In its engagement with Balkan music, musicology has largely conformed to the dominant cultural historiographical model of a divide between 'East' and 'West'. Marked by core binary concepts, under the spell initially of theories of modernity, and subsequently of critical theories that aimed to deconstruct these oppositions, musicology on Balkan music still remains within the confines of the 'East-West' paradigm. Theories such as Edward Said's Orientalism and Maria Todorova's Balkanism have served as key methodological tools in conceptualizing Balkan music and analysing the ways in which stereotypical and ideologically-charged images of 'the West' and 'the East' are reproduced in musical praxes. Powerful as they have been, analyses of the Balkans solely withreference to 'East' and 'West' surely do not do justice to the diversity of relationships that have shaped its variegated musical space, and have inevitably rendered a distorted image of its musical landscape. This book aims to contribute to a widening of our critical understanding of a historically and spatially diverse cultural network that embraces Balkan music, and therefore invites proposals for papers that challenge and/or move beyond the 'East-West' paradigm. An examination of a network that would not be restricted to the West-East perspective should lead to a richer and more complex understanding of the Balkans and its interconnectedness with other regions, such as the Mediterranean and Russia. By analysing these as well as other spheres of influences, we hope to reveal affinities that have rarely been explored, and will yield a richer understanding not only of Balkan music ('art', 'traditional' as well as 'popular') but also of music history in general. Contributions fall under the following subtopics: – Musical Relations between the Balkans and Russia Russia has acted as an influencing agent on the Balkans over several centuries and ties between these two regions were often highly charged politically. Importantly, Moscow was perceived as the 'Third Rome' by the Orthodox Balkans, while the Russian Empire was deeply involved in matters of the so-called 'Eastern Question'. The great influx of Russian émigrés following the Russian revolution played a significant role in shaping the Balkan cultural elite. Last but not least, the Russian national school and the Soviet model of socialist realism had a profound impact on Balkan music over the last two centuries. – Interactions with the Mediterranean Both the Balkans and the Mediterranean figure more as imaginary cultural spaces than firm geographical entities. Yet the way these spaces correlate musically has barely been explored. How did the culture of the Mediterranean, with its shifting empires and perpetual migrations, engage with the Balkans musically? What could be learned, for example, by exploring the great hub of Constantinople, which has been perceived both as a gateway to the Balkans and a symbol of the Eastern Mediterranean? Could a scrutiny of Balkan music's interaction with Mediterranean music enrich our understanding of musical life of the broader area of South Eastern Europe? Jasmina Huber writes about the musical physiognomy of melodies that belong to the Sephardic vocal (liturgical and paraliturgical) heritage in the western Balkans. The author shows that the Jewish musical tradition in the Balkans was a symbiosis of Hebrew poetry and oriental(ised) melodies. Valentina Sandu-Dediu has contributed a very interesting, introspective and often self-deprecatory account on the past and present state of Romanian musicology, the discipline that has long been torn between shifting ideologies, the Riemanninspired grandiose ambitions of music historians who singlehandedly wrote monumental but often error-laden books, and the long-standing focus on domestic output, caused both by ideological restrictions, language barrier and the fact of external i.e. foreign interest in Romanian music. The author concludes that the history of Romanian music must be rewritten from next prespectives, but also warns that a compromise must be reached between two opposing extremes - the unscrupulous political engagement on the one hand (which has influenced the boys written in communist times) and avoidance of any ideological involvement the other (which has been a recent tendency). Ivana Miladinović-Prica writes about Milimir Drašković who, in the later phase of his career, Drašković, seemingly surprisinglu, turned towards Byzantine heritage and Serbian orthodox church chants of the Octoechos as a source of inspiration and combined it with his already established avantgarde procedures, but also with popular music genres such as rock and jazz. Drašković and Miloš Petrović held workshops titled Byzantium and Today in Germany, where they brought the experiences of the cultural "Other" to German audiences, but also deliberately "invented" tradition in accordance with their artistic goals. Iva Nenić addresses the dichotomy of the East-West and its ideological implications using the example of the slowly expanding world music scene in the former Yugoslav region and, more specifically, with the specific (re)interpretation of the sevdalinka genre of popular folk song, as interpreted by the young Bosnian singer Damir Imamović, an heir to a well-known Bosnian musical "dynasty", and his Sevdah Takht band. The author discusses the origins and development of the sevdalinka genre, its "politically correct" interpretations in the socialist Yugoslavia, mostly purified of overt Oriental influences, and compares it to Imamović's contemporary interpretations, where remnants of its Oriental origin (such as: aksak rhythms, melismatic singing, oriental modes and instrumentation that resemble maqam practices etc.) have been reinstated and even emphasised. Russian and other non-phonetic Slavic languages written in Cyrillic script have been transliterated using the simplified Library of Congress transliteration system, with some exceptions which have been duly explained in the footnotes. We must express our sincere gratitude to Srđan Atanasovski and Katerina Levidou who originated the idea of rethinking the cultural and artistic 'poles of attraction' in the Balkans and without whom this volume would have not been possible. Moreover, we are grateful to all contributors to this volume, for their patience and cooperativeness during the long process of preparing this book. We would also like to thank our colleagues who have assisted us in various stages of preparing this volume: Marija Ćirić, Bogdan Đaković, Jelena Janković-Beguš, Jelena Jovanović, Danka Lajić-Mihajlović, Mary McRoberts, Melita Milin, Vesna Peno, Selena Rakočević and Mirjana Zakić. Also, we are thankful to the members of the Department of Fine Arts and Music of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, in particular Academician Milan Lojanica and Academician Dejan Despić, as well as the Academician Dimitrije Stefanović, former General Secretary of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Ars and a long-standing Director of the Institute of Musicology SASA, for their support, encouragement and understanding. Finally, we would like to thank the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia for their generous financial support, without which this book would have not been published.
U tekstu se, temeljem fotografija od kojih se neke objavljuju prvi put, rekonstruira izvorni izgled secesijske zgrade Hrvatskog doma u Splitu kao zrelog arhitektonskog djela Kamila Tončića. Donosi se i kronološki pregled uloge Hrvatskog doma u društvenoj povijesti grada Splita koji pridonosi spomeničkoj vrijednosti zgrade. ; The idea of building a "Croatian House", in which the Split culture, art and sporting associations connected to National Party would be located Narodna čitaonica (People's Reading Room), Slavjanski napredak (Slav Progress), Narodna glazba (National Music), the Volunteer Fire-Fighters, Muzikalno društvo "Zvonimir" (the Zvonimir Musical Association) and Hrvatski sokol (the Croatian Hawk – sporting association) came upon the scene in 1896. At the turn of the century artists who elevated the cultural and artistic life of Split and took it out of the provincial context, placing it shoulder to shoulder with European contemporaries, came together in the National party circles. The design of the building made in the spirit of Art Nouveau architecture by Kamilo Tončić in 1906 was bold and avant-garde for a centre in which up to then Historicist or revival architecture had prevailed; in consequence it aroused diverse public reactions. But the Croatian House was nevertheless built according to the Tončić design, and opened in 1908. It had an important role in the musical life of Split as a gathering place for musicians, as a stage and concert venue, all the way up to World War I. The most important event in the first year of the existence of the Croatian House was the organisation of the First Dalmatian Art Exhibition at which the foundation of the Medulić Croatian Art Association was mooted, and the idea for founding the Gallery of Fine Art was also put forward. In the changed political circumstances after World War I, the House lost its pre-war role as an essential factor in the creation of the musical and artistic life of the city. When the Sokol association of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formed in 1929, all activities in the Sokol House unfolded under the aegis of Sokol (Hawk), for it was a state organisation; the art and cultural events did not rise above the average amateur level. The most important event in the working of the amateur sections of Sokol was the foundation of the puppet theatre in 1933, on the foundations of which the Marionette Theatre still in operation today was built in 1945. After WWII, the onetime Croatian and later Sokol House was renamed Youth House, while along with the Split City Puppet Theatre, various sporting organisations were assigned the premises of the House. The house was remodelled and extended in 1930 and 1939, and thoroughly remodelled in 1942, when all the decorations on the facade and in the interior of the grand hall were destroyed in order to bring out the monumental aspects of the house in the spirit of fascist architecture. The concept of the building is a simple T-shaped ground floor. In the northern part of the site there is a narrow four-storey building with an attic along the long side placed parallel to the street in which the premises of the societies were located, while at the end of the plot, perpendicularly to it, is a two-storey building with a grand hall on the upstairs. With logical grouping of features and a functional arrangement, the spatial constraints of the plot were made use of to the best extent and complemented with an extensive programme that was supposed to meet the needs of the associations so that all of them should have their own individual quarters while making use in common of the grand hall meant for municipal events, joint events and Sokol members' athletic exercises. Although the principal facade is symmetrical with the main entrance in the middle, the courtyard part of the house with the hall is not built on its vertical axis, but shifted to the west. At the joint of the street and courtyard part of the house there are the grand stairs. The non-formalist asymmetrical disposition of volumes between the courtyard wing of the Croatian House and the neighbouring house left room for a large exercise space outdoors. Only a photograph of the drawing of the main facade remains of the design of the Croatian House. By rectification of the historical photographs, the drawing of the built facade was reconstructed, and a comparison of the project and the original appearance of the original facade shows that the design really was built, in basic idea and composition, and that alterations were made only to some of the decorative features. The lobby of the auxiliary eastern entrance and the threeflight stone staircase are kept in original form. The rectification of the previously unknown photographs of the interior of the hall has allowed the reconstruction of the original volume, position and repertoire of decoration. The space of the hall that we know of today in denuded form consists of two parts: the grand hall with the stage and the backstage areas. Abstract, linear and almost flat details, floral motifs, female heads with flowers and leaves in their hair and masks – common in the Art Nouveau idiom – were applied in the iconographic programme. In the choice of construction material and the manner of construction Tončić opted for the classic solid masonry construction of roughly worked stone blocks in lime mortar, smoothly rendered. The between-floor constructions were of wood, as was that of the gable roof. The flights of stairs with stone steps were leaned on iron I-section girders clad in rendered moulding. The pilasters alongside the central entrance, the pillars on the facade with an emphasised cornice and the attic are made of concrete, but they are only decorative and not structural elements of the building. The building of the Croatian House was adapted to the possibilities (i.e. the constraints) of the site and the function, that is, the needs of its users, in the allocation of the fundamental volumes and in the organisation of space. The interior decoration was also adjusted to the contents (the modestly decorated staircase area as against the luxuriant decoration of the grand hall), and a clearly, symmetrically and gracefully designed facade enhanced with Art Nouveau decorations and the characteristic Tončić details reveal its almost classical composition. The representative Art Nouveau building of the Croatian House, designed in the spirit of the Wagner school and its earlier works, is the original work of a mature architect in whom along with an echo of the classicist tradition the architecture of the modern age can also be sensed. But it is not just its Art Nouveau idiom that imparts a particular heritage value to the Croatian House, but also the events and personalities linked with it, whose importance in the history of the city of Split and Croatian art surmounts that of the building itself.
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Today marks the anniversary of my doctorate--in the days of yore, before social media, I completed my dissertation, defended it, and then didn't go to graduation as I was already professing as a visitor. With this much time past since those callow days of talking IR theory and job market stuff on the second floor pathway (balcony/terrace/veranda?) outsider our (Motel 6-esque) offices, I wonder about some stuff, am bemused by other aspects, and am mostly quite grateful.Before I get into it, what did I dissertate about? The international relations of secession. I first wondered whether sovereignty was about borders or governments and wanted to contrast the IR of secession vs the IR of revolution. Once I realized the conventional wisdom of the former was wrong, yes, there has been plenty of support for secessionists, I sought to understand why some states support specific secessionists and why other support the government--why countries take sides in other people's ethnic conflicts. Nice to have a question that has enduring relevance. I argued vociferously that the countries are not deterred by their own vulnerability to separatism, and I focused on several secessionist crises--Congo Crisis, Biafra, Bangladesh--and one country that supported multiple separatist movements--Somalia. I argued that the ethnic politics of the potential supporter interacted with the perceived identities of those in conflict--that ethnic ties drove much of this. Which led to the title of the subsequent book, The Ties That Divide, which dropped the Bangladesh case, as it was really about India's intervention, and the Somalia case, as it was really about irredentism (and became the starting point for the next book), and added Yugoslavia's demise, which was largely done by the time I turned to revising the book, and some basic statistics (thanks to the editors of International Organizaiton where I placed a key piece summarizing the dissertation/book). What do I wonder about?Mostly, am I now out of touch with the experience of being a grad student? I know the job market has bounced up and down over time, but it was awful when I finished and much more awful now. So, I have much sympathy for the students finishing today. But I am not sure how much of the process and stresses have remained the same or have gotten worse.On the bright side, the old fashioned job placement at the conference thing is dead--so much stress, so little promise of anything developing. Now it is all electronic and pre-arranged. No more waiting in the job placement room for someone to put a slip of paper into one's box.On the down side, the competition is so much more fierce, and the expectations are so much higher. I do wonder how grad school is these days--has the pressure to publish meant that there is less some for the silly stuff. In my day (I say with an old man's voice), we played soccer every friday, some of the folks would play basketball regularly and get their knees fixed semi-regularly, the last few years we had a regular softball/bbq on Sundays, and more than a few parties. Is there any fun in grad school these days? No idea.I wonder where my career might have gone had I stuck to the IR of ethnic conflict stuff. I have no regrets about moving on to NATO and thus to comparative civil-military relations, but staying in the same spot of research would have led to some different opportunities and perhaps less new lit to review.What am I bemused by?That my dissertation is now as old as I was when we had our daughter. It means that both it and I are, well, much older. I am prouder of the latter than the former, but the former has been pretty good to me, too. That despite my best efforts, the big lessons of the book--that countries are not deterred by their own vulnerability, that precedents don't really matter that much in restraining support for secession--folks still trot out those arguments. Turns out my book didn't re-shape how policy-makers think about this stuff. Given the cynical heart of my dissertation, the assumptions it makes about politicians, I should not be very surprised. Plus as I learned over the years, confirmation bias is a thing.How accidental it all was. I didn't go to grad school to study the international politics of ethnic conflict. I just fell into it.Likewise, I didn't try to do something that was super timely--that I defended my dissertation proposal the same month Yugoslavia flew apart was an accident.I am bemused that the book that is the basis of the first half of my career keeps competing with an article I wrote that is perhaps the most outside my lane for citation: how institutions amerliorate or exacerbate ethnic conflict. What am I grateful for?Damn near everything. This project established my career, made my reputation in the field (whatever that is), gave me not only two books, but a heap of articles and book chapters, and indirectly that next project that led to the life-changing experience in the Pentagon that ultimately led to my second career as a civil-military relations scholar and to the next two jobs.Tis the handiest picture from those daysas my time in grad school precededsmart phones by a couple of decades.Oh, and I was most grateful for this amazing little guy, the Fonz of dogs.I am grateful for having such a terrific supervisor, Miles Kahler, who would let me meander from my initial topic to what I studied, giving me heaps of constructive and often painful feedback along the way, to make sure the project was feasible and then reasonably well-executed. I am also grateful for an amazing committee that gave me much to think about, but didn't force me in any particular direction--Peter Cowhey, Lisa Martin, Arend Lijphart, and Edward Reynolds. I will be eternally thankful that I lucked into a department so chock full of terrific smart silly graduate students, who not only taught me so much about their work which shaped mine, but helped me survive and, yes, thrive, through the difficult process of starting my first act of academic creation (destruction/criticism is far easier than coming up with one's own idea and pursuing it). We all followed the examples set by Debbi Avant and Hendrik Spruyt. The folks in and near my cohort were so very sharp and sweet, tolerating my forays onto the soccer field (basketball? not so much), teasing me about all things Steve, welcoming my wife and later my dog into our various shennanigans. I will always be grateful to Dave, John Carey, both Lisas, Frank, the more dangerous Steve, Neil who left us way too soon, Keith, Judy, Mike, Bart, both Erics, Mona, Chris, Kathy (not my wife, the other one), and all the rest.I am also grateful that this place kept attracting terrific people long after I left, so that I am part of a larger community, which gave me some terrific friends in this business: Wendy, Idean, Cullen, Kathleen and Steve, and so many others.I am definitely not where I expected to be thirty years ago--not in terms of location (Canada?) or research or teaching. It has been from the very start a journey of accidents and surprises, from the grad school I ended up at, to the topic I studied, to the various jobs along the way, to the focus of the second part of my career, to my role these days as pundit and as a leader of a network, and all the stuff that came with it. I used to regret a lot some initial decisions, and I had a lot of frustration on the various job markets. But it all took me here, a perfect spot for me thirty years later. So, no, I don't regret where I went to grad school, nor what I did there, or where I went from there.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 196-222). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 365 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Turkish and Middle Eastern Studies, 2018. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Το πρώτο κεφάλαιο αυτής της διατριβής παρουσιάζει την ταυτότητα και η προέλευση των Ρομά-Κουρμπετών της Κύπρου, το κοινωνικοπολιτισμικό και πολιτικό πλαίσιο στο οποίο ζουν σήμερα και η επίδρασή του στη διατήρηση του γλωσσικού τους ρεπερτορίου. Το δεύτερο κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζει τους Ρομά ανά το παγκόσμιο και επικεντρώνεται στους Κουρμπέτες στο Ιράν, το Αφγανιστάν, τη Συρία και τη Γιουγκοσλαβία. Πέρα από την Κουρμπέτικη γλωσσική ποικιλία, παρουσιάζονται και οι λοιπές μειονοτικές γλώσσες της Κύπρου, συγκεκριμένα η κυπριακή αραβική και η δυτική αρμενική. Επιπρόσθετα, αυτό το κεφάλαιο επεξηγεί τους λόγους για τους οποίους έχει διεξαχθεί αυτή η έρευνα. Στη συνέχεια, αναλύει την σημερινή κοινωνιογλωσσολογική κατάσταση των Κουρμπετών και παρουσιάζει επίσης την εξέλιξη της γλώσσας που χρησιμοποιείται από τους Κουρμπέτες σε σχέση με διάφορους παράγοντες (π.χ. το κοινωνιογλωσσικό περιβάλλον και την επικοινωνία με τις τοπικές γλώσσες). Το τρίτο κεφάλαιο αφορά την ερευνητική μεθοδολογία την οποία ακολούθησα για τη συλλογή των δεδομένων. Το τέταρτο κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζει τα δεδομένων που προέκυψαν από τις συνεντεύξεις καθώς και την ανάλυσή τους σε όλα τα επίπεδα γλωσσικής ανάλυσης. Γίνεται λοιπόν μια εκτενής γλωσσολογική περιγραφή της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας εντοπίζοντας τις επιδράσεις της από την πρότυπη Τουρκική, Κουρδική, Αραβική, Ρομανί και κυρίως από την Κυπριακή Τουρκική. Η ανάλυση της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας οργανώνεται σε τρία επίπεδα: φωνολογικό επίπεδο, σημασιολογικό-λεξικό επίπεδο και γραμματικό επίπεδο. Στο φωνολογικό επίπεδο γίνεται προσπάθεια καταγραφής του φωνητικού και φωνολογικού συστήματος της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας. Παρουσιάζονται λεπτομερώς όλα τα φωνήματα μαζί με τα αλλόφωνά τους και όλες οι φωνολογικές διεργασίες που απαντούν στα κείμενα που έχουν συλλεγεί. Στο σημασιολογικό επίπεδο αναλύονται σημασιολογικά οι δάνειες λέξεις και φράσεις ως προς το εάν διατηρούν τη στενή ή ευρεία σημασία που είχαν στη γλώσσα-πηγή. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό παρουσιάζεται υπό μορφή πινάκων και διαγραμμάτων η συχνότητα των δανείων λέξεων (ρημάτων και ουσιαστικών) από τη Ρομανί κι από άλλες γλώσσες όπως η κουρδική, η περσική, η αρμενική και η ελληνική που προέκυψε από το σώμα κειμένων καθώς επίσης η συχνότητα της γλώσσας-πηγής. Με βάση τα στατιστικά στοιχεία γίνεται πιο εκτενής παρουσίαση των φωνολογικών, μορφολογικών, συντακτικών και σημασιολογικών ομοιοτήτων/διαφορών των δάνειων λέξεων σε σχέση με τις γλώσσες προέλευσης Το γραμματικό επίπεδο συνδέει τα δύο προηγούμενα και εμπεριέχει δύο τομείς: τον μορφολογικό τομέα και τον συντακτικό τομέα. Στον μορφολογικό τομέα αναλύονται μορφολογικά παραδείγματα που προκύπτουν από το σώμα κειμένων δείχνοντας τις ομοιότητες και τις διαφορές τους. Στον συντακτικό τομέα παρουσιάζονται οι συντακτικές δομές της τουρκικής σε αντιπαραβολή με την Κουρμπέτικη, καθώς επίσης τα συντακτικά φαινόμενα από ινδοευρωπαϊκές γλώσσες, τα οποία έχουν περάσει στην τουρκοκυπριακή διάλεκτο και στην Κουρμπέτικη γλωσσική ποικιλία. Τέλος, παρουσιάζονται τα αποτελέσματα και τα συμπεράσματα της έρευνας και προτείνονται θεματικές περιοχές για περαιτέρω έρευνα. Στο παράρτημα παρουσιάζονται όλα τα κείμενα μεταγραμμένα στο ΔΦΑ καθώς και οι μεταφράσεις τους στα τουρκικά και στα αγγλικά. Παρουσιάζονται επίσης πίνακες κλίσης ρημάτων και καθώς και μέρος του λεξιλογίου της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας, συγκεκριμένα τα εντοπισθέντα ουσιαστικά, επίθετα και ρήματα. Στους πίνακες αυτούς δίνεται και η κατά προσέγγιση ετυμολογία τους. ; The first chapter of this thesis presents the identity and origin of the Gurbetties of Cyprus, the social, cultural and political context in which Gurbetties live today, and the effect this has on preserving their language repertoire. The second chapter presents the Roma across the world and then focuses on the Gurbetties in Iran, Afghanistan, Syria and Yugoslavia. Besides Gurbetcha, the other minority languages of Cyprus are presented, namely Cypriot Arabic and Western Armenian. Moreover, this chapter provides the reasons for undertaking this research. It analyses the current sociolinguistic situation of the Gurbetties and presents the development of the vernacular used by Gurbetties in relation to a number of factors (e.g. their sociolinguistic environment and language contact with local languages). The third chapter presents the research methodology I followed for my data collection. The fourth chapter presents data gathered through interviews and analyses the language at various levels of linguistic analysis. The research thus comprises an extensive linguistic description of the Gurbetcha linguistic variety, and explores the influences from Standard Turkish, Kurdish, Arabic, Romani, and especially from Cypriot Turkish Dialect. This analysis of the Gurbetcha language is organised linguistically into four levels: the phonological level, the morphological level, the syntactic level and the semantic-lexical level. At the phonological level, an attempt to describe the phonetic and phonological system of the Gurbetcha linguistic variety is made. I analyse and present in detail the phonemes of the Gurbetcha linguistic variety, with their allophones. At the morphological level, examples taken from the text corpus are analysed in terms of their morphemic structure. At the syntactic level, the syntactic structures of Turkish in comparison with Gurbetcha are presented, as well as syntactic phenomena of Indo-European languages, which have been borrowed into Cypriot Turkish Dialect and Gurbetcha. At the semantic level, words and phrases borrowed into Gurbetcha are analysed against the background of the source languages. The presentation is supported by tables and examples detailing loanwords from Romani and other languages, such as Kurdish, Persian, Armenian and Greek. Finally, the findings and conclusions of the study are presented along with suggestions of areas for further research. All texts in the appendices are presented in IPA transcription, and accompanied by translations into Turkish and English. Furthermore, the appendices provide paradigms of verb conjugation and a glossary of nouns, adjectives and verbs of the Gurbetcha language that are found in the corpus of texts. In those tables the approximate etymology of these words is also provided.
"Citizenship is the right to have rights" was famously claimed by Hannah Arendt. Te case of the 'erased' of Slovenia sheds new light on this assumption that was supposedly put to rest afer World War II. We lack a comprehensive paradigm for grasping what citizenship means today in and to our societies. My thesis is that there are currently three ways to understand the notion. These different views tend to merge and overlap in the today's debate, furthering misunderstandings. I will account for different conceptions of the citizenship by looking at the opposite of citizenry. Te political model holds the subject (sujet) in opposition to the citizen (citoyen), entailing problems related to the democratic quality of institutions. Law and jurisprudence look at the citizenship by trying to limit the numerous hard cases arising in the world of migration where the opposite of the citizen is the alien and the stateless. While in social sciences the citizenship is the opposite of the exclusion and represents social membership. Therefore, my aim is to distinguish and clear out these three different semantic areas. This essay is presented in four sections: First, I briefly recall the case of the 'erased' of Slovenia, which presents us with one of the more poignant examples of statelessness in the today's world, so their status can be easily related to the problems that the aforementioned theoretical shortcomings entail. The 'erased' had their residency permits and by extension, civil rights as well, revoked by the Slovene government in the aftermath of the break-up of Yugoslavia. This erasure was ruled to be unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Slovenia but so far it has by and large remained only at that ruling, with little additional legal action, which has prompted complaints from the Ombudsman's Office and Amnesty International. Tis issue is tied to some of the findings of Hannah Arendt, who claimed that human rights often proved to be ineffective when faced with significant numbers of people who were not citizens of any specific country. Although in the aftermath of WW2 measures to end this situation of statelessness were progressively taken by the international community, there are still cases of a legal vacuum where people could be deprived of their fundamental rights. And as long as human rights remain largely declarative and as long as there is a glaring lack of international agencies of judicial enforcement, we can claim that Arendt's paradox of human rights has not been yet fully overcome. The second section focuses on discourse analysis of the citizenship. There is no doubt that the citizenship nowadays represents a much broader subject than it did only a couple of decades ago, however, if anything, this has only caused its meaning to become more vague. Since the late 1990's scholars have increasingly directed attention towards interdisciplinary perspectives covering the fields of politics, sociology, history and cultural studies that move beyond conventional notions of the citizenship, but the understanding of the citizenship itself often lingers on traditional assessments, characterised by clear-cut disciplinary divides. This disciplinary entrenchment has led to the effect of deepening misunderstandings, and attempts to bridge the divide between various perspectives facing increasing difficulties. So it becomes clear that we lack a comprehensive model for understanding the notion of the 'citizenship', and to remedy that, rather than simply asking "what is citizenship?" as that would give no clear answer, we shall ask what is opposed to the citizenship. I will provide the answer to that question in the third section, where attention is directed to the composition of the three separate semantic areas that are connected to the term "citizenship." These areas correspond to three separate figures of opposition: Te subject, the alien and the excluded, which form the foundation of three basic dichotomies (citizenship/subjecthood; citizenship/being a foreigner; citizenship/exclusion). And from this we can extract various meanings of the citizenship: in the realm of political science, 'citizenship' means the 'non-subject'; in legal science, 'citizenship' means the 'non-alien'; and in social science, 'citizenship' means 'non-exclusion' from participation in the social network of a group. I shall focus on the structure, content and origin of these dichotomies, and also on the kind of problems they are trying to resolve. Finally, I will point to an array of questions that the citizenship raises in the today's complex society. Some of them deal with political rights of the Poles living in the UK, citizenship issues of the Russians in Estonia and the status of the Hungarian ethnic minorities in Romania, Slovakia and Serbia. Furthermore, we may notice an alarming surge of perverse effects that the customary legal perspective has on citizenship such as the increase of cases of statelessness and multiple nationalities, besides new phenomena such as the so-called "legal tourism." On top of that, Europe is facing an increasing wave of nationalism and social integration issues, which come in wake of the general economic downturn, activism against the Bolkenstein directive and recent jurisprudence of the ECJ in the cases Rüfert, Viking Line and Laval. In light of all this we can conclude that citizenship studies require less ambiguous tools than those prevailing in literature. Te first step towards achieving this is to give up hoping for any understanding of "citizenship" that encompasses all the different meanings mentioned above. Te only way to take them all in is to use a very vague idea of "citizenship" that promotes unsuitable policies and no real solutions. So I suggest that we should rather focus on the tripartition scheme and discourse analysis discussed above, as they can be useful tools for decision makers so as to design as consistent policies as possible, and also for our shedding new light on transnational citizenship building and cross-state handling of status-related issues. ; Slovenian version transl. by Jernej Ogrin.
The territory of the country measures 25,713 km2. In the north it borders Serbia and Kosovo, in the west Albania, in the south Greece and in the east Bulgaria. It is situated between 40o 51' and 42o 22' north latitude and 20o 27' and 23o 05' east longitude. The population that permanently resides in this territory, according to the last census is 2,022,547 inhabitants from diverse ethnic groups. The Macedonian population prevails with approximately 64% of the total number, but multi-ethnicity represents a solid basis for a rich ethnographic capacity which is included in the tourism offer of the Republic of Macedonia (Marinoski, 2008a). The city population is 59.78% of the total population. The economy experienced a radical change in its conditions. The most significant structural change in the economic system was the transition from socialist self-governing to capitalism, which led to a change of ownership from social to private and a clear determining of the title of ownership. Economic processes emphasised privatisation as the basis of the transition process. Unfortunately, the transition was implemented in a way that many companies and economic systems from the real sector were made bankrupt and liquidated and the overall economic conditions instead of being promoted, demonstrated a remarkable reduction in their development. The downturn of the economy meant that tourism development could not be supported. The decline of the population's standard of living affected the mobility of domestic tourists and the decline of the domestic tourism market. Furthermore, it is a fact that these processes of liquidation contributed in the Republic of Macedonia to the increase in unemployment. A large number of employees in the industry lost their jobs so they were forced to be engaged in other activities. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is an important indicator of the economy of the Republic of Macedonia. According to data of the State Statistical Office derived from the annual accounts from business entities and other sources, the gross domestic product in 2014 amounted to 525,620 million denars or 9,727 million US $ while compared to 2013 it increased by 4.7%. The real growth rate of GDP, compared to 2013 was 3.5%. The final expenditure in 2014, compared to 2013, increased by 1.9% and in the structure of GDP it accounted for 86.8%. The share of exports of goods and services in GDP in 2014 was 47.8% (State Statistical Office of the Republic of Macedonia, n.d.a). Tourism resources of a natural and cultural character are abundant in the region. The natural values have basic, complex and complementary features. Mountains represent exceptionally significant tourist potential. The hilly to mountainous area accounts for 92.2% of the country's surface area. The average height of the country is 1,404 m above sea level. The country is mountainous with the highest peak measuring 2,764 m. There are 34 mountains on which there are 6 major winter sports centres. Equally attractive are the 14 larger gorges and canyons. As well as inactive volcanic landscapes there is one active solfatara. The climate is generally continental, whereas in the mountains it is a mountain climate and towards the open space of the Aegean and Adriatic Seas the climate is Mediterranean. The Republic of Macedonia is landlocked, but there are tectonic, glacial and artificial lakes. The river network consists of three major river basins whereas thermo-mineral springs represent the basis for locating 8 spa centres. There are plant species that are characteristic for the Mediterranean and the Euro-Siberian regions. Forest areas and forest land form a total of 1,288,915 hectares, or 50% of the country's complete territory. The most significant protected areas are the 3 national parks. The wildlife which forms the base for hunting activities is represented by mammals (mammalia) and birds (aves). There are a total of 47 registered hunting associations, which have their own hunting areas. Nine major fishing centres are located by the rivers as well as on the shores of tectonic and artificial lakes (Zikov & Vasil, 1997). Cultural tourism resources are represented by a rare abundance of archaeological sites that date back to the Palaeolithic, Neolithic, Eneolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages, as well as to the period of ancient Roman culture, to the early Christian period and to the Middle Ages. Churches and monasteries are a real treasure and an important destination for visitors. They date back to the IX and XIX centuries. Mosques date back to the XIV and XIX centuries. Secular architecture is represented by the built fortified cities, towers, bridges, bazaars, inns, baths and palaces, cultural monuments in the form of urban architecture and distinguished urban settlements and individual houses, monuments and memorials – landmarks from recent history, museums and cultural centres, theatres, universities and major libraries, cultural or sports halls and archives. Ethnographic values and traditions include architecture, traditional economic activities, crafts, food, folkloric clothing as well as folk songs and dances. The most important events are the cultural, entertainment, sports, economic and scientific events. The political structure of the Republic of Macedonia has undergone significant changes. The country went through different political systems. After the Second World War, it was a part of the Yugoslavian federation, so the policies were mainly made at the central level whereby the republics aligned their decisions to the federation and suggested their own individual policies to the Central Committee of the Communist Party and to the bodies of the federation. The political system was characterised by statist and socialist characteristics although the beginnings of the self-governing system were introduced in 1953. Significant changes occurred in 1974 when the self-governing system adopted a greater decentralisation and increase of the individual powers of the republics. During this period the Republic of Macedonia gained more autonomy. There was an improved decentralisation of power towards the local level so that the municipalities also became a significant political structure within the country. Starting from 1980, the Republic of Macedonia entered a transition period which resulted from the breakup of Yugoslavia. It was the only Yugoslavian republic that peacefully gained its independence. Since 1991, the country has been an internationally recognised state and a member of the United Nations (UN). In 2001, a military conflict occurred that was relatively quickly resolved by the signing of the Ohrid agreement. This agreement, among other solutions, allowed minority communities to participate according to the representation of the overall population in the state administration. The administrative-territorial structure of the state underwent significant changes which were in line with the autonomy and transition of the self-governing system towards the capitalist system. The separation of the legislature from the executive and the judicial authority was guaranteed by the constitution. The single party system transformed into a multi-party system and the rule of law was established. State governing was a parliamentary democracy. The highest legislative authority was the Parliament in which representatives were elected by parliamentary elections. It elects the Government of the Republic of Macedonia. The President of the country is elected by direct elections, leads foreign policy and is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The Ministries, besides participating in the decision-making of the government through its ministers, also have regional and local departments in major community centres through which operationally they implement state policies. The local departments for self-government in the country have an important place in the economic and social development of the country. They decide on the local infrastructure and its improvement as well as on the adoption of spatial and urban solutions that are of great importance for the development of tourism. The bodies of local self-government are managed by the mayor who is elected through local elections. The mayor presents his plans and their implementation to the Council which adopts these documents. The council members are also elected through local elections. In a political sense the local departments for self-government are autonomous in their decision-making. At state level, they are organised into the Association of Local Government Units – ZELS, which plays a significant role in inter-municipal cooperation as well as presenting to state institutions when they have common interests. At regional level, regions exist in which all municipalities are grouped. They are managed by Centres whose executives are elected by representatives of the units for local self-governance. They also enable the balanced economic development of the Republic of Macedonia and they do not have executive authority. In a political sense, numerous changes have taken place in the Republic of Macedonia. The country went from a socialist to a capitalist system, public ownership changed into private ownership, and the federal structure transformed into a unitary state. The country also had many turbulent periods of gaining independence and military conflict in order to establish a multi-party system and a general policy towards Euro-Atlantic integration processes. The legislature is separated from the executive and judicial autonomy. Representatives are elected through parliamentary elections as members of the Council which is appointed by the Government of the Republic of Macedonia. The President is also elected through presidential elections. Regions are established as functional territorial administrative units. The decentralisation processes in an administrative sense, are realised by the Mayor and the Council for local governance who are also elected through local elections.
U članku je dat osvrt na jubilej koji naučni časopis "Vojnotehnički glasnik" obeležava u 2012. godini – šezdesetu godišnjicu postojanja, redovnog i neprekidnog izlaženja. Pored istorijata časopisa, izložene su i faze razvoja njegove programske koncepcije. Analizirane su sadašnje reference časopisa, koji je stekao kategoriju naučnog časopisa nacionalnog značaja. "Vojnotehnički glasnik" je danas otvoreni forum za publikovanje i stimulisanje inovativnog promišljanja o svim aspektima nauke i tehnike, kako pripadnika Vojske i Ministarstva odbrane Republike Srbije tako i kompletne nacionalne i međunarodne akademske zajednice. ; In 2012, the Military Technical Courier, a scientific journal of the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Serbia, marks the 60th anniversary of its regular and continuous publishing. The Military Technical Courier was founded by a decree of the Chief of the General Staff of the Yugoslav Army in August 1952 in order to continue the tradition of five reviews of military branches and services (Artillery Courier, Tank Courier, Military Engineering Courier, Courier of Communications in the Yugoslav Army and Logistics and Support of the Yugoslav Army) which had been covering tactics and technique issues from 1947 to 1952. According to the founding act, the main tasks of the Military Technical Courier were "to consider and study issues regarding armament, technical and other material equipment of the branches and services concerning the knowledge of the materials, their handling, application, effects, storage, repair and upgrading as well as to deal with technical issues of the organisation, war experience of logistic services and military traffic and evacuation". Chief of the General Staff's decree of 16th December 1952 founding the first editorial board that "has a directive to be responsible for the review editing" was followed by the first issue of the Military Technical Courier in January 1953. The Military Technical Courier will pay special tributes to the military technical publications published in our country before 1945 (in the Kingdom of Serbia, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The following reviews represent the foundations of the Serbian military technology reasoning: Artillery and Engineering Courier (1905-1906), Artillery Courier (1926-1932), Infantry and Artillery Courier (1933-1941), Engineering Courier (1929-1940), Aviation Courier (1927-1941) and Nautical Courier (1933-1940). There is no doubt that their quality and professional profiles paved also the way to today's Military Technical Courier; however, unfavorable historical reasons pushed them unfairly into the background of our memories. We are proud to continue their tradition as well. The journal has been publishing papers dealing with military technical resources and provisions as well as with development, production and exploitation of weapons and military equipment, enhancing its reputation in both military and civilian structures. The journal has developed from a publication for the education of officers in the period of scarce adequate military technical literature to a professional and scientific journal presenting scientific and technical achievements and information important for the development, production and exploitation of weapons and military equipment. The journal's structure, sections and areas of interest have changed with respect to the Army's technical and organizational development and modernization, following the journal's conceptual and editorial policy. During its 60 years of existence, the journal has been changing its characteristics, form and content, aiming to meet the requirements of both practice and science. From 1952 to 1961, it was a professional review for weaponry, military equipment and supply; until 1966, it was a professional review of the YA branches and services and a YA professional journal onwards. Owing to its editorial policy, the journal continued to improve its conception, orientation, quality and position thus becoming a scientific and professional periodical highly regarded not only in military circles but in academic and scientific circles in the country as well. It has held the title of a professional and scientific journal since 1989. According to the Opinion of the Ministry of Science and Technological Development No 413-00-1201/2001-01 of 12th September 2001, the Military Technical Courier is a publication of special interest for science. Being classified as a scientific journal of national interest by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia, the Military Technical Courier is today a scientific journal publishing scientific and professional papers from the following categories: mathematics, information science and mechanics, electronics and telecommunications, mechanical engineering, materials and chemical technologies, industrial software and information technologies, geosciences and astronomy. The journal is in the Serbian Citation Index – SC index and is constantly monitored depending on the impact within the base itself and on the international (Thompson-ISI) citation indexes. Since 2011, an electronic edition of the Military Technical Courier has been available at www.vtg.mod.gov.rs in Serbian, Russian, English, German and French. Since 2012 editorial applying the on-line Electronic Editing (e-Ur) system (http://scindeks-eur.ceon.rs/index.php/vtg) developed by the Center for Evaluation in Education and Science (CEES). The application of the e-Ur service shows the readiness of the Military Technical Courier, supported by IT technology, authors and the CEON, to endure in making constant advances in the influence, quality and internationalisation of papers, the journal and the Scindex base, including the progress in adherence to international ethical and publishing principles. As a unique and competent publication on a national level, the Military Technical Courier publishes and verifies scientific and professional papers, those of the members of the Ministry of Defence and the Army of Serbia in particular, who thus have the opportunity to quantify their scientific and research results. The Military Technical Courier will continue to represent the scientific potential of the Army of Serbia and the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Serbia and to support the efforts of institutions and individuals aiming at solving existing problems and making improvement in all areas of military technical science. Nowadays, the Military Technical Courier is not only an institutional resource being developed within the defence system from 1952, but also a brand of national interest. It has therefore become an open forum for the publication and stimulation of innovative thinking about all aspects of science and technology, coming from not only the Army and MoD members, but from the national and international community as well.
Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.
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At the height of the "unipolar moment" of the 1990s and 2000s, a popular school of thought argued that the U.S. could use its unchecked power to do good on the world stage. When peace proved elusive after the fall of the Soviet Union, the world saw exceptionally deadly warfare and attempted ethnic cleansing erupt in Karabakh, the Congo, Rwanda, and Yugoslavia. If there was one power that could do anything about this, it was the United States.The primary ideologue of this push for humanitarian interventionism would become Samantha Power. A journalist and author of the influential book A Problem from Hell: America in the Age of Genocide, Power argued that the U.S. and other liberal nation states should use military force to halt crimes against humanity in other countries. Nation-states have a responsibility to protect their citizens, and if they are found not be doing this, other states may then step in to do so should the situation continue to deteriorate. This principle was called "Responsibility to Protect," or "R2P," and it became so influential that it was adopted into the United Nations Charter in 2005.Two decades later, the concept has been shown to be both hypocritical and dangerous. As Israel bombs Gaza to dust, world elites have shown no interest in living up to their apparent responsibility to protect civilians. Contrast this with the response to Russia's war in Ukraine, in which commentators called for direct intervention to save innocent Ukrainians. And actual examples of R2P have led to disaster, as civilians in Libya can attest. Fortunately, there's a simple answer to this hellish problem: abandoning R2P once and for all.Who's protecting who?Power's line of argument masked the darker history of so-called humanitarian interventions. Both the Romans and Spanish, more than 1000 years apart, argued that their bloody conquests in Carthage and Central America would help the world by ending the practice of human sacrifice. In the 19th century, the colonial states of western Europe began to see their maritime expansion abroad not simply in terms of wealth and power acquisition but as an inevitable stage of human moral development. France and Britain in particular dove into Africa with the justification of putting an end to tribal wars and extirpating the slave trade. With economic and technological shifts, the same empires who had once expanded with shackles in hand now came, so they said, as liberators. Yet the result of this "liberation" was little more than violence and famine.Unfortunately, the lessons of this sordid history didn't stick. Barack Obama would end up recruiting Power for multiple roles in his administration. While Obama ran explicitly against the disastrous foreign policy of George W Bush in 2008, subsequent events related to the "Arab Spring" would see him continue if not expand these same policies, launching an overt regime change war in Libya (and a covert one in Syria) while intensifying U.S. operations in Yemen.It was in the Libya war that Power would see her dream fulfilled, when R2P was explicitly invoked to protect Libyan civilians in rebel-held areas from retaliation by the government of Muamar Gaddafi. This operation resulted in widespread state failure, a collapse of central authority, a massive refugee crisis, a resurgence of extremism in that country, and, most gallingly of all, the return of slave markets along the North African coast. It turned out that there are worse things out there than oppressive governments.R2P's reputation took a hit and receded from the discourse, at least until Russia's invasion of Ukraine gave it life once more. Some members of the press called for no-fly zones over the country, and politicians in NATO states debated if such ideas were feasible. Ultimately, they decided that it was not, given Russia's conventional capabilities, particularly in the field of anti-aircraft weaponry. There was also the inconvenient fact of Moscow having nuclear deterrence. Any attempts to create a safe area for Ukrainians using NATO military forces risked a level of escalation deemed unpalatable by most in the alliance. This clearly showed that R2P was only ever really meant to be used by great powers against smaller countries that could not defend themselves. It never had any utility against more robust foes. Interestingly, Moscow had picked up on the trick and justified its invasion of Ukraine using explicitly R2P-flavored rhetoric about protecting lives in the Donbass.The Gaza challengeThe current Gaza War is, by all the standards usually cited by humanitarian interventionists, a perfect case for invoking R2P. Rhetoric from some actors inside the Israeli state suggests that some form of population displacement is at least being considered. The incredible population density of the Gaza Strip means civilians bear the brunt of the violence. Lack of access to medicine and food exacerbates all of these problems.Samantha Power is the current head of USAID in the Biden administration. One cannot help but wonder what she thinks of the war currently unfolding in Gaza while she coordinates food shipments through Egypt's Sinai that are often held up at border checkpoints. For one so adamant that the U.S. must intervene whenever war disproportionately hits a civilian populace, she has been strangely silent.Meanwhile, Yemen's Houthis explicitly cite their own version of R2P to justify their attacks on shipping in the Red Sea. This shows the true future of R2P, if it is to have any — one of selective applications by great powers that muddy the waters around their wars in an attempt to gain media approval from within their alliance networks. As the world's balance of power inevitably moves into its more normal state of multipolarity, governments further undermine claims of ethical conduct in foreign policy, as states now have constant incentive to claim that their foes have a monopoly on human rights abuses. Inevitably, this will lead to all such claims being met with greater and greater skepticism by the global public, regardless of their factuality.Far from the centers of great power rivalries, the utility of R2P seems to be declining, as crises such as Myanmar and Sudan are assiduously ignored by the countries expected to be intervening, likely out of fear of being sucked into another Syria or Iraq and giving one's foes more opportunities to indirectly strike at stretched-thin tripwire forces.It is a trite observation to point out that great powers have different moral standards for their allies and their enemies, but R2P is a foreign policy doctrine entirely based on moralist claims. Not being able to live up to its own principles when a humanitarian crisis is unleashed by an allied country such as Israel is the last nail in the coffin for a thoroughly failed idea. We can only hope that a silver lining of this difficult moment in history is that we never have to hear about the Responsibility to Protect again.
Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal. ; Začasne ali stalne, lokalne ali mednarodne, prostovoljne ali prisilne, legalne ali ilegalne, registrirane ali neregistrirane migracije posameznic in posameznikov, celih družbenih skupnosti ali posameznih skupin predstavljajo pomemben dejavnik v konstruiranju in spreminjanju (sodobnih) družb. Razsežnosti mednarodnih migracij so resnično ogromne, saj je bilo vanje v času nastajanja te publikacije po ocenah Združenih narodov v enem letu vključenih več kot 200 milijonov ljudi. Po ocenah Gallupovega inštituta pa se jih še trikrat toliko želi preseliti, največ iz podsaharske Afrike ter proti nekaterim gospodarsko najbolj razvitim območjem sveta (Esipova, 2011). Nekateri avtorji zato, čeprav ob zavedanju, da ne gre za nov fenomen, govorijo o dobi migracij (Castles, Miller, 2009) ali o globalizaciji migracij (Friedman, 2004). Zagotovo je na globalne razsežnosti migracij vplivalo tudi to, da so vse bolj vidne značilnosti sodobnih družb nenehno spreminjanje razmer, nestabilnost, fluidnost, negotovost ipd. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).Na obseg, smeri in vrste migracij ter na njihove posledice vplivajo številni družbeni in naravni dejavniki, tako na območjih odseljevanja kot tudi na območjih priselitev. Poleg tega si raziskovalke in raziskovalci iz številnih znanstvenih disciplin, ki proučujejo migracije, v raziskavah zastavljajo »neverjetno raznovrstna« vprašanja (Boyle, 2009, 96), uporabljajo različne metodološke pristope in iščejo različne interpretacije, in sicer v različnih prostorskih, časovnih in vsebinskih okvirih. Vse bolj prihaja do izraza, da so migracije kompleksen, večplasten, spremenljiv in kontekstualen proces, ki poteka na več ravneh. Prav zaradi tega spoznanja je raziskovanje migracij postajalo vse bolj interdisciplinarno polje, saj so teme in problemi tako kompleksni, da jih ni mogoče zagrabiti zgolj in izključno iz perspektive ene same znanosti ali teorije. Zato smo priča pravemu bogastvu »obrazov migracij«, ki ga odraža ter obenem k njemu tudi prispeva pričujoča tematska številka revije Ars & Humanitas.Čeprav mobilnost oziroma migracije niso nov pojav, saj so se ljudje selili in preseljevali skozi celotno zgodovino človeštva, pa se šele v zadnjem času, v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih, z njimi resno teoretsko in raziskovalno ukvarjamo. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih so se pojavili številni raziskovalni projekti, univerzitetni programi in predmeti, raziskovalni inštituti, znanstvene konference, posveti, revije, knjige in druge publikacije, pri katerih sodelujejo tako raziskovalna in akademska sfera kot tudi politika in različne civilnodružbene organizacije. To priča o v zadnjem času izjemnem zanimanju za vprašanje migracij, tako kar zadeva poznavanje samih procesov in njihovo mapiranje v zgodovini človeštva kot tudi teoretski razvoj migracijskih študij in vsakodnevno urejanje tega politično občutljivega vprašanja.Migracije zadevajo številne subjekte na številnih ravneh: posameznice in posameznike, njihove družine ter celotne skupnosti tako na lokalni ravni v družbi emigracije kakor tudi na vseh teh ravneh v imigrantski družbi. Z migracijami se spreminjajo ne samo življenja posameznikov in posameznic, ampak se spreminjajo celotne skupnosti oziroma družbe in družbeni odnosi, zamikajo se kulturni vzorci, prihaja do pomembnih družbenih transformacij (Castles, 2010). Ob tem se seveda odpirajo številne teme, problemi in vprašanja, ki se gibljejo v širokem razponu od kršenja človekovih pravic do literarnih presežkov. Nekaterih od njih se dotikajo tudi prispevki v pričujoči tematski številki.Povezovalni naslov prispevkov v tej tematski številki revije, »Številni obrazi migracij«, smo si sposodili iz že omenjenega poročila Gallupovega inštituta o globalnih selitvah (Esipova, 2011). Temeljno vsebinsko vodilo pri izbiri prispevkov je bila raznovrstnost, kar nakazuje tudi pregled znanstvenih disciplin, iz katerih prihajajo avtorji: sociologija, geografija, etnologija in kulturna antropologija, zgodovina, umetnostna zgodovina, sodobne sredozemske študije, študiji spola in medijski študiji. Tak pristop nujno pripelje ne le do raznolikih, ampak tudi do vsaj navidezno neskladnih, morda celo nasprotnih pogledov na obravnavane tematike. Vendar nismo želeli utišati glasov iz »drugih« znanstvenih disciplin, temveč smo raje v recenzentske postopke povabili znanstvenike s področij, s katerih so tudi avtorji. Bogastvo zbranih prispevkov torej ni v njihovi medsebojni skladnosti in potrjevanju, temveč prav v mnogoterosti pogledov, zgodb in interpretacij.Prispevek Zore Žbontar obravnava odnos do tujcev v antični Grčiji, kjer je bilo gostoljubje do tujcev tako častivredna vrlina, da je vsak moral »izkazati gostoljubje in zaščititi kateregakoli tujca, ki je potrkal na vrata«. Zlasti je izzivalen kontrast med gostoljubjem v antični Grčiji in sodobnim pojavljanjem ksenofobije ter načini soočanja z migracijsko problematiko v gospodarsko razvitih državah. »Antični Grki so v odprti gesti gostoljubja do tujcev prepoznali svojo civiliziranost.«Čeprav omenjene raziskave Združenih narodov in Gallupovega inštituta podpirajo nekatere uveljavljene stereotipe o glavnih globalnih tokovih migrantov ter o območjih, o katerih »sanjajo« potencialni migranti, Bojan Baskar opozarja na sočasen obstoj tudi drugačnih migracijskih želja, tokov migracij in njihovih interpretacij. Posebej se osredotoči na preseganje in relativizacijo stereotipov in teorij o nemobilnem in nepodjetnem (alpskem) hribovskem prebivalstvu in migracijah.O tem, kako različne strategije pri prehajanju, prestopanju in prečkanju meja razvijejo migrantke, piše Mirjana Morokvasic. Označi jih kot prave socialne inovatorke, ki izumijo različne načine transnacionalnega življenja in tako od spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. V svoji inovativnosti gredo nekatere tako daleč, da premikajo različne, tako realne kot simbolne meje pripadanja naciji, spolu in poklicu.Elaine Burroughs in Zoë O'Reilly izpostavita tesno povezanost med sicer uveljavljeno terminologijo, s katero v statistiki in tudi znanosti označujejo imigrante na Irskem in širše v EU, ter negativnimi reprezentacijami nekaterih tipov migrantov v politiki in javnosti. Razpravo navežeta zlasti na iskalce azila in nezakonite priseljence, ki pridejo iz držav zunaj EU. Raba jezika lahko hitro postane politični način izključevanja, zato predlagata razvoj in uporabo obzirnejše in pravičnejše migracijske terminologije.Za spremembo izhodišča opredeljevanja in interpretacije sicer dobro proučenih selitev v nekdanji Jugoslaviji se zavzame Damir Josipovič. Predlaga zamenjavo dualističnega pogleda na te migracije s celostnim. Namesto njihovega poenostavljenega razumevanja kot mednarodnih in notranjih ali prostovoljnih in prisilnih migracij pa se zavzema za koncept psevdoprostovoljnih migracij.Na zanimiv fenomen zamikanja ustaljenih vzorcev spolnih vlog opozori tekst Maje Korać-Sanderson, katere zaključki izhajajo iz študije družinskega življenja kitajskih trgovcev v tranzicijski Srbiji. Medtem ko številne študije ugotavljajo, da skrbstveno delo v zadnjih desetletjih v imigrantskih družbah v glavnem opravljajo migrantke, njena študija ugotavlja, da v Srbiji kitajske trgovke skrb za svoje otroke večinoma zaupajo lokalnim ženskam srednjega razreda. Ta obrat vlog pri »delitvi dela« v skrbstveni sferi, ugotavlja avtorica, je v prid obema vpletenima stranema.Specifičen del mozaika sodobnih migracij v Sredozemlju, bangladeške skupnosti imigrantov na visoko industrializiranem severovzhodu Italije, razkriva Francesco Della Puppa. Izsledki poglobljenega kvalitativnega proučevanja odstirajo dejavnike, ki oblikujejo ta segment bangladeške diaspore, izkušnje migrantov ter učinke selitve na njihove družbene in biografske trajektorije.Izsek iz bolj tipičnih sredozemskih migracijskih procesov na primeru priseljevanja na Malto predstavita John A. Schembri in Maria Attard. Ugotavljata zmanjševanje števila selitev med Malto in Veliko Britanijo ob hkratnem povečevanju priseljevanja iz ostalih držav Evrope in podsaharske Afrike. Med učinki priseljevanja na Malto izpostavita izredno zgoščenost priseljenega prebivalstva, ki presega gostote celotnih prebivalstev v nekaterih evropskih državah.Miha Kozorog obravnava povezavo med migracijami in konstruiranjem krajev, iz katerih te migracije izvirajo. S pomočjo Ardenerjeve teorije »odročnost« izrazito emigracijske Benečije izrazi ne toliko v topografskem kot v topološkem smislu, v razmerju do drugih krajev. »Odročnost« nastaja v razmerju z »zunanjim svetom«, s tistimi, ki govorijo o »odročnih krajih« iz privilegiranih središč. Na primeru umetniškega dogodka, s katerim želijo organizatorji »odpreti tak kraj zunanjemu svetu« in »spodbuditi produkcijo bolj svetovljanskega kraja«, pokaže zgolj začasnost učinka tega dogodka na zmanjšanje »odročnosti«.O temeljnih časovnih in prostorskih značilnostih selitev »prebivalcev z ustvarjalnim poklicem« v Sloveniji piše Jani Kozina. Pri opredeljevanju tega specifičnega dela prebivalstva in pristopa k proučevanju njegovega migriranja se opre zlasti na dela Richarda Floride. Ugotavlja, da so prebivalci z ustvarjalnim poklicem v Sloveniji prostorsko zelo nemobilni in po tem kriteriju precej podobni ostalim poklicnim skupinam v Sloveniji, obenem pa tudi prebivalcem z ustvarjalnimi poklici v južni in vzhodni Evropi, za katere velja, da so med najmanj mobilnimi v Evropi. Podrobnejše analize pokažejo, da se ustvarjalci bolj razvitih regij načeloma intenzivneje selijo in so tudi v večji meri pripravljeni na selitev.O izkušnjah migrantk pri dostopu do trga delovne sile v Sloveniji govori članek Mojce Pajnik in Veronike Bajt. Obstoječa zakonodaja in posamezne politike namreč migrantke potiskajo v položaj, ko, če hočejo priti do zaposlitve, pristajajo na manj zahtevna dela. Pri tem so tarče stereotipnih reakcij in praks diskriminiranja tako na podlagi spola kot tudi starosti, pripisane etnične in religiozne pripadnosti ali kakšne druge okoliščine, še posebej dejstva, da so migrantke. Obenem pa prav zadnje vpliva na to, da s strani države niso deležne nikakršne zaščite.Migracijske študije pogosto domnevajo, da so ciljne države »moderne«, države izvora pa »tradicionalne«. Razprava Anıl Al-Rebholz ugotavlja, da takšna dihotomija pojmovanja modernega in tradicionalnega dodatno spodbuja stereotipne, esencialistične in homogenizirajoče predstave o muslimanskih ženskah v »zahodnem svetu«. Na podlagi biografskih pripovedi mlade Maročanke in Kurdinje ter razmerij med materami in hčerami prikaže raznolike strategije opolnomočenja mladih žensk v transnacionalnem migracijskem kontekstu.Specifični obraz migracij prinaša tekst Svenke Savić, namreč obraz umetniških migracij med Slovenijo in Srbijo po drugi svetovni vojni. Avtorica v njem ugotavlja, da je v treh ansamblih (opernem, gledališkem in baletnem) več kot trideset umetnic in umetnikov iz Slovenije s svojim pionirskim delom pomembno zaznamovalo razvoj gledališke umetnosti v Srbskem narodnem gledališču v Novem Sadu.Verjamemo, da nam je uspelo v pričujočo tematsko številko ujeti pomemben del sodobnega evropskega raziskovalskega utripa s področja migracij. Poleg uveljavljenih znanstvenikov s tega področja se je v ožji izbor prispevkov uvrstilo tudi več mladih avtoric in avtorjev, ki začenjajo raziskovalne kariere. Njihov uspeh nas veseli, saj obeta živahnost tega raziskovalnega področja tudi v bodoče. Obenem nas veseli, da so se vabilu odzvali predstavniki tako številnih znanstvenih disciplin ter da je število prispevkov, ki smo jih prejeli, znatno presegalo največji možni obseg revije. Spoznavanje in razumevanje številnih obrazov migracij sta pomembna koraka proti celovitemu znanju, potrebnemu za uspešno soočanje z izzivi migracijske problematike danes in, kot kaže, še posebej v prihodnosti. Zato je izjemnega pomena, da raziskovalci najdemo načine prenosa svojih znanstvenih spoznanj v prakso – na vse ravni izobraževanja, v medije, širše strokovne javnosti ter seveda tudi odločevalcem v lokalnih, državnih in mednarodnih ustanovah. Poziv velja tudi vsem avtorjem prispevkov v tej številke revije.
SUMMARYA great changement was occurring after fell down the Berlin Wall in East Europe, in 1989.The countries had begun to new period with high debts and inflation by these changements.East European countries have a common feature by carry out the transition period politics by rapidly in this process. So, it was necessity on stabilization politics but not easy.At result, privatization and restructure got an importance.I – THEORICAL AND CONSEPTIONAL FRAME OF MARKET ECONOMYFree market economy has the same philosophy and idea with liberalism. Economical liberalism is defended the free competition, reducing the customs taxes, import freedom and resisted to interference of state on the economy.Classical economy's base is economical freedom and market economy. Market economy is relying on free competition and private enterprise. Price mechanism and world prices are important. Interference of state must be in minimum levels. Public sector must be reduced. Basic factors such as wage, capital and foreign currency must reflect the real market prices, must get an importance to external trade.1-DEVELOPMENT OF MARKET ECONOMY1.1. CLASSIC REVIEWFree trade, specialization only on one field, annihilate the obstacles such as customs and quotas, interferences of state on the market are most important according to Adam Smith, which lived in 18th century.A specialization between nations must be obtained according to Ricardo. So, it must be an exchange on the entire world. 1.2. NEO-CLASSIC REVIEWAlfred Marshall, Leon Walras and Carl Menger is an echol. The state must be more active to improve the poor part of community and must create the opportunities on the market, get the taxes from revenues and wealth, finance the education, health, park and city planning, defence the personal freedom, private property and open markets, manufacture the public commodities.1.3. ORDO-LIBERALISM REVIEWIt is different from classic liberalism. Economical regularity is social which emerges in an evident process, not natural. Social and juridical standards emerge the economical system.Price, monetarily stability, sciences, stability and durability on economical politics are important to emerging of market economy.Basic aim is bring to existence an economical constitution.2- BASIC ELEMENTS OF MARKET ECONOMYBasic factors are enterprising, competition, economical ideas and attitudes.Enterprising is a person which makes unity the manufacturing factors, makes direct the investments, begins to motion by utilize the signals from internal and external markets, gets the share on productivity and determines the firm profit. Basic aim is profit.Competition is social event, protects the personal, which works with high productivity against to personal, which works with low productivity, uses the sources most effectively. Buyer and seller number must be too much in this system. Competition is opposed to monopolization but necessity laws and politics have to support it. ECONOMICAL IDEAS AND ATTITUDESIt includes price, wage, interest, hire and foreign currency. Price system occurs freely according to rate of request and demand conditions. At this straight, firms and consumers must carry out their decisions freely.3- MARKET MECHANISM FLOW AND ROLE OF SOURCE DISTRIBUTIONConsumers and producers have activities on the market economy. The prices are determined according to the lowest cost and to the highest profit.Ideal special future is high productivity, low profit and high production. Competition reduces the profit to the lowest level.Main mechanism on free market is price. If the relative scarcity is enough, request and demand is more or less equal.Producers and consumers may have a decision according to the price indicator and request and demand. This case makes lead the manufacturing, increases the alternatives, also economical activities make an harmony against to conditions.The evident features of market economy are free decision, liberty on preferences, a great price mechanism and competition. So, economical stability is obtainable.Interferences may apply on the market economy for public health, regulations on economical activities, protect the consumers. These motions are generally precautions to control of drugs and drink manufacturing and consumption, annihilation of harmful on public health, growth the power on economic morals, make grow the quality, regulation on manufacturing and marketing. The state may meddle with economy to development rapidly. For example, the state may encourage the saving, increase the rates of interest, decrease the taxes to get on the saving, provide the precautions on investment.The buyers and sellers cannot determine the price on one's own on free competition market. Otherwise monopoly, trust and cartels may occur, stability may out of order between commodity and services.Market economy may deviate from the rules on two main categories.Manufacturer, buyer and seller may make deviate from the rules. Especially trade unionization is effective on this deviation.The state may interfere in economy by taxes, if social and individual advantages different, it may deviate from competition market.The state is exist in every kind of economy and serves to people with harmony and politics and social philosophies of our age. Also it provides security, education and health services but it doesn't determine the prices. It is one of the biggest manufacturers at the same time.II – HISTORICAL WIEW TO BULGARIAN ECONOMY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF FREE MARKET ECONOMY1. BASIC SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL INDICATORS1.1. GENERALThe form of government is republic, capital is Sofia, Population is 8.297.000(1997), increasing of population is %0. 7, distinctive characteristics in common with Turkishs, Pomaks, Russians, Gipsies, Tatars, Jewishes are in 16 percent.Estimated agricultural area is 1/3 and woodland is 1/3 of all the land. Charcoal, petroleum, natural gas, ferrum and sources except metal are too much. Bulgaria can't use the money too much on surroundings cause of economical lacks.Too many people are migrated to Turkey reason of economical lacks after communism regime. Population is decreased year by year, but unemployment.2. BULGARIA BEFORE 1989Ottoman empire had governorship on the Bulgaria more 500 years till 1908. Then, Bulgarian Kingdom is founded in 1908. Stamboliyski is in powered from Farmer Party in 1920. A new fascism supporter government is founded but communists and farmers were outside of government.Bulgaria is allied with Germany in 1941. Although a new government was found in 1944, the republican regime with referendum is founded in 1946. The new constution is validated in 1947. Cercenkov is in powered in 1950, relations with U.S.A. were out of order and membership of United Nations was validity in 1955.The new constitution is validated in 1971. T.Jivkow is in powered continually, became arrested cause of irregularity in 1990 and then, again a new constitution is validated. Communist Party is made to take out of only one party. In that year, state's name is changed to Republic of Bulgaria and removed the communist symbols from flag. Privatizational laws are validated with Jelev in 1992. The Government of Videnov is contraried the privatization in 1994.Peter Stoyanov is Nato's supporter and he was president in 1996. United Democratic Forces is in powered with 52 percent of vote after selections in 1997.2.1. COMECON AND COLLAPSING OF SYSTEMComecon is a union that emerged by East European Countries. Bulgarian economy has begun to transition period with some negative ness like other East European countries causes of political incompetence and dissociating end of 1980s.Bulgaria which had more than 60 percent of export to associate but it had couldn't find the new markets cause of inadequate ship of quality standards and had an old technology. Foreign currency reserves are high level. It has too many debts, political incompetent ship in the land. Financial system is not conformity to market economy and also could not claim 2 million dollars of money owing from Iraq because of golf war. So, Bulgaria couldn't save from crisis because of above reasons.2.2 GENERAL ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENT AND SECTORSBulgarian manufacturing industry basically is founded on textile, wooden engrave, leather products and food prep rationing sectors.Bulgaria had realisation the attacks on the heavy industry that supported by S.S.C.B. after 2nd world war.Production of electro-mechanic and electronic goods in manufacturing sector is reached to an important share since 1970s.The biggest natural wealth of Bulgaria is productive earths. There are not important minerals in Bulgaria.In the following period of 2nd world war, metallurgy and chemical production had an importance. Industry sector had old technology. Its competition is losted the power with disunited of the Comecon.Productivity rates on industry are grown with economical reforms that started in 1979. Economical growing is dynamically continued in spite of reducing the productivity on agriculture sector, building sector and investments in Bulgaria. Especially, price volatility on agriculture sector is a reason of suspicion about real value of growth in 1988 according to 1987.Productions on agriculture and industry of Bulgaria are reduced according to statistics. Main problem on agriculture sector is delivery prices of goods.A stagnation indicator on Bulgarian economy is weakness of building and construction sector. Manufacturing products such as cement and weawing is in necessity. Manufacturing level is inadequate on that area and also unqualificationed organisations have been affected.2.3 - FOREIGN TRADEThere are no definite results on foreign trade reason of inadequate of numerical data's.However, export is increased up to the rate of 4 percent in 1988 and import is reduced to the rate of 1.8 percent. Bulgaria finance deficit is 600 million dollars result of trade with west countries in 1998. Tourism revenues are positive. Trade connections with Turkey are weak according to another East European countries.2.4 – PERESTROICA POLITICSThe new age on economy with state council's decision is started in January 9,1989. Activities to get the indepences of firms are velocitied. At the same time, this decision is more benefit to foreign investors too.3. 1989 – 1997 TRANSITION PERIOD3.1 – ECONOMICAL REFORM ACTIVITIESAlteration is started in east block countries after 1989 and together with this alteration. Comecon is losted the activity. So, idle capacities are commenced and Bulgaria is losted the production markets.The reforms are making started by new government in February 1991. External trade regime is liberalisation in one direction; this is one of the import nest factors of the reforms. With a decision is accepted in 1989, basic of economical reforms are occurred. Firms had equal rights to execution of economical activities. The laws related to foreign investment are validated in 1992.Commercial banks have gone to consolidation. Prices had freed except 11 basic consumption. Economical activities, government status on economy, foreign trade and foreign exchange regime, price regulations, privatization, tax systems are reorganized about foreign investors.3.2. SECTORAL CONSTITUTIONIndustrial sector had the over 50 percent of share on economy until 1990s. 11 private sector's share with service and trade sector approached to 60 percent between 1992 and 1997.SECTORSProductivity with old technologies on industrial sector is at low level. Engineering sector is developed. Products of textile sector are manufactured at high quality.CHEMICALSChemical products that have an important mark on export of Bulgaria. They were 1,096 milliard dollars with 22,3 percent in 1997 and 983 million dollars with 19.4 percent of total export in 1998.AGRICULTURE, FOOD AND TOBACCORate of plan tablelands are 34 percent in Bulgaria. Totally 304 firms are active on food, drink and tobacco sector.METALLURGY AND MINERSHIPIron product is 6.2 percent and other than iron is 6.8 percent on all of industry in 1998. In 1997, metallurgy sector is grown up to 117.2 percent with 529 million dollars in total amount of export in Bulgaria.MACHINEShare of machine sector is 13.8 percent in all of industry. Principal are; Machine parts, tractor, bus, ship, building and auto spare parts.CONSTRUCTIONPrivate firms in the sector have share with 13 percent in 1991. That share is grown to 62 percent in 1995 but then; it is reduced reason of financial inadequate ships.TOURISMTourism revenues are approximately 280 million dollars in 1995.4.5 million of transits and totally 8 million tourists are visited the Bulgaria in 1996.3.3. TRADE AFTER ECONOMICAL REFORMSExport of Bulgaria is totally 4.9 milliard dollars in 1997. The import nest export products are fuel oil, other fuels, cooper and its products and nuclear reactors. Import is 4.5 milliard dollars in 1997 and included the product such as mineral fuels, nuclear reactor heaters and spare parts, electric machines, mineral substances, cotton, synthetic fibres, cereals, auto and tractors.3.4. EXTERNAL DEBTSRate of the external debts to export revenues were 249.9 Percent in 1993 but then, back to 188.2 percent in 1994.Official external debts were 10.363 dollars in the end of 1997.3.5. FOREIGN INVESTORS EXTERNAL CAPITALMost investments with 636.2 million dollars by foreigners are made in 1997. This amount is 526 million dollars in 1998. Principal foreign investors are European countries and U.S.A. A new foreigner investment law is prepared in Oct 1997. Main sectors to investment are industry, trade, finance and tourism.3.6. COMMERCIAL BANKINGState banks are privatization by associate. Regulations relate to control of banking are valitidied by government. In the middle of 1997, a new law on banking are validated after economical crisis in 1996, Central Bank Law are rebuilt. High levels of capital and capital qualifications are obligationed.3.7. PRIVATIZATIONPrivatization is started with foundation transformation and privatization belongs to state and municipalities in April 1992. Privatization Agency is built-up. Privatization is realization with totally 836 million dollars between Jan 1,1993 and Dec 30,1998. Its part of 421.4 million dollars is in 1997 and part of 116 million dollars is realization in 1998.Foundations like ports, telecommunication and, etc.are out of privatization by laws. 95 percent of state firms transformed to form of private limited or nationalization. Share of these firms are belong to state.III. BULGARIA IN EUROPAN UNION AND CONNECTIONS WITH TURKEY1. BULGARIAN ECONOMY AND CONNECTIONS WITH TURKEYTest and certification operations, metal products except iron, chemical products, cereals, operational petroleum. Products are important substances from Bulgaria to Turkey.Although weaving products, food, chemical products, leather and stout leather products, glass, ceramics, brick products are ones of important from Turkey to Bulgaria.1.1. CONTENTS OF FREE TRADE AGREEMENT BETWEEN TURKEY AND BULGARIAAll taxes and restrictictions on industrial products by signed on European Agreement between European Union and Bulgaria in Mar 8,1993 and validated in Dec 31,1993 will be removed till 2002.Turkey and Bulgaria made easy to particularization into agricultural products market by reduced the taxes for between their selves.End of signed acts, 131 products of 446 that stated to Turkey and 1141 goods of existing on European Union Agreement are liberalization by remove from list of sensitive products.Foreign companies had a partnership rights with corporations and individuals and also foreign individuals had a right on economical activities by law of keeping foreign investors, which is validated in 1992. Same economical rights are recognized between foreigners and Bulgarians and also getting unlimited share from exist companies and companies that will be found.2. CONNECTIONS WITH EUROPEAN UNION AND FINANCIAL PORTREIT OF BULGARIA2.1. CONNECTION WITH EUROPEAN UNION OF BULGARIAIn the autumn 1989, Berlin wall is demolished and this motion make united the European that had divided to east and west after 2nd world war. Comecon's mean is continuing the economical dependent ship to Soviet Union. But, most east and west European countries reject it. After these European Union augmented economical and political supports to that countries reason of carry out and conclude the reform, which is started in middle and east European countries.Firstly, a group includes the Turkey is formed by 24 of OECD countries. G24s are transferred to entrust with coordination of support to the European Union Commission.That commission is functionizationed the Phare program that helps on financial and technical areas to Poland and Hungary. Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania in Sept.1990, Albanian, Estonia, Leetonia and Livonia in Jan.1992 and Slovenia in Aug.1992 are included by Phare program.Military regulations on security of West European losted the importance but they are already securely areas.Main political aims that related to Middle and East European countries of European Unions are explained below;a- Encouragement of liberal democratic system with respectful of law's superiority.b- to be sense on surroundingsc- to prevent the ethnical collidesd- to prevent the migration to foreign countries at the west.e- Phare program and encouragement of free market economy from planned economy.2.2. WHAT IS THE PHARE PROGRAM?Phare program's aim is build the encourage mental conditions to the market economy and to take pains about investments on economies of Middle and East Europe countries. This program includes unfinancable fields by traditional external supports. That supports on the program is formed by credits and encouragements and used for pilot projects related to reorganization of associations.Bulgaria is taken a support of 10.6 millions ECU by include of Phare program.European Union don't use only Phare program as a tool on politics related to Middle and East Europe countries, except itIncludes the programs within own constitution such as ERASMUS and COMETT.2.3. FIRST PERIOD (before 1989)In this period; trading is developed between Middle and East European countries that named as COMECON COUNTRIES but couldn't show the same developments against to West Europe in European Union.Soviet Union takes the priority on exporting with countries. Bulgaria is the develop pest country on trade with Soviet Union.2.4 TRANSITION PERIOD (1989-1992)The great changements occurred on trade in Soviet Union and Middle and East Europe countries from starting the reforms in 1989 to 1992.From 1989,trade and partnership agreements signed with Hungary and Poland then, with Czechoslovakia in 1990,also Bulgaria and Romania in 1991. At the same time, rejection is started on amount of restrictions. Exporting is increased between Middle and East European countries, Soviet Union and European Union other than below too;Devaluation in the countries other than Hungary,- Workings to join into the West European markets reason of re-emerging the losted ones in East European- Import is on peak-level from those countries to Germany after unitized the East and West Europe.2.5. EUROPEAN AGREEMENTSEuropean agreements are acted end of 1991.Bulgaria-Europe agreement's date of signature: Mar8, 1993Date of being inforce: Dec 31,1995Temporarily agreement: Dec 31,1992European agreement has been in force in Bulgaria, end of 1995. European agreements are partnership agreements that signed by based on 238th paragraph of Roma agreement and Maastricht agreement. According to that state, increasing of export is an prestipulation to growth the economy with stability.3. SUCCEED OF STABILITY PROGRAM IN BULGARIABulgaria signed on an agreement with IMF to pass over the economical hardships and started the reforms in 1991.Economy is grown at the rates of 2.1 percent in 1995.In 1997,economy has the new crisis related to Yugoslavia crisis and so, Bulgaria signed on a new agreement with IMF.Leva is fixed with 20 DM and 1000 Bulgarian Leva to 1 DM and constructral reforms is started to gain the speed.Economy in Bulgaria grown to positive from 1994 but to the 10.9 percent in 1996.- Inflation rates (%) in Republic of Bulgaria; 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 199882,2 72,8 96,2 62 123,1 1082,3 22,3After the stand-by agreement with IMF, inflation approached to 22.3 percent in 1998.Annual average of inflation is expected as 7.3 percent in 1999 and 9.0 percent in 2000.Bulgaria is the poorest country according to other east European countries candidate to membership of EU. Bulgarian Leva is determined by rejected the 3 zeros from Detsch Mark. So, new Leva is make related on euro at the rates of 1.95583:euro 1 (Lvl:DMI ).CONCLUSION:Bulgaria is declared the moratorium reason of hardness's to find an external debt, to refund the capital and interests of external debt.While external debt is 10.6-milliard dollars end of 1990,it has been 12.2 milliard dollars, end of 1993. So, started to paces towards to market economy in Feb 1991. Annual inflation is reduced from 338.5 percent in 1991 to 79.4 percent in 1992.The debts of managements of state are ruined the budget and also a reason to broken balance on economy too.The crisis on foreign currency is occurred in Mar 1994. Reforms have been out of control at the result of that crisis.Leva is devaluated as 100 percent and inflation is reduced to 90 percent on annual average. At this parallel, financial and revenue politics, money and its value are controlled. The debts to foreign countries are decreased to 9.8 milliard dollars with precautions in 1994 and end of 1996.Financial balance are obtained again in the first months of 1995, reduced the inflation and also rate of interests to 72 percent.Rate of exchange (Leva/$) was 503 percent between Jan 1 and Feb 12,1997. Especially, that increasing was 20-percent/each day in Feb 1997.Rate of interest was 300 percent in Sep.1996. 14 Banks are bankrupted in that period. Bulgaria had been 1st of the world from inflation increasing speed of view.Inflation, devaluation, unemployment and also wages are on the lowest level in transition period in Bulgaria. Incoming per person is decreased 50 percent between 1989 and 1995.Annual criminal events are increased 3 times more after 1990. Money committee had formed by advice of IMF in Jul 1997. 1Deutsche Mark is indexed on 1 Leva.Qualified personnel with educationed on technical areas is a great potential force of Bulgarian economy.Bulgaria will be completed the transition period when it became to membership of European Union.