Slavs in the European reflection of Iberia. Overview and perspectivesThe author focuses on presenting the major determinants of the ways in which Slavs have been included/excluded within the European horizon on the part of the inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula, from Modernity until present-day Iberian-Slavonic cultural encounters. This subject-matter is considered in two of its aspects – on the one hand, newest research trends are discussed; on the other, the author analyses Iberian literary and journalist texts on attitudes towards Slavs.The place Iberians reserved in their reflections on Europe for Slavs – especially from Russia, Poland and the Balkans – was at different times determined by two types of factors: those immanent to any process of "reading the Other," and those arising from the abundance of ethnic, political and/or national perspectives in which Slavs could present themselves. As a result, ethnic and cultural aspects of Slavonic countries in the common knowledge of Iberians are mixed up with their geographical, national and political connections (as "Eastern Europeans", "Balkans", "countries of the former Eastern Bloc and/or Yugoslavia" etc.). Another factor influencing the general trends in the perception of Slavs is geographical distance, making this group an easy target for stereotyping and mythicizing. A category determining the Iberian "reading" of Slavs is also that of the periphery, a notion important (though in different ways) for both the analysed regions. The complex nature of Iberians' identity had an impact on their relations with Slavs in the 19th and 20th centuries; the resulting attitude, marked as it is by the inferiority/superiority question, was expressed particularly strongly around the process of the 5th EU Enlargement (mid-1990s to 2004), which sealed the emergence of closer Iberian-Slavonic relations intra muros, dating back at least from the collapse of the USSR. These relations were initiated by migrants from the East (who featured in new motives taken up by Iberian literatures), predominantly Ukrainians. Outside of the Peninsula, intercultural encounters took place not in small part as a result of a rapid eastward expansion of Iberian business. Finally, the 21st century saw the establishment and theoretical elaboration of Iberian-Slavonic comparative research. Activities of this kind always imply intercultural encounters and thus are well suited to help work out a scholarly and cultural formula that could yield more coherent depictions of Slavs. The newly founded associations, institutions, research and cultural centres – while respecting the complex identity of each of the Slavonic nations – present to their Iberian partners an image of united Slavs. It is this trend that allows the author to move forward the analysis, and proceed from "overview" to "perspectives." Słowianie w europejskiej refleksji Iberii. Przegląd i perspektywy Autorka artykułu skupia się na przedstawieniu głównych uwarunkowań sposobów włączania/wyłączania Słowian z europejskiej perspektywy przez mieszkańców Półwyspu Iberyjskiego w okresie od nowożytności po współczesne iberyjsko‑słowiańskie doświadczenia kulturowe. Zagadnienia te prezentuje w dwu aspektach, z jednej strony wskazuje najnowsze kierunki badań w tej dziedzinie, z drugiej – analizuje iberyjskie teksty literackie i dziennikarskie poświęcone postawom wobec Słowian.Miejsca wyznaczane Słowianom przez mieszkańców Półwyspu Iberyjskiego w ich europejskiej refleksji – przy szczególnej pozycji zarezerwowanej dla Rosji, Polski i Bałkanów – bywały determinowane dwoma typami czynników, immanentnymi wobec każdego procesu czytania Obcego, jak również wynikającymi ze szczególnej mieszaniny etnicznych, politycznych i/oraz narodowych perspektyw, w jakich mogli się zaprezentować Słowianie. W efekcie etniczne i kulturowe cechy krajów słowiańskich mieszają się w przeciętnej wiedzy mieszkańców Półwyspu Iberyjskiego z innymi odniesieniami: geograficznymi, narodowymi i politycznymi (jak "wschodni Europejczycy", "Bałkany", kraje byłego "bloku wschodniego" itd.). Wśród ogólnych nurtów recepcji można również wskazać wpływ dystansu geograficznego, który czyni ze Słowian łatwy cel stereotypizacji i mityzacji. Kolejna kategoria determinująca iberyjskie "czytanie" Słowian to peryferyjność, kwestia istotna (choć w różny sposób) dla obu analizowanych obszarów. Złożoność tożsamości iberyjskiej miała również wpływ na relacje ze Słowianami w XX i XXI wieku. Silniej ta postawa, tak naznaczona problematyką wyższości/niższości, ujawniła się w okresie piątego rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej (połowa lat dziewięćdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku do 2004 roku), które pieczętowało proces bliższych iberyjsko‑słowiańskich relacji intra muros, trwający co najmniej od upadku ZSRR. Ich inicjatorami byli emigranci ze Wschodu (pojawili się na przykład w nowych motywach literatur iberyjskich), przeważnie Ukraińcy. Poza Półwyspem do międzykulturowych spotkań dochodziło m.in. dzięki znacznej ekspansji na Wschód przedstawicieli iberyjskich kół biznesowych. Już w XXI wieku zainicjowano i szeroko rozpropagowano w Hiszpanii i Portugalii iberyjsko‑słowiańskie badania porównawcze. Tego typu działalność, zawsze powiązana ze spotkaniami międzykulturowymi, pomaga w wypracowaniu formuły zarówno badawczej, jak i kulturowej, użytecznej w tworzeniu bardziej koherentnych wizerunków Słowian. Nowo powstałe stowarzyszenia, instytucje, ośrodki naukowe i kulturalne, respektując złożoną tożsamość każdego z narodów słowiańskich, prezentują iberyjskim partnerom również obraz Słowian zjednoczonych. Ta właśnie tendencja pozwala przejść w niniejszej analizie od części pierwszej – "Przegląd" do drugiej – "Perspektywy".
Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.
Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.
Historically, Luxembourg has developed during the last 68 years strong links with the Western Balkan countries. In 1970, a labour agreement was signed between the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and the Former Republic of Yugoslavia to provide for workers to come to work in Luxembourg. This bilateral agreement created a diaspora from the Western Balkans in Luxembourg. Montenegrin nationals represent the largest third-country national population while the Serbians and the Bosnians represents the 3rd and 4th largest nationality groups. There has been a significant number of naturalisations from the West Balkan countries during the last 10 years. This diaspora was a significant "pull factor" during the Yugoslav Wars (1991-1999) and the economic crisis of 2008. This study was unable to verify direct and automatic links between the entering into force of the visa liberalisation agreements with the West Balkans countries and Eastern Partnership countries and an impact for Luxembourg. The large majority of increases, independently if it is legal migration, irregular migration or international protection did not occur during the next year following the entering into force of the agreements. These increases occurred generally during the second year or later. Concerning visa liberalisation agreements with the Western Balkan countries, the first findings are a dramatic increase of international protection applicants from those countries since the agreements came into force. In the international protection field and in the framework of the return decisions, the visa liberalisation agreement had a negative impact generating stress for all the public administrations during 2011 and 2012, which have to deal with international protection and the return mechanism. During 2011, there was a significant increase of applicants from Macedonia and Serbia and in 2012 from Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina. This situation placed the Luxembourgish authorities under significant stress to deal with this significant inflow of applicants, whose applications were, in the large majority of cases (80%), rejected. However, this situation obliged the Luxembourgish government to take measures in order to deal in a very efficient manner with these inflows of international protection applicants as well as to overhaul the entire international protection procedure. These measures can be divided into two different: procedural measures and implementation measures. The most significant procedural measures are: a) the introduction of the fast track procedure and the implementation of the ultra-expedite procedure; b) the introduction of these countries in the list of safe countries of origin. These measures allow the authorities to deal more efficiently with the massive influx of international protection applicants coming from the region. The implementation measures are: a) No access to social aid for the applicant benefiting from a commitment to cover all expenses by a Luxembourg national, EU citizen or TCN residing in Luxembourg; b) substantial decrease in monthly cash amounts of social aid for adult individuals and households; c) Recruitment and reallocation of staff in the Directorate of Immigration and the Luxembourg Reception and Integration office; d) implementing the Assisted voluntary return Balkans (AVR Balkans) which only covers the return bus ticket; and e) strengthen cooperation with the authorities of the Western Balkan countries. During 2017, there was an increase in the number of international protection applicants from Georgia and Ukraine, even though both countries are included in the list of safe countries of origin. As Luxembourg does not have external borders with the exception of the International Airport, it is not possible to obtain pertinent information concerning the detection of irregular entries in the territory. Nevertheless, there is some evidence that some individuals from these countries have taken advantage of the visa liberalisation agreements to come to work irregularly in Luxembourg, even if it is not possible to quantify the scale of the phenomenon. The findings of this study do not show an increase in the number of applications for authorisation of stay or residence permits (remunerated and study activities), so the EU visa liberalisation agreements did not have any impact in the legal migration field. The increase of application was visible after the second year of entering into force of these agreements but the numbers were not significant in regard with number of applications made by third-country nationals during the same period. However, the short-stay visits (i.e. friends, family, tourism, etc.) seem not only to have been facilitated, but also increased. In some cases, these short-visits have also been used not only to visit family and friends but also to be familiarized with the Luxembourgish society and to explore job opportunities and look for housing. This is probably the only positive impact that the visa liberalization agreements have had. Seen that the visa liberalisation agreements only allow travelling without a visa, but they do not allow working and staying in the country, and based on the data collected there is not possible to establish a link between them and any significant impact with regard to economy and to criminality (especially related to traffic of human beings or smuggling, where the numbers are very low and not directly related in most cases to nationals concerned by this study).
by Georges Langrod « Maître de recherches », French National Centre for Scientific Research, Full Professor at the University of the Saar The legal aspect of administrative procedure is traditionally neglected by the Science of administrative Law. Considered as a technical problem, it is left to administrative scientists only. The whole legal operation preceding the administrative decision remains outside the sphere of scientific analysis, thereby impoverishing our knowledge of the administrative phenomenon. On the one hand the specialist in administrative law respects to a surprising degree the tradition that administrative law regulates the aims of administrative action, but leaves the ways leading to accomplishment of these aims solely to administrative technicians. On the other hand, the specialist in Public Administration sees only the essential contradiction between the strict bounds of restrictive legal precept and the necessary elasticity of administrative action. He defends the latter and is therefore prima facie opposed to the former. Although the Administration should be as unhampered as possible in order to be effective in everyday life, the « Rechtsstaat » — with its characteristic curtailment of « Le Roy le veult » — is founded also on the active participation of cujus res agitur in administrative disputes. This participation assures at the same time an important control of administrative action by the citizen. It constitutes one of the victories of political democracy over the unbridled licence of « royal pleasure ». Political expediency can no longer be considered as the only motivation of all administrative action. Nevertheless it should not be undervalued: a balance must be sought between the legal, technical and political aspects of this action, the political aspect being accepted in its widest sence. The process of « juridicalisation » of Administration through administrative Law — extended even to administrative procedure — must be constantly scrutinized with a view to controlling the effects of old mental habits and conservative approach to Public Administration and to administrative management. Professor Langrod examines, in all its aspects, the generally underestimated but important problem of « purely administrative » procedure, i.e. of non-contentious disputes within the frame of administrative action. He discusses the different approaches of the traditional doctrine to this problem and its frequent lack of comprehension in this field. Having weighed the consequences of the traditional application of procedural theory and process rules to justice alone, the author goes on to examine — by methods of comparison — the present-day solutions to the problem. These solutions are grouped under three principal headings: — administrative systems with well-developed administrative Law but without any « processual » approach, such as those existing in France and Germany. This approach is reserved only for the administrative courts («juridiction administrative», «Verwaltungsgerichtsbarkeit»). Everything which happens within the framework of « pure » Administration is left, almost entirely, to the discretion of internal rules, under the subsequent judicial control of legality; — « mixed » systems, or half-way solutions, i.e. mainly the Anglo-Saxon doctrine of « quasi-judicial » functions, presupposing the existence of a dispute between equal parties, before the Administration. The procedural rights of these parties, accorded by law or by practice, differentiate this type of procedure from the « purely » administrative activity. Thus appear in England the so-called « administrative tribunals » which are not judicial courts, but administrative authorities with a particular process, resulting from the fundamentals of fair play in administrative action. To this group belong also the administrative systems of Spain, Portugal, Latin America, Italy and Sweden, where — if not always the legislature and practice — at least the doctrine of administrative Law and the jurisprudence in administrative matters frequently accept a procedural point of view for the administrative action; — systems comprising a complete « processual » sector of administrative Law doctrine and a legislative codification of legal procedure of Public Administration. This is the case in Austria and three other countries of Central-Eastern Europe where in the years 1925-1930 « codes of administrative procedure » appeared, and are still obligatory. In spite of changes after 1945 in countries now under Communist regime, in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, the great Austrian model remains unchanged. The United States of America, owing to the A.P.A. 1946, are found in the same group, because of their global approach to this problem of administrative dispute, based on the classical « due process » doctrine and on the application of the « audi alteram partem » formula (through adjudication, hearing, notice, examiners corps, etc.). Professor Langrod's study comprises administrative dispute considered as an integral part of a « general legal procedure », constituting in theory a « processual » uniformity, regardless of the sector of Law to which it applies. Thus procedural approach ceases to be a monopoly of justice as it was for centuries, and has to be extended to all official actions concerning parties' interests or rights. The author endeavours finally to formulate some general principles of administrative legal procedure, based on empirical comparative experience. After having examined and summarized these principles, he concludes that the great process of « juridicalization » of Public Administration has generally desirable effects. It brings about more social outlook, the true democratization of Administration owing to the active and « organized » co-operation between authorities and parties) and the fact that — if well conceived and balanced — legal rules tend not to hamper, but rather to guide the processes of litigation, to the true interests of legal security and administrative efficiency.
In its engagement with Balkan music, musicology has largely conformed to the dominant cultural historiographical model of a divide between 'East' and 'West'. Marked by core binary concepts, under the spell initially of theories of modernity, and subsequently of critical theories that aimed to deconstruct these oppositions, musicology on Balkan music still remains within the confines of the 'East-West' paradigm. Theories such as Edward Said's Orientalism and Maria Todorova's Balkanism have served as key methodological tools in conceptualizing Balkan music and analysing the ways in which stereotypical and ideologically-charged images of 'the West' and 'the East' are reproduced in musical praxes. Powerful as they have been, analyses of the Balkans solely withreference to 'East' and 'West' surely do not do justice to the diversity of relationships that have shaped its variegated musical space, and have inevitably rendered a distorted image of its musical landscape. This book aims to contribute to a widening of our critical understanding of a historically and spatially diverse cultural network that embraces Balkan music, and therefore invites proposals for papers that challenge and/or move beyond the 'East-West' paradigm. An examination of a network that would not be restricted to the West-East perspective should lead to a richer and more complex understanding of the Balkans and its interconnectedness with other regions, such as the Mediterranean and Russia. By analysing these as well as other spheres of influences, we hope to reveal affinities that have rarely been explored, and will yield a richer understanding not only of Balkan music ('art', 'traditional' as well as 'popular') but also of music history in general. Contributions fall under the following subtopics: – Musical Relations between the Balkans and Russia Russia has acted as an influencing agent on the Balkans over several centuries and ties between these two regions were often highly charged politically. Importantly, Moscow was perceived as the 'Third Rome' by the Orthodox Balkans, while the Russian Empire was deeply involved in matters of the so-called 'Eastern Question'. The great influx of Russian émigrés following the Russian revolution played a significant role in shaping the Balkan cultural elite. Last but not least, the Russian national school and the Soviet model of socialist realism had a profound impact on Balkan music over the last two centuries. – Interactions with the Mediterranean Both the Balkans and the Mediterranean figure more as imaginary cultural spaces than firm geographical entities. Yet the way these spaces correlate musically has barely been explored. How did the culture of the Mediterranean, with its shifting empires and perpetual migrations, engage with the Balkans musically? What could be learned, for example, by exploring the great hub of Constantinople, which has been perceived both as a gateway to the Balkans and a symbol of the Eastern Mediterranean? Could a scrutiny of Balkan music's interaction with Mediterranean music enrich our understanding of musical life of the broader area of South Eastern Europe? Jasmina Huber writes about the musical physiognomy of melodies that belong to the Sephardic vocal (liturgical and paraliturgical) heritage in the western Balkans. The author shows that the Jewish musical tradition in the Balkans was a symbiosis of Hebrew poetry and oriental(ised) melodies. Valentina Sandu-Dediu has contributed a very interesting, introspective and often self-deprecatory account on the past and present state of Romanian musicology, the discipline that has long been torn between shifting ideologies, the Riemanninspired grandiose ambitions of music historians who singlehandedly wrote monumental but often error-laden books, and the long-standing focus on domestic output, caused both by ideological restrictions, language barrier and the fact of external i.e. foreign interest in Romanian music. The author concludes that the history of Romanian music must be rewritten from next prespectives, but also warns that a compromise must be reached between two opposing extremes - the unscrupulous political engagement on the one hand (which has influenced the boys written in communist times) and avoidance of any ideological involvement the other (which has been a recent tendency). Ivana Miladinović-Prica writes about Milimir Drašković who, in the later phase of his career, Drašković, seemingly surprisinglu, turned towards Byzantine heritage and Serbian orthodox church chants of the Octoechos as a source of inspiration and combined it with his already established avantgarde procedures, but also with popular music genres such as rock and jazz. Drašković and Miloš Petrović held workshops titled Byzantium and Today in Germany, where they brought the experiences of the cultural "Other" to German audiences, but also deliberately "invented" tradition in accordance with their artistic goals. Iva Nenić addresses the dichotomy of the East-West and its ideological implications using the example of the slowly expanding world music scene in the former Yugoslav region and, more specifically, with the specific (re)interpretation of the sevdalinka genre of popular folk song, as interpreted by the young Bosnian singer Damir Imamović, an heir to a well-known Bosnian musical "dynasty", and his Sevdah Takht band. The author discusses the origins and development of the sevdalinka genre, its "politically correct" interpretations in the socialist Yugoslavia, mostly purified of overt Oriental influences, and compares it to Imamović's contemporary interpretations, where remnants of its Oriental origin (such as: aksak rhythms, melismatic singing, oriental modes and instrumentation that resemble maqam practices etc.) have been reinstated and even emphasised. Russian and other non-phonetic Slavic languages written in Cyrillic script have been transliterated using the simplified Library of Congress transliteration system, with some exceptions which have been duly explained in the footnotes. We must express our sincere gratitude to Srđan Atanasovski and Katerina Levidou who originated the idea of rethinking the cultural and artistic 'poles of attraction' in the Balkans and without whom this volume would have not been possible. Moreover, we are grateful to all contributors to this volume, for their patience and cooperativeness during the long process of preparing this book. We would also like to thank our colleagues who have assisted us in various stages of preparing this volume: Marija Ćirić, Bogdan Đaković, Jelena Janković-Beguš, Jelena Jovanović, Danka Lajić-Mihajlović, Mary McRoberts, Melita Milin, Vesna Peno, Selena Rakočević and Mirjana Zakić. Also, we are thankful to the members of the Department of Fine Arts and Music of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, in particular Academician Milan Lojanica and Academician Dejan Despić, as well as the Academician Dimitrije Stefanović, former General Secretary of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Ars and a long-standing Director of the Institute of Musicology SASA, for their support, encouragement and understanding. Finally, we would like to thank the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia for their generous financial support, without which this book would have not been published.
U tekstu se, temeljem fotografija od kojih se neke objavljuju prvi put, rekonstruira izvorni izgled secesijske zgrade Hrvatskog doma u Splitu kao zrelog arhitektonskog djela Kamila Tončića. Donosi se i kronološki pregled uloge Hrvatskog doma u društvenoj povijesti grada Splita koji pridonosi spomeničkoj vrijednosti zgrade. ; The idea of building a "Croatian House", in which the Split culture, art and sporting associations connected to National Party would be located Narodna čitaonica (People's Reading Room), Slavjanski napredak (Slav Progress), Narodna glazba (National Music), the Volunteer Fire-Fighters, Muzikalno društvo "Zvonimir" (the Zvonimir Musical Association) and Hrvatski sokol (the Croatian Hawk – sporting association) came upon the scene in 1896. At the turn of the century artists who elevated the cultural and artistic life of Split and took it out of the provincial context, placing it shoulder to shoulder with European contemporaries, came together in the National party circles. The design of the building made in the spirit of Art Nouveau architecture by Kamilo Tončić in 1906 was bold and avant-garde for a centre in which up to then Historicist or revival architecture had prevailed; in consequence it aroused diverse public reactions. But the Croatian House was nevertheless built according to the Tončić design, and opened in 1908. It had an important role in the musical life of Split as a gathering place for musicians, as a stage and concert venue, all the way up to World War I. The most important event in the first year of the existence of the Croatian House was the organisation of the First Dalmatian Art Exhibition at which the foundation of the Medulić Croatian Art Association was mooted, and the idea for founding the Gallery of Fine Art was also put forward. In the changed political circumstances after World War I, the House lost its pre-war role as an essential factor in the creation of the musical and artistic life of the city. When the Sokol association of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formed in 1929, all activities in the Sokol House unfolded under the aegis of Sokol (Hawk), for it was a state organisation; the art and cultural events did not rise above the average amateur level. The most important event in the working of the amateur sections of Sokol was the foundation of the puppet theatre in 1933, on the foundations of which the Marionette Theatre still in operation today was built in 1945. After WWII, the onetime Croatian and later Sokol House was renamed Youth House, while along with the Split City Puppet Theatre, various sporting organisations were assigned the premises of the House. The house was remodelled and extended in 1930 and 1939, and thoroughly remodelled in 1942, when all the decorations on the facade and in the interior of the grand hall were destroyed in order to bring out the monumental aspects of the house in the spirit of fascist architecture. The concept of the building is a simple T-shaped ground floor. In the northern part of the site there is a narrow four-storey building with an attic along the long side placed parallel to the street in which the premises of the societies were located, while at the end of the plot, perpendicularly to it, is a two-storey building with a grand hall on the upstairs. With logical grouping of features and a functional arrangement, the spatial constraints of the plot were made use of to the best extent and complemented with an extensive programme that was supposed to meet the needs of the associations so that all of them should have their own individual quarters while making use in common of the grand hall meant for municipal events, joint events and Sokol members' athletic exercises. Although the principal facade is symmetrical with the main entrance in the middle, the courtyard part of the house with the hall is not built on its vertical axis, but shifted to the west. At the joint of the street and courtyard part of the house there are the grand stairs. The non-formalist asymmetrical disposition of volumes between the courtyard wing of the Croatian House and the neighbouring house left room for a large exercise space outdoors. Only a photograph of the drawing of the main facade remains of the design of the Croatian House. By rectification of the historical photographs, the drawing of the built facade was reconstructed, and a comparison of the project and the original appearance of the original facade shows that the design really was built, in basic idea and composition, and that alterations were made only to some of the decorative features. The lobby of the auxiliary eastern entrance and the threeflight stone staircase are kept in original form. The rectification of the previously unknown photographs of the interior of the hall has allowed the reconstruction of the original volume, position and repertoire of decoration. The space of the hall that we know of today in denuded form consists of two parts: the grand hall with the stage and the backstage areas. Abstract, linear and almost flat details, floral motifs, female heads with flowers and leaves in their hair and masks – common in the Art Nouveau idiom – were applied in the iconographic programme. In the choice of construction material and the manner of construction Tončić opted for the classic solid masonry construction of roughly worked stone blocks in lime mortar, smoothly rendered. The between-floor constructions were of wood, as was that of the gable roof. The flights of stairs with stone steps were leaned on iron I-section girders clad in rendered moulding. The pilasters alongside the central entrance, the pillars on the facade with an emphasised cornice and the attic are made of concrete, but they are only decorative and not structural elements of the building. The building of the Croatian House was adapted to the possibilities (i.e. the constraints) of the site and the function, that is, the needs of its users, in the allocation of the fundamental volumes and in the organisation of space. The interior decoration was also adjusted to the contents (the modestly decorated staircase area as against the luxuriant decoration of the grand hall), and a clearly, symmetrically and gracefully designed facade enhanced with Art Nouveau decorations and the characteristic Tončić details reveal its almost classical composition. The representative Art Nouveau building of the Croatian House, designed in the spirit of the Wagner school and its earlier works, is the original work of a mature architect in whom along with an echo of the classicist tradition the architecture of the modern age can also be sensed. But it is not just its Art Nouveau idiom that imparts a particular heritage value to the Croatian House, but also the events and personalities linked with it, whose importance in the history of the city of Split and Croatian art surmounts that of the building itself.
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Today marks the anniversary of my doctorate--in the days of yore, before social media, I completed my dissertation, defended it, and then didn't go to graduation as I was already professing as a visitor. With this much time past since those callow days of talking IR theory and job market stuff on the second floor pathway (balcony/terrace/veranda?) outsider our (Motel 6-esque) offices, I wonder about some stuff, am bemused by other aspects, and am mostly quite grateful.Before I get into it, what did I dissertate about? The international relations of secession. I first wondered whether sovereignty was about borders or governments and wanted to contrast the IR of secession vs the IR of revolution. Once I realized the conventional wisdom of the former was wrong, yes, there has been plenty of support for secessionists, I sought to understand why some states support specific secessionists and why other support the government--why countries take sides in other people's ethnic conflicts. Nice to have a question that has enduring relevance. I argued vociferously that the countries are not deterred by their own vulnerability to separatism, and I focused on several secessionist crises--Congo Crisis, Biafra, Bangladesh--and one country that supported multiple separatist movements--Somalia. I argued that the ethnic politics of the potential supporter interacted with the perceived identities of those in conflict--that ethnic ties drove much of this. Which led to the title of the subsequent book, The Ties That Divide, which dropped the Bangladesh case, as it was really about India's intervention, and the Somalia case, as it was really about irredentism (and became the starting point for the next book), and added Yugoslavia's demise, which was largely done by the time I turned to revising the book, and some basic statistics (thanks to the editors of International Organizaiton where I placed a key piece summarizing the dissertation/book). What do I wonder about?Mostly, am I now out of touch with the experience of being a grad student? I know the job market has bounced up and down over time, but it was awful when I finished and much more awful now. So, I have much sympathy for the students finishing today. But I am not sure how much of the process and stresses have remained the same or have gotten worse.On the bright side, the old fashioned job placement at the conference thing is dead--so much stress, so little promise of anything developing. Now it is all electronic and pre-arranged. No more waiting in the job placement room for someone to put a slip of paper into one's box.On the down side, the competition is so much more fierce, and the expectations are so much higher. I do wonder how grad school is these days--has the pressure to publish meant that there is less some for the silly stuff. In my day (I say with an old man's voice), we played soccer every friday, some of the folks would play basketball regularly and get their knees fixed semi-regularly, the last few years we had a regular softball/bbq on Sundays, and more than a few parties. Is there any fun in grad school these days? No idea.I wonder where my career might have gone had I stuck to the IR of ethnic conflict stuff. I have no regrets about moving on to NATO and thus to comparative civil-military relations, but staying in the same spot of research would have led to some different opportunities and perhaps less new lit to review.What am I bemused by?That my dissertation is now as old as I was when we had our daughter. It means that both it and I are, well, much older. I am prouder of the latter than the former, but the former has been pretty good to me, too. That despite my best efforts, the big lessons of the book--that countries are not deterred by their own vulnerability, that precedents don't really matter that much in restraining support for secession--folks still trot out those arguments. Turns out my book didn't re-shape how policy-makers think about this stuff. Given the cynical heart of my dissertation, the assumptions it makes about politicians, I should not be very surprised. Plus as I learned over the years, confirmation bias is a thing.How accidental it all was. I didn't go to grad school to study the international politics of ethnic conflict. I just fell into it.Likewise, I didn't try to do something that was super timely--that I defended my dissertation proposal the same month Yugoslavia flew apart was an accident.I am bemused that the book that is the basis of the first half of my career keeps competing with an article I wrote that is perhaps the most outside my lane for citation: how institutions amerliorate or exacerbate ethnic conflict. What am I grateful for?Damn near everything. This project established my career, made my reputation in the field (whatever that is), gave me not only two books, but a heap of articles and book chapters, and indirectly that next project that led to the life-changing experience in the Pentagon that ultimately led to my second career as a civil-military relations scholar and to the next two jobs.Tis the handiest picture from those daysas my time in grad school precededsmart phones by a couple of decades.Oh, and I was most grateful for this amazing little guy, the Fonz of dogs.I am grateful for having such a terrific supervisor, Miles Kahler, who would let me meander from my initial topic to what I studied, giving me heaps of constructive and often painful feedback along the way, to make sure the project was feasible and then reasonably well-executed. I am also grateful for an amazing committee that gave me much to think about, but didn't force me in any particular direction--Peter Cowhey, Lisa Martin, Arend Lijphart, and Edward Reynolds. I will be eternally thankful that I lucked into a department so chock full of terrific smart silly graduate students, who not only taught me so much about their work which shaped mine, but helped me survive and, yes, thrive, through the difficult process of starting my first act of academic creation (destruction/criticism is far easier than coming up with one's own idea and pursuing it). We all followed the examples set by Debbi Avant and Hendrik Spruyt. The folks in and near my cohort were so very sharp and sweet, tolerating my forays onto the soccer field (basketball? not so much), teasing me about all things Steve, welcoming my wife and later my dog into our various shennanigans. I will always be grateful to Dave, John Carey, both Lisas, Frank, the more dangerous Steve, Neil who left us way too soon, Keith, Judy, Mike, Bart, both Erics, Mona, Chris, Kathy (not my wife, the other one), and all the rest.I am also grateful that this place kept attracting terrific people long after I left, so that I am part of a larger community, which gave me some terrific friends in this business: Wendy, Idean, Cullen, Kathleen and Steve, and so many others.I am definitely not where I expected to be thirty years ago--not in terms of location (Canada?) or research or teaching. It has been from the very start a journey of accidents and surprises, from the grad school I ended up at, to the topic I studied, to the various jobs along the way, to the focus of the second part of my career, to my role these days as pundit and as a leader of a network, and all the stuff that came with it. I used to regret a lot some initial decisions, and I had a lot of frustration on the various job markets. But it all took me here, a perfect spot for me thirty years later. So, no, I don't regret where I went to grad school, nor what I did there, or where I went from there.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 196-222). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 365 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Turkish and Middle Eastern Studies, 2018. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Το πρώτο κεφάλαιο αυτής της διατριβής παρουσιάζει την ταυτότητα και η προέλευση των Ρομά-Κουρμπετών της Κύπρου, το κοινωνικοπολιτισμικό και πολιτικό πλαίσιο στο οποίο ζουν σήμερα και η επίδρασή του στη διατήρηση του γλωσσικού τους ρεπερτορίου. Το δεύτερο κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζει τους Ρομά ανά το παγκόσμιο και επικεντρώνεται στους Κουρμπέτες στο Ιράν, το Αφγανιστάν, τη Συρία και τη Γιουγκοσλαβία. Πέρα από την Κουρμπέτικη γλωσσική ποικιλία, παρουσιάζονται και οι λοιπές μειονοτικές γλώσσες της Κύπρου, συγκεκριμένα η κυπριακή αραβική και η δυτική αρμενική. Επιπρόσθετα, αυτό το κεφάλαιο επεξηγεί τους λόγους για τους οποίους έχει διεξαχθεί αυτή η έρευνα. Στη συνέχεια, αναλύει την σημερινή κοινωνιογλωσσολογική κατάσταση των Κουρμπετών και παρουσιάζει επίσης την εξέλιξη της γλώσσας που χρησιμοποιείται από τους Κουρμπέτες σε σχέση με διάφορους παράγοντες (π.χ. το κοινωνιογλωσσικό περιβάλλον και την επικοινωνία με τις τοπικές γλώσσες). Το τρίτο κεφάλαιο αφορά την ερευνητική μεθοδολογία την οποία ακολούθησα για τη συλλογή των δεδομένων. Το τέταρτο κεφάλαιο παρουσιάζει τα δεδομένων που προέκυψαν από τις συνεντεύξεις καθώς και την ανάλυσή τους σε όλα τα επίπεδα γλωσσικής ανάλυσης. Γίνεται λοιπόν μια εκτενής γλωσσολογική περιγραφή της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας εντοπίζοντας τις επιδράσεις της από την πρότυπη Τουρκική, Κουρδική, Αραβική, Ρομανί και κυρίως από την Κυπριακή Τουρκική. Η ανάλυση της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας οργανώνεται σε τρία επίπεδα: φωνολογικό επίπεδο, σημασιολογικό-λεξικό επίπεδο και γραμματικό επίπεδο. Στο φωνολογικό επίπεδο γίνεται προσπάθεια καταγραφής του φωνητικού και φωνολογικού συστήματος της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας. Παρουσιάζονται λεπτομερώς όλα τα φωνήματα μαζί με τα αλλόφωνά τους και όλες οι φωνολογικές διεργασίες που απαντούν στα κείμενα που έχουν συλλεγεί. Στο σημασιολογικό επίπεδο αναλύονται σημασιολογικά οι δάνειες λέξεις και φράσεις ως προς το εάν διατηρούν τη στενή ή ευρεία σημασία που είχαν στη γλώσσα-πηγή. Στο κεφάλαιο αυτό παρουσιάζεται υπό μορφή πινάκων και διαγραμμάτων η συχνότητα των δανείων λέξεων (ρημάτων και ουσιαστικών) από τη Ρομανί κι από άλλες γλώσσες όπως η κουρδική, η περσική, η αρμενική και η ελληνική που προέκυψε από το σώμα κειμένων καθώς επίσης η συχνότητα της γλώσσας-πηγής. Με βάση τα στατιστικά στοιχεία γίνεται πιο εκτενής παρουσίαση των φωνολογικών, μορφολογικών, συντακτικών και σημασιολογικών ομοιοτήτων/διαφορών των δάνειων λέξεων σε σχέση με τις γλώσσες προέλευσης Το γραμματικό επίπεδο συνδέει τα δύο προηγούμενα και εμπεριέχει δύο τομείς: τον μορφολογικό τομέα και τον συντακτικό τομέα. Στον μορφολογικό τομέα αναλύονται μορφολογικά παραδείγματα που προκύπτουν από το σώμα κειμένων δείχνοντας τις ομοιότητες και τις διαφορές τους. Στον συντακτικό τομέα παρουσιάζονται οι συντακτικές δομές της τουρκικής σε αντιπαραβολή με την Κουρμπέτικη, καθώς επίσης τα συντακτικά φαινόμενα από ινδοευρωπαϊκές γλώσσες, τα οποία έχουν περάσει στην τουρκοκυπριακή διάλεκτο και στην Κουρμπέτικη γλωσσική ποικιλία. Τέλος, παρουσιάζονται τα αποτελέσματα και τα συμπεράσματα της έρευνας και προτείνονται θεματικές περιοχές για περαιτέρω έρευνα. Στο παράρτημα παρουσιάζονται όλα τα κείμενα μεταγραμμένα στο ΔΦΑ καθώς και οι μεταφράσεις τους στα τουρκικά και στα αγγλικά. Παρουσιάζονται επίσης πίνακες κλίσης ρημάτων και καθώς και μέρος του λεξιλογίου της Κουρμπέτικης γλωσσικής ποικιλίας, συγκεκριμένα τα εντοπισθέντα ουσιαστικά, επίθετα και ρήματα. Στους πίνακες αυτούς δίνεται και η κατά προσέγγιση ετυμολογία τους. ; The first chapter of this thesis presents the identity and origin of the Gurbetties of Cyprus, the social, cultural and political context in which Gurbetties live today, and the effect this has on preserving their language repertoire. The second chapter presents the Roma across the world and then focuses on the Gurbetties in Iran, Afghanistan, Syria and Yugoslavia. Besides Gurbetcha, the other minority languages of Cyprus are presented, namely Cypriot Arabic and Western Armenian. Moreover, this chapter provides the reasons for undertaking this research. It analyses the current sociolinguistic situation of the Gurbetties and presents the development of the vernacular used by Gurbetties in relation to a number of factors (e.g. their sociolinguistic environment and language contact with local languages). The third chapter presents the research methodology I followed for my data collection. The fourth chapter presents data gathered through interviews and analyses the language at various levels of linguistic analysis. The research thus comprises an extensive linguistic description of the Gurbetcha linguistic variety, and explores the influences from Standard Turkish, Kurdish, Arabic, Romani, and especially from Cypriot Turkish Dialect. This analysis of the Gurbetcha language is organised linguistically into four levels: the phonological level, the morphological level, the syntactic level and the semantic-lexical level. At the phonological level, an attempt to describe the phonetic and phonological system of the Gurbetcha linguistic variety is made. I analyse and present in detail the phonemes of the Gurbetcha linguistic variety, with their allophones. At the morphological level, examples taken from the text corpus are analysed in terms of their morphemic structure. At the syntactic level, the syntactic structures of Turkish in comparison with Gurbetcha are presented, as well as syntactic phenomena of Indo-European languages, which have been borrowed into Cypriot Turkish Dialect and Gurbetcha. At the semantic level, words and phrases borrowed into Gurbetcha are analysed against the background of the source languages. The presentation is supported by tables and examples detailing loanwords from Romani and other languages, such as Kurdish, Persian, Armenian and Greek. Finally, the findings and conclusions of the study are presented along with suggestions of areas for further research. All texts in the appendices are presented in IPA transcription, and accompanied by translations into Turkish and English. Furthermore, the appendices provide paradigms of verb conjugation and a glossary of nouns, adjectives and verbs of the Gurbetcha language that are found in the corpus of texts. In those tables the approximate etymology of these words is also provided.
"Citizenship is the right to have rights" was famously claimed by Hannah Arendt. Te case of the 'erased' of Slovenia sheds new light on this assumption that was supposedly put to rest afer World War II. We lack a comprehensive paradigm for grasping what citizenship means today in and to our societies. My thesis is that there are currently three ways to understand the notion. These different views tend to merge and overlap in the today's debate, furthering misunderstandings. I will account for different conceptions of the citizenship by looking at the opposite of citizenry. Te political model holds the subject (sujet) in opposition to the citizen (citoyen), entailing problems related to the democratic quality of institutions. Law and jurisprudence look at the citizenship by trying to limit the numerous hard cases arising in the world of migration where the opposite of the citizen is the alien and the stateless. While in social sciences the citizenship is the opposite of the exclusion and represents social membership. Therefore, my aim is to distinguish and clear out these three different semantic areas. This essay is presented in four sections: First, I briefly recall the case of the 'erased' of Slovenia, which presents us with one of the more poignant examples of statelessness in the today's world, so their status can be easily related to the problems that the aforementioned theoretical shortcomings entail. The 'erased' had their residency permits and by extension, civil rights as well, revoked by the Slovene government in the aftermath of the break-up of Yugoslavia. This erasure was ruled to be unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Slovenia but so far it has by and large remained only at that ruling, with little additional legal action, which has prompted complaints from the Ombudsman's Office and Amnesty International. Tis issue is tied to some of the findings of Hannah Arendt, who claimed that human rights often proved to be ineffective when faced with significant numbers of people who were not citizens of any specific country. Although in the aftermath of WW2 measures to end this situation of statelessness were progressively taken by the international community, there are still cases of a legal vacuum where people could be deprived of their fundamental rights. And as long as human rights remain largely declarative and as long as there is a glaring lack of international agencies of judicial enforcement, we can claim that Arendt's paradox of human rights has not been yet fully overcome. The second section focuses on discourse analysis of the citizenship. There is no doubt that the citizenship nowadays represents a much broader subject than it did only a couple of decades ago, however, if anything, this has only caused its meaning to become more vague. Since the late 1990's scholars have increasingly directed attention towards interdisciplinary perspectives covering the fields of politics, sociology, history and cultural studies that move beyond conventional notions of the citizenship, but the understanding of the citizenship itself often lingers on traditional assessments, characterised by clear-cut disciplinary divides. This disciplinary entrenchment has led to the effect of deepening misunderstandings, and attempts to bridge the divide between various perspectives facing increasing difficulties. So it becomes clear that we lack a comprehensive model for understanding the notion of the 'citizenship', and to remedy that, rather than simply asking "what is citizenship?" as that would give no clear answer, we shall ask what is opposed to the citizenship. I will provide the answer to that question in the third section, where attention is directed to the composition of the three separate semantic areas that are connected to the term "citizenship." These areas correspond to three separate figures of opposition: Te subject, the alien and the excluded, which form the foundation of three basic dichotomies (citizenship/subjecthood; citizenship/being a foreigner; citizenship/exclusion). And from this we can extract various meanings of the citizenship: in the realm of political science, 'citizenship' means the 'non-subject'; in legal science, 'citizenship' means the 'non-alien'; and in social science, 'citizenship' means 'non-exclusion' from participation in the social network of a group. I shall focus on the structure, content and origin of these dichotomies, and also on the kind of problems they are trying to resolve. Finally, I will point to an array of questions that the citizenship raises in the today's complex society. Some of them deal with political rights of the Poles living in the UK, citizenship issues of the Russians in Estonia and the status of the Hungarian ethnic minorities in Romania, Slovakia and Serbia. Furthermore, we may notice an alarming surge of perverse effects that the customary legal perspective has on citizenship such as the increase of cases of statelessness and multiple nationalities, besides new phenomena such as the so-called "legal tourism." On top of that, Europe is facing an increasing wave of nationalism and social integration issues, which come in wake of the general economic downturn, activism against the Bolkenstein directive and recent jurisprudence of the ECJ in the cases Rüfert, Viking Line and Laval. In light of all this we can conclude that citizenship studies require less ambiguous tools than those prevailing in literature. Te first step towards achieving this is to give up hoping for any understanding of "citizenship" that encompasses all the different meanings mentioned above. Te only way to take them all in is to use a very vague idea of "citizenship" that promotes unsuitable policies and no real solutions. So I suggest that we should rather focus on the tripartition scheme and discourse analysis discussed above, as they can be useful tools for decision makers so as to design as consistent policies as possible, and also for our shedding new light on transnational citizenship building and cross-state handling of status-related issues. ; Slovenian version transl. by Jernej Ogrin.
The territory of the country measures 25,713 km2. In the north it borders Serbia and Kosovo, in the west Albania, in the south Greece and in the east Bulgaria. It is situated between 40o 51' and 42o 22' north latitude and 20o 27' and 23o 05' east longitude. The population that permanently resides in this territory, according to the last census is 2,022,547 inhabitants from diverse ethnic groups. The Macedonian population prevails with approximately 64% of the total number, but multi-ethnicity represents a solid basis for a rich ethnographic capacity which is included in the tourism offer of the Republic of Macedonia (Marinoski, 2008a). The city population is 59.78% of the total population. The economy experienced a radical change in its conditions. The most significant structural change in the economic system was the transition from socialist self-governing to capitalism, which led to a change of ownership from social to private and a clear determining of the title of ownership. Economic processes emphasised privatisation as the basis of the transition process. Unfortunately, the transition was implemented in a way that many companies and economic systems from the real sector were made bankrupt and liquidated and the overall economic conditions instead of being promoted, demonstrated a remarkable reduction in their development. The downturn of the economy meant that tourism development could not be supported. The decline of the population's standard of living affected the mobility of domestic tourists and the decline of the domestic tourism market. Furthermore, it is a fact that these processes of liquidation contributed in the Republic of Macedonia to the increase in unemployment. A large number of employees in the industry lost their jobs so they were forced to be engaged in other activities. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is an important indicator of the economy of the Republic of Macedonia. According to data of the State Statistical Office derived from the annual accounts from business entities and other sources, the gross domestic product in 2014 amounted to 525,620 million denars or 9,727 million US $ while compared to 2013 it increased by 4.7%. The real growth rate of GDP, compared to 2013 was 3.5%. The final expenditure in 2014, compared to 2013, increased by 1.9% and in the structure of GDP it accounted for 86.8%. The share of exports of goods and services in GDP in 2014 was 47.8% (State Statistical Office of the Republic of Macedonia, n.d.a). Tourism resources of a natural and cultural character are abundant in the region. The natural values have basic, complex and complementary features. Mountains represent exceptionally significant tourist potential. The hilly to mountainous area accounts for 92.2% of the country's surface area. The average height of the country is 1,404 m above sea level. The country is mountainous with the highest peak measuring 2,764 m. There are 34 mountains on which there are 6 major winter sports centres. Equally attractive are the 14 larger gorges and canyons. As well as inactive volcanic landscapes there is one active solfatara. The climate is generally continental, whereas in the mountains it is a mountain climate and towards the open space of the Aegean and Adriatic Seas the climate is Mediterranean. The Republic of Macedonia is landlocked, but there are tectonic, glacial and artificial lakes. The river network consists of three major river basins whereas thermo-mineral springs represent the basis for locating 8 spa centres. There are plant species that are characteristic for the Mediterranean and the Euro-Siberian regions. Forest areas and forest land form a total of 1,288,915 hectares, or 50% of the country's complete territory. The most significant protected areas are the 3 national parks. The wildlife which forms the base for hunting activities is represented by mammals (mammalia) and birds (aves). There are a total of 47 registered hunting associations, which have their own hunting areas. Nine major fishing centres are located by the rivers as well as on the shores of tectonic and artificial lakes (Zikov & Vasil, 1997). Cultural tourism resources are represented by a rare abundance of archaeological sites that date back to the Palaeolithic, Neolithic, Eneolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages, as well as to the period of ancient Roman culture, to the early Christian period and to the Middle Ages. Churches and monasteries are a real treasure and an important destination for visitors. They date back to the IX and XIX centuries. Mosques date back to the XIV and XIX centuries. Secular architecture is represented by the built fortified cities, towers, bridges, bazaars, inns, baths and palaces, cultural monuments in the form of urban architecture and distinguished urban settlements and individual houses, monuments and memorials – landmarks from recent history, museums and cultural centres, theatres, universities and major libraries, cultural or sports halls and archives. Ethnographic values and traditions include architecture, traditional economic activities, crafts, food, folkloric clothing as well as folk songs and dances. The most important events are the cultural, entertainment, sports, economic and scientific events. The political structure of the Republic of Macedonia has undergone significant changes. The country went through different political systems. After the Second World War, it was a part of the Yugoslavian federation, so the policies were mainly made at the central level whereby the republics aligned their decisions to the federation and suggested their own individual policies to the Central Committee of the Communist Party and to the bodies of the federation. The political system was characterised by statist and socialist characteristics although the beginnings of the self-governing system were introduced in 1953. Significant changes occurred in 1974 when the self-governing system adopted a greater decentralisation and increase of the individual powers of the republics. During this period the Republic of Macedonia gained more autonomy. There was an improved decentralisation of power towards the local level so that the municipalities also became a significant political structure within the country. Starting from 1980, the Republic of Macedonia entered a transition period which resulted from the breakup of Yugoslavia. It was the only Yugoslavian republic that peacefully gained its independence. Since 1991, the country has been an internationally recognised state and a member of the United Nations (UN). In 2001, a military conflict occurred that was relatively quickly resolved by the signing of the Ohrid agreement. This agreement, among other solutions, allowed minority communities to participate according to the representation of the overall population in the state administration. The administrative-territorial structure of the state underwent significant changes which were in line with the autonomy and transition of the self-governing system towards the capitalist system. The separation of the legislature from the executive and the judicial authority was guaranteed by the constitution. The single party system transformed into a multi-party system and the rule of law was established. State governing was a parliamentary democracy. The highest legislative authority was the Parliament in which representatives were elected by parliamentary elections. It elects the Government of the Republic of Macedonia. The President of the country is elected by direct elections, leads foreign policy and is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. The Ministries, besides participating in the decision-making of the government through its ministers, also have regional and local departments in major community centres through which operationally they implement state policies. The local departments for self-government in the country have an important place in the economic and social development of the country. They decide on the local infrastructure and its improvement as well as on the adoption of spatial and urban solutions that are of great importance for the development of tourism. The bodies of local self-government are managed by the mayor who is elected through local elections. The mayor presents his plans and their implementation to the Council which adopts these documents. The council members are also elected through local elections. In a political sense the local departments for self-government are autonomous in their decision-making. At state level, they are organised into the Association of Local Government Units – ZELS, which plays a significant role in inter-municipal cooperation as well as presenting to state institutions when they have common interests. At regional level, regions exist in which all municipalities are grouped. They are managed by Centres whose executives are elected by representatives of the units for local self-governance. They also enable the balanced economic development of the Republic of Macedonia and they do not have executive authority. In a political sense, numerous changes have taken place in the Republic of Macedonia. The country went from a socialist to a capitalist system, public ownership changed into private ownership, and the federal structure transformed into a unitary state. The country also had many turbulent periods of gaining independence and military conflict in order to establish a multi-party system and a general policy towards Euro-Atlantic integration processes. The legislature is separated from the executive and judicial autonomy. Representatives are elected through parliamentary elections as members of the Council which is appointed by the Government of the Republic of Macedonia. The President is also elected through presidential elections. Regions are established as functional territorial administrative units. The decentralisation processes in an administrative sense, are realised by the Mayor and the Council for local governance who are also elected through local elections.
U članku je dat osvrt na jubilej koji naučni časopis "Vojnotehnički glasnik" obeležava u 2012. godini – šezdesetu godišnjicu postojanja, redovnog i neprekidnog izlaženja. Pored istorijata časopisa, izložene su i faze razvoja njegove programske koncepcije. Analizirane su sadašnje reference časopisa, koji je stekao kategoriju naučnog časopisa nacionalnog značaja. "Vojnotehnički glasnik" je danas otvoreni forum za publikovanje i stimulisanje inovativnog promišljanja o svim aspektima nauke i tehnike, kako pripadnika Vojske i Ministarstva odbrane Republike Srbije tako i kompletne nacionalne i međunarodne akademske zajednice. ; In 2012, the Military Technical Courier, a scientific journal of the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Serbia, marks the 60th anniversary of its regular and continuous publishing. The Military Technical Courier was founded by a decree of the Chief of the General Staff of the Yugoslav Army in August 1952 in order to continue the tradition of five reviews of military branches and services (Artillery Courier, Tank Courier, Military Engineering Courier, Courier of Communications in the Yugoslav Army and Logistics and Support of the Yugoslav Army) which had been covering tactics and technique issues from 1947 to 1952. According to the founding act, the main tasks of the Military Technical Courier were "to consider and study issues regarding armament, technical and other material equipment of the branches and services concerning the knowledge of the materials, their handling, application, effects, storage, repair and upgrading as well as to deal with technical issues of the organisation, war experience of logistic services and military traffic and evacuation". Chief of the General Staff's decree of 16th December 1952 founding the first editorial board that "has a directive to be responsible for the review editing" was followed by the first issue of the Military Technical Courier in January 1953. The Military Technical Courier will pay special tributes to the military technical publications published in our country before 1945 (in the Kingdom of Serbia, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia). The following reviews represent the foundations of the Serbian military technology reasoning: Artillery and Engineering Courier (1905-1906), Artillery Courier (1926-1932), Infantry and Artillery Courier (1933-1941), Engineering Courier (1929-1940), Aviation Courier (1927-1941) and Nautical Courier (1933-1940). There is no doubt that their quality and professional profiles paved also the way to today's Military Technical Courier; however, unfavorable historical reasons pushed them unfairly into the background of our memories. We are proud to continue their tradition as well. The journal has been publishing papers dealing with military technical resources and provisions as well as with development, production and exploitation of weapons and military equipment, enhancing its reputation in both military and civilian structures. The journal has developed from a publication for the education of officers in the period of scarce adequate military technical literature to a professional and scientific journal presenting scientific and technical achievements and information important for the development, production and exploitation of weapons and military equipment. The journal's structure, sections and areas of interest have changed with respect to the Army's technical and organizational development and modernization, following the journal's conceptual and editorial policy. During its 60 years of existence, the journal has been changing its characteristics, form and content, aiming to meet the requirements of both practice and science. From 1952 to 1961, it was a professional review for weaponry, military equipment and supply; until 1966, it was a professional review of the YA branches and services and a YA professional journal onwards. Owing to its editorial policy, the journal continued to improve its conception, orientation, quality and position thus becoming a scientific and professional periodical highly regarded not only in military circles but in academic and scientific circles in the country as well. It has held the title of a professional and scientific journal since 1989. According to the Opinion of the Ministry of Science and Technological Development No 413-00-1201/2001-01 of 12th September 2001, the Military Technical Courier is a publication of special interest for science. Being classified as a scientific journal of national interest by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia, the Military Technical Courier is today a scientific journal publishing scientific and professional papers from the following categories: mathematics, information science and mechanics, electronics and telecommunications, mechanical engineering, materials and chemical technologies, industrial software and information technologies, geosciences and astronomy. The journal is in the Serbian Citation Index – SC index and is constantly monitored depending on the impact within the base itself and on the international (Thompson-ISI) citation indexes. Since 2011, an electronic edition of the Military Technical Courier has been available at www.vtg.mod.gov.rs in Serbian, Russian, English, German and French. Since 2012 editorial applying the on-line Electronic Editing (e-Ur) system (http://scindeks-eur.ceon.rs/index.php/vtg) developed by the Center for Evaluation in Education and Science (CEES). The application of the e-Ur service shows the readiness of the Military Technical Courier, supported by IT technology, authors and the CEON, to endure in making constant advances in the influence, quality and internationalisation of papers, the journal and the Scindex base, including the progress in adherence to international ethical and publishing principles. As a unique and competent publication on a national level, the Military Technical Courier publishes and verifies scientific and professional papers, those of the members of the Ministry of Defence and the Army of Serbia in particular, who thus have the opportunity to quantify their scientific and research results. The Military Technical Courier will continue to represent the scientific potential of the Army of Serbia and the Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Serbia and to support the efforts of institutions and individuals aiming at solving existing problems and making improvement in all areas of military technical science. Nowadays, the Military Technical Courier is not only an institutional resource being developed within the defence system from 1952, but also a brand of national interest. It has therefore become an open forum for the publication and stimulation of innovative thinking about all aspects of science and technology, coming from not only the Army and MoD members, but from the national and international community as well.
Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.
