a local supe-rior because of what he has learned in the visitation. ~ In the use of information on an~" matter that is not commohly known~in tlie 11. Abbo-Hannan, I, 523; Augustine, III, 139-40; Bastien, n. 236; Beste, p. 336; Cocchi, VIII, n. 302 b) ; Creusen-Ellis, n. 89, 2; De Carlo, n. 95; Fanfahi, n. 72; Gerster, 264; Geser, q. 377; Pruernmer~ q. 110; Sipos, 339; Vroraant, n. 402 ¢). 12. Vromant0 n. 402. '~ 13. Coemans, n. 231; Fine, 1067; Regatillo, I, n. 658; Wernz-Vidal~ III, n. 149. 32 danuary, 1953 CANONICAL VISITATION community the visitor is to be careful to protect the reputation of the subject. He is forbidden to use, outside of the interview itself, any-thing learned in a voluntar~l manifestation of conscience without the express consent of the subject. 17) Revelation of things learnedin "the visitation. To reveal is . to tell others. In general, the visitor is forbidden to .reveal secret matters learned in the visitation. This obligation of secrecy clearly does not extend to matters that are commonly known in the. com-munity, but a prudent superior avoids indiscriminate conversation on anything that even appears to have been learned in virtue of his office. Some superiors could foster a greater intimacy with secrets. The visitor is to keep secret the identity of the one who gave the in-formation, but the importance of the matter to be corrected Can in some cases prevail over this obligation. Evidently the superior should not apologize for his duty of correction by even obscurely and guardedly hinting the name of' the one who gave the information, This would be to imitate the soldier who had enlisteti for the music of the bands but not for,the whine of the bullets. .Neither should the superior strive to make it appear that the sole reason for the c0r. rection is that the matter was reported to him. The mere mention of this fact often destroys any effcacy that the correction might have had. The visitor may reveal secret matters learned in the visitation, to a higher superior or to his councillors if this is jhdged necessary for a more permanent and efficacious correction. It is always forbidden to reveal anything learned ~in a manifestation of conscience without " the express consent of the subject.14 18) Closing of the visitation. The visitor frequently gives an exhortation also at the close,of the visitation on a topic of the same nature as that used to open the visitation. 19) Instructions and regulations. The visitation will be par-tially ineffective unless means are taken to further the good that the community is doing, to bring it to dffect the good that is being left undone, and to correct abuses. The visitor should write out instruc-tions on these points. It will usually be sufficient to reaffirm existifig obligations without enacting new regulations foi the community, New laws are to be regarded at mo~t asa se'asonal delicacy, not as our daily bread. The visitor should retain a copy. of the instructions. According to the custom of the institute, these instructions may be 14. Cf. Coemans, n. 501 b): Voltas. CpR. I. 85, nota 6; Wernz-Vidal, III, n. 210, nota 57. ~ 33 JOSEPH F. GALLEN Reoieto t:oc Religious the topic.of the closing talk of the visitor, be.given only to the supe-rior, who is always charged with their enforcement, or at least part of them may be read to the community, preferably .after the visitor has left. The initructions should begin with something sincerely complimentary, which can always, be found. The defects listed should be frequent and quite common violations of religious disci-pline. Other defects are to be taken care of by individual correction. The visitor is also to strive in the instructions to further positively the spiritual life and the work of the house or province and is to avoid concentration on the negative aspect of the correction of defects. 20 Pertinent canons on visitation. Canon 51 I. Higher superior~ of religious institutes who are obliged to visitation by the constitutions must visit personally or, if they are legitimately impeded, through a delegate, all the houses subject to them at the times determined in the constitutions. Canon 513, §' 1. The visitor has the right and the duty oi: ques-tioning the religious that be thinks should be questioned and of ob-taining information on matters that appertain to the visitation. All the religious are obliged to reply truthfully to the visitor, Superiors are forbidden to divert them'in any manner whatever from this obli-gation or otherwise to binder the purpose of the visitation. Canon 2413, § I. Superioresses who after the announcement of a visitation have transferred religibus to another" house without the consent of the visitor; likewise all religious, whether superioresses or sub jerrY, who personally or through others, directly~,or indirectly, have induced religious not to reply or to dissimulate in any way or not sincerely to expose the truth when questioned by the visitor, or who under any pretext whatever have molested, others because of an-swers given to the visitor shall be declared incapable by the visitor of holding any office that involves the government of other religious and, if superioresses, they shall be deprived of their otffce. § 2. The prescriptions of the preceding" paragraph are to be ap-plied also to religious institutes of men. Canons 513, § 1 and 24.13 apply to the canonical visitation also of the local Ordinary or his delegate. The hindering of the purpose of the visitation prohibited by canon 513, § 1 can be effected in many ways, for example, by concealing objects or falsifying records or documents. The great importance that the Church places on the canonical danuarq, 1953 CANONICAL VISITATION visitation is manifest in all these canonsbut especially in the penal canon, 2413. The permanent or temporary transfer forbidden to any superior is one whose purpqse is to separate a religious from the visitor and thus to prevent the revelatibn or interrogation of the reli-gious. This purpose is presumed if made after the announcement of the visitation and without the consent of the visitor. The interference with' iegitimate interrogation' prohibited to all religious includes that done pe.rsonally or through anyone else, whether directly, by inducing or commanding others expressly to conceal the truth, or indirectly, by praise, promises, special attention or .treatment intended for the same purpose but. without expressly mentioning this purpose. To be' punishable the interference must cause the religious actually to be silent, to dissimulate, or to be insin-cere when questioned by the visitor. . The forbidden molestation can be accomp!ished in various ways, for example, by transferring a religious, changing his employment, by punishment, public or private reprehension, or by other signs of displea.sure because of replies given to the visitor. Recourse against false replies is to be made to th~ visitor or a highei superior. The offices referred to in the penalty as involving the ,government of others are, for example, general, provincial, or local sup~erior, mas-ter of novices, of junior professed, of tertians, of postulants, probably_ also deans, principals, administrators, and directors of schools, hos-pitals, or other institutions. Such a punishment demands;a serious violation of the law. The natural tendency is to conclude that this penalty, enacted by canon law, is a canonical penally and that it can be inflicted only by one possessing jurisdiction in the external forum.Is However, Larraona gives the at least probable and safe opinion that this penalty is not strictly canonical and that it may be . inflicted also by" visitors who possess only dominative power in clerical non-exempt and lay institutes and thus also by visito)s who are brothers, nuns, or sisters with regard to those subject to them either habitually or by reason of the Visitation.16,x7 15. Cf. ~'anon-2220, § 1; Augustine, VIII, 521 and note 9. 16. :L~rraona, CpR, X, 369, note 4; 370 and notes.7, 8; Bowe, 64-65: Jombart, IV, n. 1323; Reilly, 169-170. Cf. the same opinion in the interpretation of canon 2411 in: Brys, II, n. 1091: Cloran, 313: Cocchi, VIII, n. 298 d). 17. The authors and documents cited are: Abbo-Hannan, The Sacred Canons; Augustine, A Comme.marg. on Canon Law; Bastien, Directoire Canonique; Berutti, De Religiosis; Beste, lntroductio in Codicem; Bowe," Religious Supe-rioresses; Brys, Juris Canonici Compendium; Cloran, Previews and Practical 35 BOOK NOTICES BOOK NOTICES In LENGTHENED SHADOWS, Sister Mary Ildephonse Holland, R.S.M., records in considerable detail the hundred-year history of the Sisters of Mercy of Cedar Rapids, Iowa. In a style that in all reverence might be called "chatty," the author, a former mother-superior, tells (1) of the founding of the'Sisters of Mercy by Mother McAuley, .(2) of the motherhouse, (3) of the twenty-eight other houses, (4) -of some senior Sisters. The book has an unusually large section of glossy prints and useful appendices,, includin~ one of chronology and lists of the living and the dead. In his foreword, the Archbishop of Dubuque, His Excellency Henry P. Rohlman, speaks of the fivefold purpose of the book. It should be of interest to the Sisters of Mercy, to Other Sisters, to pastors, to the laity, and a challenge to many young women. It certainly should. (New York: Bookman Associates~ 42 Broadway. Pp. 337. $4.50.) Some years ago Sister Mary Berenice Beck, O.S.F., R.N., ~ub-lished a little book entitled The Nurse: Handmaid of the Dfofne Ph~.tsician. The object of the book was to cbver all the various as-pects of the spiritual care of patients, as well as to offer the nurse some practical helps for her own spiritual life. That first edition was good. But the revised edition, entitled simply HANDMAID OF THE DIVINE PHYSICIAN, is s.uperior to it in every way. Content, arrange-ment, printing, and binding--all are excellent. (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1952: Pp. xviii + 31~I.: $3.00.) ' Cases; Cocchi, Commentarium in Codicem ~luris Canonici: Coemans, Com-mentarium in Regulas Socletatis lesu; Coronata, [nstitutiones Juris Canonid; Creusen-Ellis, Religious Men and Women in the Code; De Carlo, dus osorum; Fanfani, De lure Reliqiosorum; Fine, lus Regulate Quo Regitur So-cletas lesu; Gerster a Zeil, lus Religioso~um; Geser. Canon Lau~ concerning ,Communities o[ Sisters; Jombart. Trait3 de Droit CanOnique: Jone, Com-mentarium in Codicem luris Canonici; Larraona, Commentarium Pro Religi-osis; Normae Secundum Quas S. Congr. Episcoporum et Regularium iOrocedere Solet in Approbandis Novis lnstitutis ,Votorum Simplicium. 28 iun. 1901: Piatus Montensis, Praelectiones duris Regularis. ed. 2; Pruemmer, dus Re,u-latium Speciale; Regatillo, Institutiones luris Canonici; Reilly. Visitation ~Religious; Schaefer, De Retigiosis; Sipos, Enchiridion luris Canoni6: Sum-marg of the Constitutions of the Societg of Jesus: Van Acken. A Handbook for Sisters; Vermeersch-Creusen, Epitome [uris Canonici: Voltas, Commen-tarium. Pro Religiosis; Vromant, De Personis; Wernz-Vidal, Ius Canonicum, HI, De Religiosis. 36 The ,reat:es!: Moment: in !:he Hospit:al Day Thomas Sullivan, C.S.V. SEVEN A.M. is the dawn of another busy day in the hospital. A hustling corps of hospital personnel stream into the hospital entrances, crowd the elevators, and soon swing into action¯. A burst of activity greets the quiet hallways. Ni~rses hurry to the chart desks~ to relieve their weary sisters; laboratory technicians fan out to. all parts of the hospital; nurses' aids begin their chore.s; tray girls and surgery personnel are on the move. At this time of greatest activity, there;is in our Catholic hospitals a momentary pause. The sound'of the silver bell is heard and all stop in reverent prayer. A patient or stranger who hears it for the first time will naturally ask, with the blind man of the Gosp~l who heard a crowd passing on the road to Jericho, "What might this be?" , He will be rightfully told, as the blind man was, "Jesus of Nazareth is passing by." He has but to view the respect and courtesy of every-one to know a great Visitor is passing by. Truly this is the greatest moment of the day. Each of our hospitals is greeted by the Eternal Word: "Today salvation has come to this house." More especially for the Catholic patient who receives is this the greatest moment. We all have need of the food of eternal life, but for the sick this need is acute. And' therefore the 'invitation of the Lord is more pressing. His sacred banquet is especially prepared for them, for He says, "Go out quickly into the streets and lanes of the city and bring in the poor, and the crippled, and the blind, and the lame.'" "Come to me,," 3esus says, "all you who labor and are bur-dened, and I will give you rest." Most frequently our patients need to be reminded of the Lo~d's invitation. They should desire to receive every day while at the hos-pital. To arouse this desire, it is not sufficient that they be conscious in an. abstract way of the Catholic ,doctrine of the Holy.Eucharist, that Christ is present, Body, Blood, Soul and Divinity. They must have the truth of faith alive and.real, and be convinced in a practicai way that here is the Food of the Soul, that this is the Bread come down from heaven. And this on the authority of the Great Physi-cian who prescribes: "He who eats .my flesh and drinks my blood 37 THOMAS SULLIVAN abides in me and I in him." In the first place the devoted nurses and chaplains should arouse in themselves a zeal for better disposed communicants among their patients. Let them meditate upon the marvelous effects of this Sacr,a-menl~ whose effect is in part conditioned by the dispositions of the recipient. Scripture and spiritual books provide ~ wealth of material., ~ The bread the angel fed the prophet .Elias prefigures the effects of the Eucharist. Most patients find themselves in a predicament simi-lar to tha~ of the p~ophet of the Old Testamen't, who was worn out with trials, tortured by his enemies, wandering weak and sick through the.wilderness. In desperation Elias prayed, "Lord, it is enough for me, take away my soul." He fell asleep under the shadow of a juniper tree, and an angel awoke him, s~ying, "Arise an'd eat.'" He ate and drank and fell asleep again. The angel of the.Lord came to him a second time, "Arise, eat, for thou bast yet a great way to go." Elias .arose and ate, and the Scripture states, "He walked in the stre.ngth of that food forty days and forty nights, unto the mount of God, Horeb." (Kings 19:1-8.) What a fitting parallel to the "living bread that has come down ¯ from heaven," and how like Elias is the person in sickness! In his misery and anxiety' be may be moved t'o exclaim with the prophet, "Lord, it is enough for me, take away my soul. The angel of the sick, the nurse., is at hand to arouse him, "Partake of the bread of life." In this bread he will have strength to continue his journey to the mount of God; to heaven, for-be will have "life everlasting~ and I will raise him upon 'the last day~" ViatIinc ugmiv iinn gd athneg efra iotfh fduela tthh,e tphree C.cheuprtc ohb tleiagcinhges t htheem i mtop roerctaenivcee. tohfe having Christ with us on the journEyfrom this earth. "This Sacra~ ment is called the'Viaticum by sacred writers, both because it is the spiritual food by which we are sustained in our pilgrimage ,through this life, and also because it paves our way to eternal glory and hap-piness" (Catechism of 'the Council of Trent, McHugh and Callan, p:215). Next ~ve are reminded of the health-giving properties of the Eu-charist, since it is called an eternal ~emedy of body and soul. ~If the woman suffering twelve years from h.emorrhage was restored to health merely by touching the tassel of our Lord's cloak, '~hat is the blessed effect upon the pbrson who takes Christ's body upon his tongue and receives Him into his heart? For "this is the Bread that .,38 , danuarg, 1953 COMMUNION IN HOSPITALS comes down from heaven, so that if anyone eat of it he will not die." In the prayer beforehis Communion the priest :s.ays, "By Thy mercy, may the partaking of Thy Body, O Lord'3estis Christ, be profitable to the safety and health both of soul and body." After Communion he prays, "What we have taken with our mouth, O Lord, may we re-ceive with a pure heart; and 6f a temporal gift may it become to us an everlasting healing." (Roman Missal.) And recall the prayer of the priest as he gives Communion to the faithful, "May the Body of Our Lord 3esus Christ preserve thy soullunto life everlasting." In the OffiCe of Corpus Christi we read in the second noc.turn., "of all, the Sacraments none is more health-giying, for by it sins are washed away, virtues are'increased, and the soul is fedwith an abundance of all spiritual gifts." In comparison with this health-giving food all the scientific medications and treatments available in the ~nodern hospital pale into significance. The so-called "miracle drugs" are at the best but temporary helps to better ,health. The Eucharist 'is the only real, permanent, miraculous medicine. Other medicines and treatments merely postpone the inevitable death; this keeps the soul for life ever-lasting. The great philosopher, St. Augustine, describes tile riches of this Gift of God, in these words: "God, all-wise though He be, knows nothing better; all-powerful though He be, can do nothing more excellent; infinitely rich though He be, has nothing more pre-ciou~ to give, than the Eucharist." Now, how may these truths enter into the thinking of the patient and dispose him to receive Holy Communion? This will haveto be achieved through the usual routine procedures. Neces'sarily there must be rputine, otherwiseduring the busy evening and the more busy, Morning there wo.uld be nothing done. But judgment and intelli-gence, faith and zeal, will put, Christian value in what otherwise is merely mechanical. For instance, the simple detail of drawing up the Communion list, can be done with a faith and enthusiasm that will make the patient realize the 'Lord's invitation. This can be done without catechizing or giving a discourse on the Sacrament. Tl~e initial step is most important because it involves the decision of the patient; it is the mofft delicate because people so easily miscon-strue our interest and concern ~ibout their religious'practice. The more ¯ objective and impers0n~il the nurseis in explaining the opportunity for Holy Communion the less chance there is to draw resentment from the sensitive who feel that ",it is none of your business." In 39 THOMAS SULLIVAN Reoiew for Religious giving expression to the Lord's invitation, the nurse, like St. Paul, must be all things ,to all people. This simple routine is the first step in what might be called the remote preparation of the patient for Holy Communion. The next might be notifying the chaplain, should the patient want to go to -confession. Especially in the case of a patient who is to have surgery~ the next morning is this very necessary. If the patient is not in a. private room, the nurse should arrange for con'fession in a place where there can be privacy; and, too, she should advise the ch~plai'n of the best time to come so as to avoid the rush of surgery proce-dures. The chaplain will want to take greater pai.ns with his patient~ penitents, and it will be his absolution in the Sacrament :of Penance that will make ready the "large upper room furnished." The Master says, "Make ready the guest chamber for.Me'." Do we need another reminder? Then, reflect on the care and pains of the hospital procedures before surgery.' The success of surgery depends much on the proper preparation of the patient and his physical and mental condition. For this it is necessary that the patient be in the hospital the night before, that all tests and precautions,be taken. There is a striking parallel in the reception of Holy Communion, counseling us to exercise some care to make ready the patient-com-municants. A contrary parallel follows. Surgery at the hands of even the most skilled surgeon is a great risk to the life of a person in poor physical condition. So likewise this most health-giving Food can mean eternal death to the one. not proper!y disposed. Remem-ber the severe words Of the Lord to the guests who had not on the ,wedding garment. Think; too, of what St. Paul says of those who eat and drink condemnation to themselves. Ther~ is an immediate preparation for Holy Communion that is also very important. At an early hour of the morning the nurse will awaken the patient; and, while she is tidying up the room, seeing that things are clean and in order, and a fresh sheet on the bed, she. has the opportunity to explain the reason, the coming of a great Visi-tor. All. must be clean and neat, especially the soul of the recipient. If 'the patient has a prayer-book and rosary, place them conveniently at his reach. Many hospita.ls hav.e a special card with prayers before-and after Communion. If the patient is unusually drowsy, as is the case so often with those who have taken sedatives, the night nurse should see that the patient is again aroused shortly before the priest comes. The priest 40 danuarv, 1953 will often hesitate, except in the~case of Viaticum, abofitgiving Holy Communion to a person who is too sleepy to keep awake. It goes without saying that the patient should not be ~listurbed for some ten minutes to allow for s, uitable thanksgiving. Tests and trays and shots can be delayed a few minutes; these moments after Holy Communion belong to God. The patient should be alone with His Gbd. , Language cannot express adequatery the great benefits of Hol.y Communion and the hospital cannot do too much to help the patient profit by each Communion. But even the most zealous efforts in establishing p~oper hospital procedure to assure worthy recipients of the Sacrament are not sufficient. Human efforts are necessary, but it "is God's grace that is more so. Our Blessed Lord in His famous dis-course on the Eucharist in St. ~ohn's Gospel reminds us, "No one can come to me unldss he is enabl.ed to do so ~by the Father." This is why we must invoke the angels and the saints t0 assist our weak human efforts to help patient-communicants be better dis- ~posed. St. John the Baptist could well be selected as the patron for worthy reception of Communion, since it was his vocation to "make ready the way of the Lord." Such is the mind of the Church in the Liturgy, as in the Confiteor we pray, "the Blessed Mary ever Virgin, the blessed John the Baptist, the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, and all the saints, to pray to the Lord our God for me." The priest fore distributing Communion begs God to send His angel down from" heaven "to guard, cherisl~, protect, visit,, and defend all that,assemble in this dwelling." MEDICO.MORAL PROBLEMS Part IV of the series of booklets entitled "Medico-Moral Problems, by Gerald Kelly, S.J., contains the article, "The Fast Before Communion," formerly pub-lished in REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS,. March, 1'945. Other topics treated in the book-let concern the consent of the patient, the need of having and 'following consulta-tion, the relationship of doctor~ and department supervisors, induction "of labor, unnecessary surgery, the papal teaching on rhythm, and so forth. The booklet also contains a critical list of recommended readings for doctors. Taken together, the four b~oklets cover most of the practical ethical and reli-gious problems that confront doctors and hospital personnel. For the most part, the articles are commentaries on various sections of the Catholic hospital code, Ethical and Religious Directives for Catholic Hospitals. Price of the code, 25 cents: of 'each part o~ Medico-Moral Problems, 50 cents: of the complete set of five booklets, $2.00. Reductions on quantity orders. Order from: The Catholic Hospital As-sociation, !438 So. Grand Blvd., St. Louis 4, Mo. 41 Congress in Rome THE first International Congress of Mothers General was held in I. Rome September 11 to 13, 1952. The address" of the Holy Father to the delegates in a special audience on Sdptember 15 was printed inthe November number of the Reoiew (pp. 305-308). The present incomplete report on the congress itself is based on notes sent us by some of the delegates and on the newspaper accounts of the event from-L'Osseroatore Romano (September 11, 12, and, 14, 1952). Perhaps other delegates can supplement this material by sending communications with their own impressions. The congres.s of mothers general of pbntifical institutes was con-vened by the Sacred Congregation of Religious to discuss and co-ordinate more efficiently the religious and technical training of mem-bers of the apostolate. The papers prepared for the congress described the conditions and needs at the present time, gave helpful suggestions, and put forward the idea of establishing at Rome a pontifical, uni-versity for religious women and a commission of mothers:general to facilitate communication and liaison betw.een ecclesiastical superiors and individual institutes. The latter, it was said emphatically, is not to be a kind of "super-government.". The superiors general and tl~ose who represented and accompan-ied them came in Such large numbers that the, meetings v~ere trans-ferred from the assembly room of the Sacred Congregation of Reli-gious to that of the Gregorian L'lniv~rsity. after the first morning. An eye witness writes of the first afternoon session: "I counted the num-ber of Sisters in the Gregorian assembly room, since I didn't u~nder-stand the .Italian. My count was 800." Of these, 200 were dele-gates representing 800 religious institutes for women. Countries represented inelude~i Italy, Australia. India, France, Germany, Eng-land. Spain; Canada, and the 'United States. The opening address was given by the Most Rev. Arcadio Lar-raona, C.M.F., the secretary Of the Sacred Congregation of Religious. He pointed out that the purpose of the meeting was not "reform-- for which, thank God, there was no need but improveme'nt, by bringing up to d~te the ideals 6f the founders and foundresses with a willing, intelligent adaptation of means to the end. "We. r~ust do today what our founders would do if they were alive." The next speaker, the Rev. Riccardo Lombardi, S.J., stressed the grave~ resp6nsibility of superiors general to make the best use of their 42 CONGRESS IN ROME subjects' talents. To waste them or leave them unused is a fault just hs much as wasting one's own talents through carelessness or sloth. Natural capabilities and qualities of heart, and mind, which would have given a Sister considerable influence in the world had she not entered religion are to be cultivated by good training. The general subject introduced by Father Lombardi, the training for the apostolate, was next developed in four talks which indicated specific modifications for different parts of the world. The Rev. A. PlY. O.P. "the editor of La Vie Spirituelle. reportedon the training of religious in France. The representative for Spanish-speaking peo-ples. Father Leghisa. C.M.F., made a special plea for a better local distribution of various apostolic efforts. Mother Bernarda Peeren-boom. 0.S.U.' spoke for Germany, and Mother Magdalen Bellasis. O.S.U. for English-speaking countries. 'Mother Magdalen pointed out that some prevailing conditions in English-speaking countries .would call for greater emphasis on cer-tain aspects of training. Greater temporal prosperity (not i~ Eng-land since the war) underlines the need to stress poverty of spirit: "They must learn to want to be poor, to prefer to have less rather than more." The spirit of self government and the earlier emanci-pation of women reqmres more stress on-and explanation of the principles of religious obedience. The fact that Catholics are a mi-nority is a spur to.zeal, but it demands of faith. "There is a certain danger selves in a small minority, will suffer which, prevents energetic action. They that they have something splendid to solid instruction in the truths that.Catholics, feding them-from an inferiority compl~x must be given the conviction offer to the world and that their religion is something to be proud of." Monsignor Giovanni Battista Scapinelli,.under-secretary of the Shcred Congregation of Religious, gave a long, documented account of the co-operative efforts and .the movements toward federation in various countries and then proposed the formation of a central" and international co-ordination of forces. 'As an example of a co-operative effort, he proposed the foundation in each country of a hos-pital reserved for sickSisters. (It seems that in some countries Sis-ters- have to be cared for in pfiblic.hospitals.) The study of u'nit~- was continued in the three talks the fol-lowing morning. D6n Secur~do de Bernardis, S.D.B. ~poke of the need of gr.eater mutual knowledge and complementary co-operation among the different institutes. Then Mother M. Vianney, O.S.U., read a pap,r on the advantages of having a permanent Commission 43 CONGRESS IN ROME Review for Religious of Superiors General a[ Rome. The third speaker, Monsignor Luigi Pepe. the General Secretary of the Congress, spoke of the need of higher studies in religion. He urged provision for such studies in each country and proposed a financial plan for founding a faculty of religious studies at Rome for nuns and women' engaged in apostolic work.~ An auditor 'called the afternoon talk by the Rev. l~mile Bergh, S.3., "a soul-stirring conference." The heart of this talk was a,n examination of conscience for the past twenty-five years. This examination is given in the present number on page 14. He also gave some suggestions for the future. For instance, he mentioned that real days of recollection and retreat be organized that would provide a rest for the body too so that the soul might be ableto profit more from these exercises. After this, Father Larraona gave some practical directions of the Holy See for apostolic work in the field of education, re-education, care of the sick, and social wbrk. On Saturday morning he met with the superiors general while the other religious held group discussion in their own language groups. The congress was then closed with a brief address by His Eminence Cardinal Pizzardo, the secretary of the Sacred Congregation of Seminaries and Studies. , Observations . , The foregoing is a running, factual account of the congress as we. have been able to piece it together from our sources. To this we might. add a few of the more personal observations made by some Ameri-cans who attended the congress. ¯ Several have noted that there seemed to be very little realization in Italy of what we already have in this country. For example, we already have a splendid system of Catholic schools providing higher st.udies for women, not excluding religious. Also, many of our hos-pitals provide special care'for Sisters. As was noted in the Holy Father's address, previously published in the Review, he recommended modifications in the religious habit when this is necessary for hygiene or the better accomplishment of the work of the institute. We have not yet' obtained a copy of Father Larraona's address, but we have heard that when he mentioned this question of modifying the habit, he said that permission would readily be granted if the iequest was sponsored by amajority of the members of. an institute, and if the change could be made without ,]anuarg, 1953 CONGRESS IN ROME loss of harmony. The main thing, he said, is to keep peace in the family. (Not his exact words, but a good English equivalent.) And this reminds us bf another observation made by an Ameri-can delegate. "Looking at the habits that garb som~ of these dear, good religious,, we can't wonder that the Father of us all would like to see us clad in less grotesque and more unostentatious dress! Ours is surely the simplest here.'" Then she added: "'But it may be that everyone else, thinks tbe~same of hers!" (We have supplied the italics.) We c~onclude with another observation from an American mother ger~eral: "It was a grand and glorious assembly, and since we were there in obedience to the wish of our Holy Father, our being in Rome was grand and glorious too. However, the language q(~estion was a great drawback. We realized that it was international, but we felt that we lost too much since we, so many of us, had no knowl-edge of Italian. We were generally given a resum~ of the talk in the various languages, but that wasn't too satisfactory." SUMMARY OF THE CONGRESS ~ The superiors general, reunited in Rome, 'in response to the de-sires and directives of the Holy See, consider it opportune to sum-marize the work and conclusions Of the Congress as follows: The superiors general with their council will ~ollaborate in the holy movement of revitalizing the religious spirit, conforming to the needs of the Church and of the world in this historic moment. This revitalizing of the religious spirit must be basedon the spirit of our founders and fo~ndresses and of their outstanding disciples, while adapting itself to present needs and utilizing the immense resources at band in order to reach hearts and minds with the same broad vision and courage which the holy founders and foundresses would have bad today; Points for the Ascetical Life 1. Particular care must be taken to develop the personality of each religious in the exercise of Christian virtue and in the generous. dedication to religious virtue. 2. Maternal care must be taken of the health of the' religious; the work of each must be 'orderly and moderate; each religious must have time for her exercises of piety. 3. The schedules must always be reasonable and adapted to the various regions and apostolic ministries today confided to religious; 45 ¯ CONGRESS iN ROME Review for Religious 4. Care must be taken of the sick with promptness and exquisite charity. , Superiors must co-oper~lte in the organization of hospitals and s~anatoriums for religious. 5. In their individual houses, the superiors general will make it possible for al~ religious to lead a Christian life, by giving ample bp-portu. nity to receive the sacraments, and to carry out the duties im-posed on them by their consecration to God, by providing time for days of retreat, Spiritual exercises, and devotional practices common to the individual institute. Points regarding Government , I. It must. be remembered that we have need of superiors arid of teachers W.ho are well~balanced, nobl~-minded, refined holy souls or those strongly resolved to become so. They m!~st be ,well pre-pared for their sacred mission and, forgetful of themselves, give gen- ¯ erousI~ to their offide, striving to evaluate justly the natural and supernatural gifts of their subjects. 2. S.ubjects gifted With prudence and foresight should be chosen for superiors and for such offices as mistress ~)f novices and postu-lants. Young religious should not be excluded from higher office if they have the necessary natural and spiritual qualifications. Care must be taken not to ask more than canon law exacts nor should we be obstinate in the question of re-election. It is the mind of the Church that her laws and the cons'titutions of the institute be ob-served, both of-which prescribe the change of superiors so that no religious superior may be deprived pf the blessing of obedience. ,.' It is to be noted that when conditions are equal between a superior in office and a new carJdidate, preference should.be given to the new candidate. In :this way unpleasant situations'can be avoided and a greater num-ber of religious will be formed for governing. 3. In governing, in making the necessary decisions, such as changes, transfers, the equal distribution of work, one must "be guided by wisdom and charity. ' 4, In making ;¢isitations all the necessary time should be taken to examine well everything regarding the subjects, the houses, the registers, and the like. Each religious should be given an opportunity to speak freely and privately. The superiors and religious charged with various offices should enjoy a certain amount of' trust, while they sh0t~ld always remember that they are religi0u,s, subject to dis-cipline according to their respective offices. 46 d~nuarg, 1953 CONGRESS 'IN) ROME Special, Training 1. The creation of institutes of" higher education similar to those already existing for religiousorders of men. In these institutions the religious will study at least the essential' elements of Christian asceti-cism, of the religious li~e, of theology, of philosophy, of pedagogy, of psy~chology, of canon and civil lav~, and other subjects necessary for the direction of cofisecrated souls. 2. The introduction of a cours~ in orientation. This course may be given in the individual institute or tothe religious of various con-gregations grouped together. The. aim of this course is to acquaint religious with the needs and the trends .of the times in their various fields of activity. ~= 3, The diffusion among the religious of reviews of general and specific interests that may be of value'to them in their apostolate.~ 4. An intelligent, study of the documents of the Holy See. The Apostolate 1. It must 'be remembered that the apostolate is a grace, a voca-tion to which one must correspond, faithfully fulfilling the new ob-ligations which have been aisumed. The spiritual values must be main.tained,"tbe spirit of. prayer must be re-awakened, and the tell- ¯ gious'must be given 'the opportunity of making their spiritual re-treats. They must have the benefit of courses an'd have access to lit-erature that will enrich' their spiritual life. 2. It must b~ remembered that the apostolate is also a science and an art and that the Holy S~e ir~sists on high standards in literary, .technical, and profession.al training of religious, on the necessity of degrees required for the exercise of the various prbfessions; on the ne-cessity of aspiring to a greater degree of proficiency, never thinking that one's training is adequate for the present need. 3. It must be remembered what great profit can be derived from the formation of secretariates for apostolic works" both in the single provinces and in the entire congregation. Collaboration' It is sad to say. that religious frequently are indifferent to one an-other in their apostolic work. Perhaps this is more noticeable among superiors than among the members. There is a tendency to act and to think as though we were not perfect Christians bound fraternally to those who like ourselves are, striving for religious perfection. Milch harm is done to the Church and to souls by this indifference and 47 danudr~,1953 many worthy apostolic works are hindered in their development by this deplorable lack of union. By fraternal collaboration we can in-tensify our common actions for the greater glory of God and ,thus realize works which would be impossible to the individual congrega- ,tions. , The superiors general conforming to the designs of the Sacred Congregation and following the example of the superiors of the reli-gious orders of men, will constitute a committee to provide a com-mon center of information, of co-ordination, and of collaboration. General Aims of Committee 1. To gather in accordance with the Secretary of the Central Commission, already existing .at the Sacred Congregation of Reli-gious, that information which could be useful to the congregation ,regarding. various problems such as questions of the apostolate, ori-entation, defense, propaganda, administration, and authoritative reports. 2. To promote congresses, conferences, and courses of general and particular interests which are deemed necessary or useful and to organize them, after having informed the proper authorities. 3. To. reply to questions that may be asked by the Holy See. 4. To present to the Sacred Congregation of Religious any in-formation that might reflect the needs and the desires of the various~ congregations. 5. To serve as a secure and rapid means of t.ransmitting~com-munications of importance to the religious 'congregations. 6. To organize works of common interest and benefit or, at leasi~, to study the concrete projects that may be presented. Particular Aims of the Committee i. To create a pontifical institute of higher religious education. 2. To suggest the organization in various countries of courses for the ascetical and pedagogical formation, both for the religious in general and for specialized groups such as superiors, mistresses of novices, and prefects of study. ;. 3. To collect sVatistics regarding the distribution' of work, ,vari-ous apostolic needs, the fruits obtained, the difficulties encountered, ~and the like. 4. To formulate conclusions on common problems to be sub-mitted to the Sacred Congregation of Religious. 5, To promote the organization of schools for higher education by groups of congregations. ' 48 Shunfing Facilities Albert Muntsch, S.3. RAILROAD yards possess shunting facilities which enable the yard-master to move quickly a row of cars ~to a siding to make room for incoming or outgoing trains. The more complete such provisions, the less danger of collision at times of heavy traffic and travel. As we go thrdugh life we all need, at times, facilities, of escape-from spiritual or moral dangers that threaten ruin 1~o the immortal soul. We need them also to find relief from the worry, depression, and disappointments that beset every traveler through the pilgrimage of life to the eternal homeland. We may regard such avenues of escape as spiritual shunting facilities. Fortunately we have them in abun-dance. Like the "rare day in ,lune" they are free to all. And what is more, these "shunting facilities" have a beneficent effect. They will surely work if we do not place an obstacle in the way. Some of the great heroes whom we honor in the calendar of (he saints tell us that a reverential glance at the crucifix was to them a source of courage and of spiritual strength in the hour of trial.~ It is easy, to imitate them. We carr~y,the cross on our rosary. How easy ¯ ¯ to look devoutly and with confidence at the sweet symbol of salva-tion! Surely there is always hope and healing for the troubled soul in the cross of Christ. Pragers consisting of three or four words--prayers which may be uttered on the crowded street, as well as in the quiet of the home, are an easy way to gain new strength and much-needed hope. Let us try to cultivate this practice of utteri,ng such ejaculatory prayers. "My 3esus, mercy," is a familiar example. We shall become the richer s~iritually for forming this excellent habit. It can provide a good avenue of escape from many of the little'worries, that eat into the~ heart and make the soul unfit for larger efforts in God's Kingdom. A brief visit to the chapel--what a wonderful means for fighting . off weariness in well-doing and for laying up new resources against the,.hour of temptation! We are in God's house.Perhaps we see other souls praying for the same graces we need in the spiritual journey. It is always edifying to enter St. Peter's Church, near the D~ar- 49 ALBERT MUNTSCH born,Station in Chicago, at any hour of the day, and become one of the man,y dev6ut clients of the Sacred' Heart. There ~ill be scoies of men and women frbm all walks of life who have turned aside from the busy street and the roar of commerce to find hea!ing for the soul. Rich and pgor, young.and old, saint and ~inner, native son and im-migrant all on the same high quest. They needed a spiritual siding so they turned into God's holy house~to avoid some snare or spir-itual danger or to lay up strength for the day's, ceaseless conflict. With a song of g.ladness from the heart we may take up anew life's daily burden. We are not like those who are without hope. We see a light ever-shining. There are many beacoi~ lights even in the darkest hour. For a loving Providence has providedus weary pil-grims, with many a station at which to stop for second wind while press!ng forward to the goal. Now such spiritual shunting facilities are of immense value to, and even of great necessity for r~li~ious. Many are engaged 'in the splendid work o~ Catholic hospitals, following in the footsteps of Christ, the Divine Physician. But both patients and nurses may. at times become wearied and their hearts may become oppressed with bitterness. They need a spiritual._siding. Religious persons should often dwell on one of the g[eatest prob-lems the problem 9f human suffering. It is contemplation on the su.fferings, of Christ which will enable them to find thoughts of hope and inspiration for their suffering patients who are about to give up the struggle, abandon ~hope, and listen to the tempter'of souls. An eminent physician refers to the immense value of the "simple habit of prayer" for those who are nervously depressed. This simple habit of prayer and an act of faith in the divine value of suffering patiently borne may provide spiritual shunting facilities.for both the nurse and heb patient. "The drudgery of the classroom" has become, almost a proverbial expression. When the duties of teaching seem hard, it would'be well for teachers to realize that in ten or twenty years the boys or girls, who~ are now often a sourde of trouble, will be young men and women. They will be on the front line and may be exposed to seri-ous temptations. Under the tutelage of the Catholic teacher, they fnust prepare themselves now for victory in that critical hour. T~his vision of the future will help provide shunting facilities for the tem-porary snarl of discouragement. The vision should prove an inspi-ration to persevere .faithfully in the Christian apostolate of teaching. 50 ( uestdons an.cl Answers When H01y Saturday services are held in a convent chapel on Satur-day evening, terminating with the Mi.dnlght Mass, what is the correct order for the Divine Office on Holy Saturday, and what versicles, re-sponses, and prayers should be used for' grace at the noon and evening meal? Should the Alleluia be omitted at grace when the Holy Saturday services take place in the-evenlng? The answers concerning'the Office are contained in a Decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, dated January 11, 1952 (Acta Apos-toticae Sedis, January 25., i§52, pp. 50-63), giving_ directions for the c~lebration of the Easter Vigil on Holy Saturday evening with the Easter Mass followiiag about midnight. Regarding the grace at ~able, which is not covered by the Decree, confer below. The pre-scriptions for the Divine Office are as follows: MATINS and LAUDS are not anticipated-.on Friday ev,ening, but are said Saturday.morning at.a convenient hour. At the end of Lauds the antiphon Christus factus est is ~epeated with a Pat'-'r Nos-ter, but the psalm Miserere is 6mitted. and the following prayer is substituted for the Respice quaesumus: Concede, quaesumus, Omnipotens Deus: ut qui Fitii tui resurrec-tionem devota expectatione praeuenirnus; ejusdem resurrectionis glo-riam- consequamur. The conclusion Per eundem Dorninum is said silently. SMALL HOURS are ~aid as on Holy Thursday, en~ling with the antiphon Cbristus factus est and a Pater Noster. The psalm Miserere is omitted, but the new prayer Concede is said as indicated above at Lauds. VESPERS are 'said at a.convenient h6ur in /he afternoon as on Holy Thursday, with the following changes: Antiphon 1: Hodie agtictus sum valde, sed cras solvam uincula Antiphon for the Magnificat: Principes sacerdotum et pharisaei munierunt sepulcrum, signantes lapidem, cure custodibus. The antiphon for the Magnificat is repeated and the Christus factus est, Pater Noster, and Miserere are omitted. The prayer noted above for Lauds is said: This concludes ~espers. COMPLINE is omitted on Holy Saturday evening. 51 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Revietv ?or Religious Until the Sacred Congregation of Rites issues an official text for grace at meals,, the f,ollowing, which keeps the parallel between the Office'and the meal prayers to be found in t'he Breviary at present, is suggested as a form which may be used on Holy Saturday: AT THE NOON MEAL: Cbristus factus est pro nobis obediens usque ad mortem, mortem autem crucis and a Pater Noster. Then recite the new prayer Concede, given above at the end of Lauds, ter-mmat! ng it with Per eundem Dominum "to be said silently. AT THE EVENING MEAL: V. Principes sacerdotum et pharisaei munierunt sepulchrum. R. Signantes lapidem, cure cus-todibus. Then a Pater Noster and the prayer Concede as given abo~e with its silent ending. The Alleluia will not occur in the Office or grace at table on Holy Saturday because it has not yet been su.ng officially. This will occur during the Easter Vigil. ~2m Throughout ~he year we chant the Little Office of Our Blessed Lady in choir. During the last three days of Holy Week we replace this¯ by the Office of the Roman Breviary. However, at Matins on these days we spy only the first nocturn. Is this a proper'and permissible omission? In his Hol~l Week in L. arge and Sm~ all Churches, Father Law-rence J. O'Connell states the following: "Tenebrae.services may be .held not~0nly in cathedral, collegiate, conventual, and parochial churches,.but also i,n chhpels of convents and other institutions where the Blessed Sacrament is habitually reserved . If all three nocturns of Matins cannot be sung, it is sufficient to sing the first nocturn and the Benedictus.'" (See also W'apelhorst, n. 360, 6!). The custom of replacing the Little Office of Our Lady with the Divine Office during the Sacred Triduum seems reasonable and jus-tifiable. In a congent where the Holy Week services are not held, when is it proper to uhcover the crucifix on Good Friday? There does not seem to be any special legislation on the .subject. Hence it is suggested that the crucifix be uncovered after the services held in the parish church in whose territory it is situated. Our constitutions state that if anythlncj is left over it is to be sent to the provincial house. Sometimes we have to send our salaries before we 52 Januarg, 1953 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS pay our food and book bills. We have to make so many excuses when the collector comes. This cjives us a bad local reputation, and our credit is not good. Hence firms expect us to pay cash. Is it proper to
