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The aim of this analysis was to determine why, in public opinion surveys in Ukraine, a decidedly larger proportion of respondents than in countries of western and central Europe do not have their own opinion. The author believes that the causes are primarily two popular attitudes in the Ukraine: (1) the conviction that it doesn't make sense for an 'ordinary person' to think about public affairs, because he has no chance to effect any sort of change; and (2) lack of trust in the survey-taker and the associated sense of the situation as being a sensitive one. The author's inquiries reveal a higher degree of political alienation in Ukraine than in the majority of EU countries, and a lower level of civic engagement. At the same time, the author expresses the view that the revolution of 2013/2014 probably testifies to the fact that in the last few years the sense of detachment has decreased and will continue to diminish.

AbstractUsing online Chinese communities as primary sources, this article studies public perceptions in China of Latin America in terms of how the region is seen as part of the Third World while also offering China a convenient backyard by which to access the First World United States. Codified online public opinion on four different Latin American topics is then analysed and compared with official opinion: how "Latin Americanization" becomes China's nightmare, how the Latin Americans should learn from the "China model," how the Latin Americans were being discriminated in the H1N1 epidemic, and how the "Latin American card" to balance the United States is emphasized. The conclusion suggests that only when the stereotypes discussed in this article are dismissed will the true value of Latin America gradually obtain any standing in the eyes of ordinary Chinese and will the Latin American mission of the Chinese government be fully understood by its subjects.

Using online Chinese communities as primary sources, this article studies public perceptions in China of Latin America in terms of how the region is seen as part of the Third World while also offering China a convenient backyard by which to access the First World United States. Codified online public opinion on four different Latin American topics is then analysed and compared with official opinion: how "Latin Americanization" becomes China's nightmare, how the Latin Americans should learn from the "China model," how the Latin Americans were being discriminated in the H1N1 epidemic, and how the "Latin American card" to balance the United States is emphasized. The conclusion suggests that only when the stereotypes discussed in this article are dismissed will the true value of Latin America gradually obtain any standing in the eyes of ordinary Chinese and will the Latin American mission of the Chinese government be fully understood by its subjects. (China Q/GIGA)

'The white man has always been the boss.' The representation of apartheid in South Africa by the newspapers Trouw and de Volkskrant in the period 1948-1994.Apartheid, the official system of racial segregation, was the feature of South African society between 1948 and 1994. The racial issue did not remain unnoticed in the Netherlands and different views polarized public opinion. In this study, the Dutch newspapers Trouw and de Volkskrant are studied as indicators of public perceptions of apartheid. It analyzes from which perspective the newspapers constructed their images of apartheid. The image reconstructions focus on political developments in South Africa. The research is also based on the historical and social relations between the Netherlands and South Africa. During the first years of apartheid the newspapers had different views, however, over time their opinions became more and more similar. Moreover, it turns out that Dutch involvement in the racial issues was not reported critically.

The concept of obshchestvennost' , a Russian term that is difficult to translate, helps us understand the ways that writers responded to Nikita Khrushchev's speech denouncing Stalin in 1956. The term can be seen as the public, public opinion or civil society, and was part of an attempt to transform the Moscow section of the Writers' Union. This article uses the concept to investigate the formation of a new newspaper called The Moscow Writer. The newspaper was envisioned as the way to re-create the section as a place for criticism of the current situation within the USSR. The newspaper's independent voice lasted a few months before the authorities intervened. This short interlude demonstrates the desire of writers to provide critical analysis of their position and their future, not to lead a revolution. It also shows the limits of Khrushchev's reforms; he would not allow independent opinion to emerge, even if produced by loyal group of writers.

The media is an important cultural gatekeeper, but not a disinterested one. Inevitably journalists, their interests, backgrounds, intellectual capacity and prejudices shape what they consider we need to know. Even unconsciously they filter what they want us to know about ourselves, each other and the world. This makes the media a major vehicle, although curiously not the only vehicle, for the shaping of public opinion and in particular for the management of our responses to change. The media is also one of four so-called pillars of democracy, ensuring electors are able to make informed choices as well as engage in public policy debate. Accordingly an effective media represents a diversity ogf opinion and a range of interests which include the rights and interests and real lives of women as well as the contribution they make to the life of the nation. That's why gender counts in journalism. It is part of diversity.

Six years after unification German public opinion still regards Britain as the 'No-saying' nation which not only holds up further European integration but also never really wanted German unity to happen. This article argues that British attitudes to the process of German unification in 1989/90 were more diverse and generally more positive than an undue concentration on the views of Margaret Thatcher and her advisers may suggest. An analysis of Foreign Office policies and an examination of public and published opinion as well as of the debates in both Houses of Parliament reveal a constructive British stance on German unity and a substantial and real contribution of British diplomats to the Two-plus-Four process. Whereas the Foreign Office and Downing Street agreed on the major effects German unity would have on Britain's international standing, they differed about the way Britain should respond to the new challenges. (German Politics / FUB)

The article is devoted to the analysis of subjective assessments of regional elite representatives(public servants) regarding their own social role, place and significance in society, and their assessmentof the public service performance efficiency as a social lift. It was used a qualitative methodology toanalyze opinion of regional elite representatives concerning the civil service efficiency as a social lift.Such methodology is focused on meanings and senses, their creation and design features in the process ofsocial communication, which allows to bypass formalized and socially approved responses of informantsand to discover the actual state of affairs in the population. Research data were obtained during in-depth,focused interviews with public service representatives of various ranks and departments of Zaporizhzhiaoblast in April-May 2017.According to the results of the research, it was determined that public servants, as subjects/actors ofstate decision making processes, can influence on society within the framework of regional competences,which gives them certain privileges and signs of elitism at the regional level. At the same time, it wasdetermined that the public service institute operates as a social elevator for regional elites with certainlimitations – to a certain level – since the movement process is provided not only by the personal qualitiesof individuals, but also by their political preferences, the breadth of social ties, membership in certaininfluential groups. This feature leads to the fact that the personal advancements of public servants turninto jump-free mode and do not depend on their abilities, professionalism and potential. Therefore, entryinto the regional elite is not a resulted through an «idle» social lift, but through the usage of additionalchannels of social mobility.

Malachite green (MG) has been used globally in aquaculture but is not registered for use infood-producing animals in the European Union. The European Commission requested EFSA to evaluatewhether a reference point for action (RPA) of 2 lg/kg for the sum of MG and its major metaboliteleucomalachite green (LMG) is adequate to protect public health. Available occurrence data were notsuitable for a reliable exposure assessment. The hypothetical dietary exposure was calculated,considering the RPA as occurrence value for all types of fish, fish products and crustaceans. Meandietary exposure across different European dietary surveys and age classes would range from 0.1 to5.0 ng/kg body weight (bw) per day. For high and frequent fish consumers, the exposure would rangefrom 1.3 to 11.8 ng/kg bw per day. Both MG and LMG induced formation of DNA adducts in livers ofrats and/or mice, and of micronuclei in mice. LMG also induced cII transgene mutations in mouse liver.MG caused a small, not dose-related, increase in thyroid gland follicular adenomas and carcinomas,and of mammary gland carcinomas in female rats. LMG caused an increase in hepatocellular adenomasand carcinomas in female mice. Both MG and LMG may be considered as carcinogenic and asgenotoxic in vivo. A lower 95% confidence limit for a benchmark response of 10% extra risk (BMDL 10 )of 13 mg/kg bw per day for hepatocellular adenomas and carcinomas was selected as reference pointfor neoplastic effects. For non-neoplastic effects, a lower 95% confidence limit for a benchmarkresponse of 5% extra risk (BMDL 05 ) of 6 mg/kg bw per day was selected for the effect of MG on liverweight and of LMG on body weight. The margins of exposure were 1.1 9 10 6 or greater for neoplasticeffects and 4.9 9 10 5 or greater for non-neoplastic effects. The CONTAM Panel concluded that it isunlikely that exposure to food contaminated with MG/LMG at or below the RPA of 2 lg/kg representsa health concern.

The purpose of this article is to publish the results of the qualitative sociological research carried out among the residents of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region on the possibility of using the marker monuments of their "small homeland" sacred landscape in the creation of Russia's state cultural policy. The research was done by the method of narrative interview. Based on the typological content analysis of the 179 interview transcripts, i.e. the respondents' competence level in the volume and depth of historical memory, all survey respondents were classified into three major groups: 1) experts (knowledgeable about the subject of our study), 2) improvisers (respondents who showed interest in the subject of our study but were scarcely competent in historical materials) and 3) ignoramuses (respondents who showed negative or indifferent attitudes to the research of the sacred landscape monuments). As a result, the authors have reached the following conclusions: 1) according to our respondents, the sacred landscape of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region has a high potential for Russia's cultural policy; 2) as our respondents' most symbolically and emotionally loaded part of their "small homeland" landscape, the socio-cultural phenomenon of the sacred landscape requires the State's delicate and careful attention; 3) in our respondents' opinion, despite its declarations and documents, the State's cultural policy is, in reality, still mainly focused on the public opinion management from the Soviet era; 4) such ideological orientation excludes the sacred landscape of our respondents' "small homeland" from the State's modern cultural policy. ; Svrha je ovog članka objavljivanje rezultata kvalitativnih socioloških istraživanja provedenih među stanovnicima Sankt Peterburga i Lenjingradske oblasti o mogućnosti korištenja markantnih spomenika zavičajnoga sakralnog krajolika u kreiranju državne kulturne politike. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom pripovjednog intervjua. Na temelju tipološke analize sadržaja 179 transkripata intervjua, tj. razine kompetencije ispitanika u vezi s opsegom i dubinom njihove povijesne memorije, svi ispitanici razvrstani su u tri glavne skupine: 1) eksperti (dobri poznavatelji predmeta istraživanja), 2) improvizatori (ispitanici koji su pokazali zanimanje za predmet studije, ali im je kompetencija nedostatna kada su u pitanju povijesni materijali) i 3) ignoranti (ispitanici koji su pokazali negativne ili indiferentne stavove u vezi istraživanja spomenika sakralnog krajolika). Autori istraživanja došli su do sljedećih zaključaka: 1) prema mišljenju ispitanika, sakralni krajolik Sankt Peterburga i Lenjingradske oblasti ima veliki potencijal za državnu kulturnu politiku; 2) zbog snažnog simboličkog i emotivnog naboja što ga u ispitanicima stvara, sociokulturni fenomen sakralnog krajolika zahtijeva delikatan i pažljiv pristup države; 3) prema ispitanicima, unatoč deklarativnoj podršci i dokumentima, kulturna se politika države zapravo još uvijek oslanja na model upravljanja javnim mnijenjem iz vremena Sovjetskog Saveza; 4) takva ideološka orijentacija isključuje sakralni zavičajni krajolik ispitanika iz instrumenata moderne državne kulturne politike.

The scientific and social relevance of the research topic in the context of contemporary Ukrainian-Polish relations, as well as the importance of new methodological approaches in the historiography of the Ukrainian press, are substantiated. The article outlines the public, political and journalistic activities of Osyp Nazaruk in the constructing of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. The content domains of his opinion writings dates to the period of Ukraining Revolution (1918‒1923) as published in separate brochures and in the Ukrainian and emigration periodicals, such as Strilets (Rifleman), Ukrainskyi Prapor (Ukrainian Flag), Sich, Nova Zorya (New Star), are analyzed for the first time ever.The essence and the peculiarities of formation, crisis and transformation of Osyp Nazaruk's worldview, as well as the specifics of his interpretation of the ideas of statehood, unity, struggle are studied out. The article discovers how the columnist interpreted different areas of national life of Ukrainians, especially politics (geopolitics), social phenomena and processes. It clarifies Osyp Nazaruk's views on corruption as the greatest threat to statehood. What is more, his idea of social consolidation is revealed. The article explains why Osyp Nazaruk assigned a key part in the nation-building and state-building processes to the national press and national propaganda.The predictive value and relevance of certain elements of his views and his opinion writings for the present time are pointed out.Key words: Osyp Nazaruk, opinion journalism, West Ukrainian People's Republic, state-building, unity. ; У статті окреслено громадсько-політичну та журналістську діяльність О. Назарука у розбудові ЗУНР. Проаналізовано змістові домінанти його публіцистики. З'ясовано особливості трансформації поглядів О. Назарука на державність, соборність, боротьбу; визначено їхню актуальність.Ключові слова: Осип Назарук, публіцистика, ЗУНР, державотворення.

In 1997, both the United States (U.S.) and the European Union (EU) signed the Kyoto Protocol, the first legally binding international treaty with targets for greenhouse gas emissions reductions. However, in 2001, the United States withdrew from the Protocol. This thesis seeks to understand some of the reasons why the European Union embraced the Kyoto Protocol while the United States did not. Using an overall framework of comparative politics, research is undertaken through three lenses. First, an overview of public opinion toward global warming and climate change in the U.S. and the EU analyzes potential differences or similarities from surveys carried out in each area. Second, I examine the prevailing political ideology in each polity, with emphasis on the period when climate change arose as a major global challenge. Finally, two case studies examine the theory of environmental federalism and how it might affect climate change policy action. I obtained the following results. Public opinion research has revealed that, on average, the American public is nearly as concerned with climate change as the European public. However, the overarching political ideology in the U.S. was one of conservatism, while that in Europe was one of social democracy, with left and center-left governments, contributing to a greater or lesser degree, and through indirect mechanisms, to the political stances adopted. Finally, the case of Germany shows that member state actions, such as the implementation of ambitious reductions targets, can still play a crucial role in leadership even in the presence of action at the central government level (EU). The California case study shows that state-level efforts can rise to fill a vacuum created by the absence of central government action. In the end, behavior of each polity regarding international climate agreements, particularly the Kyoto Protocol, cannot be explained in simple terms. The complexity of the issues revolving climate change require further interdisciplinary research and collaboration among multiple actors including scientists, policymakers, nongovernmental organizations, and other stakeholders. ; 2011-05-01 ; B.A. ; Sciences, Dept. of Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

"When Abraham Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address in 1863, he had broader aims than simply rallying a war-weary nation. Lincoln realized that the Civil War had taken on a wider significance-that all of Europe and Latin America was watching to see whether the United States, a beleaguered model of democracy, would indeed 'perish from the earth.' In The Cause of All Nations, distinguished historian Don H. Doyle explains that the Civil War was viewed abroad as part of a much larger struggle for democracy that spanned the Atlantic Ocean, and had begun with the American and French Revolutions. While battles raged at Bull Run, Antietam, and Gettysburg, a parallel contest took place abroad, both in the marbled courts of power and in the public square. Foreign observers held widely divergent views on the war-from radicals such as Karl Marx and Giuseppe Garibaldi who called on the North to fight for liberty and equality, to aristocratic monarchists, who hoped that the collapse of the Union would strike a death blow against democratic movements on both sides of the Atlantic. Nowhere were these monarchist dreams more ominous than in Mexico, where Napoleon III sought to implement his Grand Design for a Latin Catholic empire that would thwart the spread of Anglo-Saxon democracy and use the Confederacy as a buffer state. Hoping to capitalize on public sympathies abroad, both the Union and the Confederacy sent diplomats and special agents overseas: the South to seek recognition and support, and the North to keep European powers from interfering. Confederate agents appealed to those conservative elements who wanted the South to serve as a bulwark against radical egalitarianism. Lincoln and his Union agents overseas learned to appeal to many foreigners by embracing emancipation and casting the Union as the embattled defender of universal republican ideals, the "last best hope of earth." A bold account of the international dimensions of America's defining conflict, The Cause of All Nations frames the Civil War as a pivotal moment in a global struggle that would decide the survival of democracy. "--

Following forced expulsion and campaigns of ethnic cleansing, substantial portions of national communities affected by conflict no longer live within the boundaries of the state. Nevertheless, existing wartime and postwar public opinion research is largely confined to countries directly affected by conflict. As a result, current research may overlook important war-affected populations and processes shaping their opinions. I address this problem by examining the question: does incorporation in settlement countries reduce support for conflict ideology? Examining this question requires new microdata. I examine the results of a large-scale survey of ex-Yugoslavs in Sweden. The findings suggest that incorporation undermines support for conflict ideology by increasing the socioeconomic security and social identity complexity of migrants. This has important implications for multiculturalism policies in the context of the current global migration crisis.