Suchergebnisse

In every society there are individuals or organized groups who openly or covertly violate social norms that prescribe what behavior patterns. The danger of such actions is reflected in the presence of negative tendencies in the field of further social disorganization. It is known that often the criminality of juveniles become known only when it is necessary to apply repressive sanctions that include a number of limitations. Given the fact that the sentence was dominated as a criminal sanction social reaction to crime youth was purely punitive character. There for, the same types of punsihment are applied on juveniles with certain restrictions relating to the lenient punishment and much more liberal regime of imprisonment. In such a situation society failed to achieve a more serious influence on the improvement of the status of minors and their full integration into their courses. Further development of the social and legal awareness contributed to the discovery of new forms of no / penal response. In this regard, diversion measures represent the first and right step on the road to improving juvenile offenders committed offenses in particular the fulfillment of certain conditions. The overall trends of harmonization of domestic legislation with comparative and international and regional, mostly European instruments, countries of ex-Yugoslavia incorporated in their legislation for the imposition of diversionary measures. Taking into account the planned scope of work the authors have chosen Croatia and Serbia, which are each in their own way, first spelled out, and then with great difficulty started with sporadic use of diversionary measures. ; U svakom društvu postoje pojedinci ili organizovane grupe koje otvoreno ili prikriveno krše društvene norme kojima se unapred propisuju obrasci ponašanja. Opasnost od ovakvih postupaka ogleda se u prisustvu negativnih tendencija na polju dalje društvene dezorganizacije. Poznato je da se neretko za kriminalitet maloletnika sazna tek onda kada je neophodno primeniti represivnije sankcije koje sadrže brojna ograničenja. S obzirom na činjenicu da je kazna dominirala kao krivična sankcija reakcija društva na kriminalitet mladih bila je isključivo punitivnog karaktera. Otuda se na maloletnike primenjuju istovrsne kazne uz određena ograničenja koja se tiču blažeg kažnjavanja i znatno liberalnijeg režima izvršenja kazne zatvora. U takvoj situaciji društvo nije ostvarilo ozbiljniji uticaj na poboljšanje statusa maloletnika i njihovu punu integraciju u svoje tokove. Dalji razvoj društvene i pravne svesti uticao je na pronalaženje novih formi ne/penalnog reagovanja. U tom pogledu, diverzione mere predstavljaju prvi i pravi korak na putu popravljanja maloletnih delinkvenata za konkretno učinjena krivična dela uz ispunjenje određenih uslova. U sklopu opštih tendencija usaglašavanja unutrašnjeg sa uporednim zakonodavstvom i međunarodnim i regionalnim, pretežno evropskim instrumentima, države ex Jugoslavije ugradile su u svoja zakonodavstva mogućnost izricanja diverzionih mera. Vodeći računa o planiranom obimu rada autori su odabrali Hrvatsku i Srbiju koje su svaka na svoj način, najpre propisale, a onda uz velike poteškoće otpočele sa sporadičnom primenom diverzionih mera.

Content: I. The nature and form of international law 1. The acceptance of the existence of an international legal order 2. The legal position of the individual in international law II. Obligations of states in the protection of international human rights 1. Treaty-based human rights obligations 2. The nature of treaty-based human rights obligations 3. The "absolute" and "objective" character of human rights treaty obligations 4. Human rights conventions as self-contained regimes 5. The problem of characterisation of human rights obligations of states III. Human rights obligations arising from general principles of international law 1. Obligations erga omnes and human rights norms 2. The outlawing of genocide as obligation erga omnes 3. Protection from slavery as obligation erga omnes 4. The outlawing of acts of aggression as obligation erga omnes 5. Protection from racial discrimination as obligation erga omnes 6. The basic rights of the human person as obligation erga omnes 7. Jus Cogens and the search for peremptory norms of human rights 8. International crimes and human rights norms 9. The relationship between the concepts: erga omnes, jus cogens, international crime and human rights IV. International instruments for the coercive enforcement of state obligations to 'respect and ensure' human rights 1. Countermeasures as consequences of breach of treaties in international law 2. Application of reprisals for the enforcement of treaty-based human rights obligations 3. Intervention for the protection of human rights in international law 4. Intervention by the Security Council for the protection of human rights: the situation before the East-West détente 5. Humanitarian intervention after the end of the Cold War 6. The legal nature of ECOWAS intervention in the Liberian Civil War 7. The legality of NATO's intervention in Kosovo 8. Some instances of intervention with mixed motives V. Non-forceful measures for the enforcement of states' human rights obligations 1. Economic and financial pressure as means of enforcing states' obligation to respect and observe human rights 2. The application of the clausula rebus sic stantibus for the protection of human rights 3. The enforcement of human rights through the World Bank 4. The enforcement of human rights through the ILO 5. Diplomatic recognition as an instrument for securing a state's respect and promotion of human rights 6. Refusal to comply with an extradition agreement as a means of enforcing a state's human rights obligations 7. Denial of immunity as a means of enforcing a state's human rights obligations 8. Publicity as an instrument for the enforcement of human rights VI. Judicial enforcement of state obligations to 'respect and ensure' human rights 1. Enforcement of human rights through International Criminal Tribunals 2. The International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia 3. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda 4. The International Special Court of Sierra Leone Résumé

Book reviewed in this article:THE POLITICS OF DEPENDENCE: Papua New Guinea 1968. Edited by A. L. Epstein, R. S. Parker and Marie Reay.POLITICS IN NEW GUINEA: Traditional and in the context of change, some anthropological perspectives. Edited by Ronald M. Berndt and Peter Lawrence.PACIFIC POLITIES: Asian, Australasian, Oceanic. Edited by I. F. Nicolson and Colin A. Hughes.POLITICAL OPINION POLLS. By Frank Teer and James D. Spence.THE 1922: The Story of the Conservative Backbenchers' Parliamentary Committee.SOUTHERN AFRICA IN PERSPECTIVE: Essays in Regional Politics. Edited by Christian P. Potholm and Richard Dale. New York, The Free Press, 1972. Pp. xvi + 418. $14.25.SOUTH AFRICA AND THE WORLD: The Foreign Policy of Apartheid. By A. Vandenbosch.LABOUR IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN GOLD MINES 1911–1969. By Francis Wilson.WAR: Patterns of Conflict. By Richard E. Barringer.REFORM RULE IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA: The Dubcek Era 1968–1969. By Galia Golan.1914: DELUSION OR DESIGN?: The Testimony of Two German Diplomats. Edited by J. RON. ElekPROSPERITY AND DEPRESSION IN AUSTRALIA 1887–1897. By E. A. Boehm.METTERNICH. By Alan Palmer.PORTRAIT OF A DECISION: The Council of Four and the Treaty of Versailles. By H. Elcock.DECISION BY DEFAULT: Peacetime Conscription and British Defence. By P. Dennis.SOVIET ADVANCES IN THE MIDDLE EAST. By George Lenczowski. U.S. Interests in the Middle East Series.THE ARABIAN PENINSULA: Society and Politics. Edited by Derek Hopwood.LORD SALISBURY ON POLITICS: A selection from the articles in the Quarterly Review 1860–1883. Edited by Paul Smith.JOSÉ ANTONIO PRIME DE RIVERA, SELECTED WRITINGS. Edited and introduced by Hugh Thomas. Translated from the Spanish by Gudie Lawaetz. Roots of the Right: Readings in Fascist, Racial and Elitist Ideology. General Editor George Steiner.THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF FEBRUARY 1917. By Marc Ferro. Translated by J. L. Richards. Notes and Bibliography translated by Nicole Stone.THE SOVIET INTELLIGENTSIA: An Essay on the Social Structure and Roles of the Soviet Intellectuals During the 1960s. By L. G. Churchward.SOCIALIZATION TO POLITICS: A Reader. Edited by Jack Dennis.ESSAYS IN POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY. Ry A. F. Davies.THE ASIAN NEWSPAPERS' RELUCTANT REVOLUTION. Edited by John A. Lent. AmesREACTIONS TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. By R. C. Cobb.MAN IN THE PACIFIC ISLANDS: Essays on Geographical Change in the Pacific Islands. Edited by R. Gerard Ward.RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN ENGLAND 1790–1850. By W. R. Ward.THE POLITICS OF ELECTORAL COLLEGE *FORM. By L. D. Longley and A. G. Braun.THE SLOVAK DILEMMA. By Eugen Steiner.ECONOMIC POLICY IN SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA. By Rudolf Bićanić.CIVILIZING CAPITALISM: The Labor Movement in New South Wales 1870–1900.SUKARNO: A Political Biography. By J. D. Legge.TALES OF A REVOLUTION. By A. Hanifah. Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1972.A STUDY OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE: The Indonesian Experience. By S. Sloan.TRENDS IN INDONESIA. Edited by Y. M. Cheong.CONTINUITY AND CHANGE, IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. By Harry J. Benda.AUSTRALIAN COMPULSORY ARBITRATION 1900–1970. By J. H. Portus.STRIKE: A Live History 1887–1971. By R. A. Leeson.INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS IN THE COMMON MARKET. By Campbell Balfour.JAPANESE BLUE COLLAR: The Changing Tradition, By Robert E. Cole.

Eirik Furubotn and Svetozar Pejovich — Institutional Structure, Economie Incentives and the Yugoslav Firm.
The Yugoslav economic system of the seventies has evolved as a result of the governement's persistent search for new and more desirable institutional arrangements. While the process of change has gone forward largely by trial and error, the general objective has always been to find organizational forms that permit economic efficiency and incentives for innovation to exist in a socialist environment where private property rights in capital goods are effectively precluded. Particularly after the important reform of 1965, emphasis has been on economic decentralization and the creation of a system in which individual workers and consumers have substantial decision making power.
As the broad trend of economic reform has unfolded in Yugoslavia, there has developed, at another level, a set of concepts and technical tools required for the practical operation of the system. Of these, the notion of Dohodak, or net product, is of special significance to economists. What makes Dohodak important is that the analysis of the firm's net product, including consideration of the rules for its formation and distribution, represents a powerful means for examining the actual functioning of the Yugoslav economy. In general, any alteration in the legal structure under which the Yugoslav firm operates will tend to influence the size and allocation of net product and, hence, the pattern of economic rewards. Then, insofar as individuals are motivated by self-interest, incentives and behavior will be affected in turn. Each act of institutional reorganization implies a set of corresponding changes in the amount and type of output produced by the firm, the rate and direction of the firm's growth, the extend and quality of effort supplied by the labor force, etc.
The central premise of the study is that the regulations surrounding the formation and distribution of the firm's net product serve to define the effective economic choices open to the collective. Specifically, by considering the factors that affect Dohodak, it becomes possible to gain basic understanding of: (i) the nature of the legal and institutionnal constraints imposed on decision makers, (ii) the range of objectives that can be pursued by Yugoslav enterprises, and (iii) the probable causes of economic problems in a labor-managed economy of the Yugoslav type. In developing these themes, the evolution of the concept of Dohodak is traced over a number of historical periods since 1946. The paper then proceds to a discussion of the formation of the net product, of the firm, the analysis of legal and contractual obligations paid from the firms net product, and the consideration of internal distribution of net product between the Wage Fund and other funds. In the final section, some general remarks are made concerning the relation between Yugoslav economic organization and efficiency.

Regionalism has remained perhaps the most potent force in Indian politics ever since independence (1947), if not before. It has remained the main basis of many regional political parties which have been governing many states since the late 1960s. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which ruled at the federal level from 1999 to 2004, was but a medley of various region-based parties. Interestingly enough, regionalism has also remained the main basis of the communist movements in India which have grown in close identification with the regions, and are sustained therein. In the post-independence period, region is said to have often vied with the nation. The post-independence resurgence of regionalism in many parts of India baffled the observers of Indian politics, and offered as the basis of prediction of the country's "imminent balkanization" (Harrison 1960). The "crisis thesis" which was implicit in Harrison has been the theme of many subsequent accounts of Indian politics. The basic question that I seek to raise in this paper relates to the role played by Indian federalism in ensuring India's unity, stability and survival as a polity in the face of persistent regionalism, often verging on separation, rooted in manifold and complex social and cultural diversity, and mass poverty, illiteracy, extreme regional unevenness in development, and widespread inequality. The question has assumed special significance in the aftermath of the disintegration of the multi-ethnic and multi-national Soviet Union, and the split up of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. India's record of relative unity and integrity stands in sharp contrast to many post-colonial federations, which have failed, or broken down. In the age of what Eric Hobsbawm has called "nation-splitting", India's relative unity and integrity, and survival as a state is remarkable indeed. To be sure, regionalism is rooted in India's manifold diversity of languages, cultures, tribes, communities, religions and so on, and encouraged by the regional concentration of those identity markers, and fuelled by a sense of regional deprivation. For many centuries, India remained the land of many lands, regions, cultures and traditions. The country of more than a billion people inhabiting some 3, 287, 263sq km., India's broad regions, socio-culturally speaking, are distinct from one another. For instance, southern India (the home of Dravidian cultures), which is itself a region of many regions, is evidently different from the north, the west, the central and the north-east. Even the east of India is different from the North-East of India comprising today seven constituent units of Indian federation with the largest concentration of tribal peoples. The British colonial division of the Indian territory broadly between the directly-ruled provinces, and some 560 (indirectly-ruled) autocratic princely kingdoms of many sizes, religions, tribes, and languages added complexity to regionalism in India. Even after various phases of territorial reorganization since 1950, most regions of India contain many sub-regions marked by some social and cultural identity symbols. In India, regionalism, or the acute sense of loyalty to the particular region manifested itself variously. It has often expressed itself in antagonistic terms to that of the nation, fuelled as it is by the sense of enduring deprivation due to long-term neglect in development, and resource redistribution. Regionalism has often expressed itself in terms, which are opposed to national unity and integrity, and challenging to the legitimacy of the state. While the rulers have most often liked to see in regionalism "a very serious threat to the development, progress and unity of the country", some scholars have expressed similar views by seeing regionalism as "anti-system, anti-federal" and so on. But positively oriented scholar have seen values in regionalism in the context of building the nation, or national cohesion provided the political system is accommodative of timely meeting the demands of the regions. The literature on regionalism, its meaning, forms, causes and consequences in India etc are already vast, and there is perhaps little to add to clarifying the meaning of regionalism in India, or its forms and content. The basic point that I would highlight in this respect is that internal self-determination of community, whether linguistic, tribal, religious, regional, or their combinations, has remained the predominant form in which regionalism in India has sought to express itself, historically as well as contemporaneously. Most often, self-determination has been couched in terms of statehood or state autonomy.

In October this year, Science published a journalistic investigation into quality of peer review in open access journals [1]. The results were sobering. Around 60% of all journals accepted to publish a research paper with most obvious and basic mistakes - in fact the whole paper, its data, authors and their affiliations were entirely made up by the journalist, John Bohannon, to expose poor peer review. The article has provoked a lot of media attention as well as a backlash from open-access publishers and supporters, who called it unethical, unsound and even accused the journalist of being racist (for making up authors with African names). But regardless of the criticisms, the paper's surprising findings stand and should be a cause of grave concern for science and science publishing: it shows that many - if not most - open access journals do not have a strict enough editorial and peer review process to catch poor research and flawed papers. The article intrigued me especially, as I commissioned a similar feature article for the website where I edit new and feature, SciDev.Net, which we published earlier this year [2]. I also had the idea of sending out fake and flawed papers to catch 'bad journals' who accept it, but the time and money needed to do this meant we ended up skipping the investigative part, and we based our article only on reporting interviews with people affected. The key findings were that this is a global problem with some journals prey on researchers going for their money but not providing proper peer review, and that pressure to publish draws scientists, especially in developing countries, to publish in such journals. Experts suggested investigation and regulation is needed to ensure proper peer review, but there was little indication that this regulation will happen any time soon. Another key reason for not sending out fake papers were concerns over how to do this ethically and legally - in fact, the prospects of being sued by journals or their publishers for even talking about this issue meant that we had to be extra careful and run the article by media lawyers, as well as amend some sections and still accept some risk of being sued. Bohannon, in his recent interview with The Scholarly Kitchen blog, says his investigation, too, was initially held back by an editor who feared a lawsuit [3]. And here's the thing: there is a huge number of journals and publishers out there doing a poor job indeed, publishing suspect science and some charging scientists money for it, and yet this is not illegal - and there is no national or international body that can order such journals to shut down. What they do is bad for science, good for publishers who make money off it and even good for some scientists who choose to publish there simply not to perish - rather than having any significant findings to communicate, and yet it is not against any law to do so. Yet journalists wanting to report on this issue fear being sued and are being held back from even investigating the issue. This is why I think Science's article is so important: it was brave enough to investigate this issue and expose bad practice even though the prospect of a lawsuit was very real along the way [3]. This is what real journalism is about: telling stories that someone somewhere does not want you to tell; and seeing it done in science, where we rarely have investigative stories is especially satisfying. And even after this expose there may be no consequences for most of the journals and publishers. Indeed, apart form InTech's (Rijeka-based publisher) International Journal of Integrative Medicine, which closed down as I reported at Retraction Watch blog [4], Bohannon says he is not aware of any other closures [3]. In the legal void in which anyone can set up a 'scientific journal' online and start charging scientists for 'publishing' there it is up to national and international grant giving bodies and funders to act to exclude journals with poor peer review from being accepted in scientists grant, job and promotion applications. Science's investigation included most - or all, as Bohannon claims - of open access publishers that publish in English and in sciences (such as biology, medicine, chemistry), targeting 304 journals many of which were listed in Directory of Open Access Journals, and some, tellingly, in Beall's List of predatory publishers. This left out thousands of journals that publish in local languages, including many in our region of South-East Europe. Croatia alone, has 343 academic journals listed on the central portal of Croatian scientific journals - Hrčak [5]. Most of these are open access and funded by the government, yet scientists often criticise many of them for being a waste of public money and dumps for bad science that cannot be published in better international journals [6]. Quality of peer review, especially in domestic language is also brought into question [6]. Similarly, in Serbia, SCIndeks lists 411 academic journals [7]. Yet, Centre for Evaluation in Education and Science, which runs the index together with National Library of Serbia, found recently that up to 11% of all articles published there contained some sort of plagiarism [8]. The centre itself admitted later that "after about one-year time we have to admit that the expected response by journal editors is still missing" and itself it only excluded two of the biggest culprits out of SCIndeks [9]. Similarly, my own journalistic investigation into what how, if at all, plagiarised papers are then retracted from journals in Serbia [10] and Croatia [11] shows a lack of standard practices and wide variation in retraction practices - often not following internationally accepted guidance, such as those set by COPE. If journals fail to detect plagiarism, which is a routine procedure these days, one wonders what the state of peer review and detection of other forms of misconduct may be. Indeed, a more recent study by the same centre found what is calls"a citation cartel created for manipulative purposes by two predatory journals" published by a publisher based in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but where many Serbian researchers regularly publish, in what the study called a cartel (i.e. scientists know they are doing a bad thing, paying public money to publish in their friends' journals, and citing other studies in those journals to artificially boost their impact factors) [12]. What these examples highlight is that by no means has the publishing misconduct - or at least suspect practices - bypassed our region. In fact, small scientific communities, peer review in local languages, and lack of publishing and scientific expertise are all likely to exacerbate the problems in conducting proper peer review in small and local journals. Indeed, out of five journals in the former Yugoslavia, which Bohannon targeted, only one - the journal you are reading - has recognized the problems with the fake paper and decided to reject it. The other four: International Journal of Integrative Medicine (In Tech, Croatia), Journal of Plant Biology Research (International Network for Applied Sciences and Technology, BH), Acta Facultatis Medicae Naisensis (Medical Faculty of University of Niš, Serbia), and Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences (Institute of Immunobiology and Human Genetics in Skopje, Macedonia) all accepted it and if this was not a journalistic investigation they could have all be by now had published similar fake papers. When asked about this case, the editorial offices of the Journal of Plant Biology Research and Acta Facultatis Medicae Naisensis did not reply to my e-mails, which is discouraging. It shows how little transparency some journals are prepared to have in their work, and to what extent they can simply ignore such exposes by even the venerable Sciencemagazine. The answers I received from the other three journals' editorial offices shine some light on the issues in the region [13]. Editor of the Macedonian Journal of Medical Sciences, Professor Mirko Spiroski, PhD, MD, told me his editorial team and peer reviewers did not have expertise in the field the fake article was in, and after seeking ten peer reviews and only receiving one back (a single line review), they decided to accept the paper nevertheless. InTech basically said they gave their appointed scientific editors, who were not part of the firm, full freedom in peer review and then blamed the mistake on them. This shows a lack of in-house expertise in some journals and a worrying degree of relying on outside editors or peer reviewers with little oversight to make the decisions on whether to publish a paper or not. In contrast, the editors of this journal, Professor Bakir Mehić, PhD, MD and AminaValjevac, PhD, MD highlighted the value of in-house pre-review check of papers, before sending them out to peer reviewers. As the world continues to debate the merits of, and potentially better ways of doing, peer review (e.g. post-publication peer review, Peerage of Science's or LIBRE's community peer review before it reaches journals), we should take care to ensure proper peer review in our journal now. It is not rocket science and it has worked for centuries now. And national bodies and funders should recognize good practice and reward hard-working and ethical editorial offices to stimulate excellence and better peer review, while at the same time punishing the misconduct and being quicker and more proactive in striking off known offenders off citation indices and lists of journals accepted for official grants and job promotions.

"How can liberal democracy best be realized in a world fraught with conflicting new forms of identity politics and intensifying conflicts over culture? This book brings unparalleled clarity to the contemporary debate over this question. Maintaining that cultures are themselves torn by conflicts about their own boundaries, Seyla Benhabib challenges the assumption shared by many theorists and activists that cultures are clearly defined wholes. She argues that much debate--including that of "strong" multiculturalism, which sees cultures as distinct pieces of a mosaic--is dominated by this faulty belief, one with grave consequences for how we think injustices among groups should be redressed and human diversity achieved. Benhabib masterfully presents an alternative approach, developing an understanding of cultures as continually creating, re-creating, and renegotiating the imagined boundaries between "us" and "them." Drawing on contemporary cultural politics from Western Europe, Canada, and the United States, Benhabib develops a double-track model of deliberative democracy that permits maximum cultural contestation within the official public sphere as well as in and through social movements and the institutions of civil society. Agreeing with political liberals that constitutional and legal universalism should be preserved at the level of polity, she nonetheless contends that such a model is necessary to resolve multicultural conflicts. Analyzing in detail the transformation of citizenship practices in European Union countries, Benhabib concludes that flexible citizenship, certain kinds of legal pluralism and models of institutional powersharing are quite compatible with deliberative democracy, as long as they are in accord with egalitarian reciprocity, voluntary self-ascription, and freedom of exit and association. The Claims of Culture offers invaluable insight to all those, whether students or scholars, lawyers or policymakers, who strive to bridge the gap between the theory and practice of cultural politics in the twenty-first century"--Publisher description

Uvod/Cilj. Tortura, kao poseban vid političkog nasilja, predstavlja ekstremnu primenu nasilnog ponašanja u interpersonalnim odnosima, koji za posledicu mogu imati ne samo akutne psihijatrijske poremećaje, već, veoma često snažne i dalekosežne negativne posledice po ukupno psihosocijalno funkcionisanje žrtve. Cilj ovog rada bio je ustanovljavanje međupolnih razlika kod osoba koje su pretrpele ratnu torturu, s obzirom na vrste pretrpljenog mučenja i karakteristike psihičkih posledica. Metode. Ispitanike (410 osoba muškog i 76 ženskog pola) činili su korisnici 'Centra za rehabilitaciju žrtava torture' - IAN, koji su pretrpeli mučenje u zatvorima i koncentracionim logorima za vreme građanskih ratova u bivšoj Jugoslaviji 1991-1995. i 1999. godine. Za evidentiranje vrsta mučenja korišćen je Upitnik o vrstama mučenja sa 81 stavkom. Za procenu karaktera i intenziteta psiholoških tegoba korišćena je skala provere simptoma-revidirana verzija (SCL-90-R), a za procenu posttraumatske simptomatologije korišćena je Skala uticaja (traumatskog) događaja - IES. Rezultati. Ustanovljena je međupolna razlika prema tipu pretrpljenog mučenja kod 33 vrste torture; 28 su bili češće zastupljeni kod osoba muškog pola, a 5 kod osoba ženskog pola. Faktorska analiza pokazala je postojanje tri faktora koja objašnjavaju 29% ukupne varijanse i protumačeni su kao 'obična tortura', 'sadistička tortura' i 'seksualna tortura'. Diskriminativna analiza ukazala je na značajno razlikovanje među polovima s obzirom na dobijene faktore: kod muškaraca bili su značajno češće prisutni 'obična tortura' i 'sadistička tortura', a kod žena 'seksualna tortura'. Analizom SCL-90-R ustanovljeno je da su aktuelne psihološke tegobe značajno veće kod osoba ženskog pola u dimenzijama somatizacije, depresivnosti, anksioznosti, opsesivnosti i interpersonalne senzitivnosti. Generalni skor na IES i skor na supskalama 'nametanja' traumatskih događaja i 'izbegavanja' socijalnih interakcija bio je značajno veći kod žena nego kod muškaraca. Zaključak. Žene izložene ratnoj torturi bile su kraće i ređe izložene mučenju nego muškarci, ali imaju značajnije izražene posttraumatske tegobe i druge psihičke smetnje. Ustanovljene međupolne razlike u odnosu na različite forme torture, pri čemu su žene značajno češće bile izložene 'seksualnoj torturi', a muškarci 'sadističkoj' i 'običnoj' torturi, ne mogu u potpunosti objasniti češću pojavu posttraumatskih psiholoških posledica kod žena. ; Background/Aim. Torture for political reasons is an extreme violence in interpersonal relations resulting in not only acute psychiatric disorders but also very often in very severe and far reaching negative consequences for the overall psychosocial functioning of a victim. The aim of this study was to investigate gender differences in types of torture and psychological consequences in subjects who experienced war torture. Methods. A sample (410 men and 76 women) included clients of 'Centre for rehabilitation of torture victims - IAN, Belgrade' who experienced torture in prisons and concentration camps during civil wars in ex-Yugoslavia 1991-1995 and 1999. Types of Torture Questionnaire with 81 items was used for collecting data about forms of torture. Symptom Checklist 90-Revised (SCL-90- R) was used for assessing type and intensity of psychological symptoms, and Impact of Event Scale (IES) was used to estimate posttraumatic complaints. Results. A gender difference was found for 33 types of torture: 28 more frequent in men, and 5 in women. Factor analysis of torture types revealed three factors explaining 29% of variance: 'common torture', 'sadistic torture', and 'sexual torture'. Discriminant analysis revealed significant gender difference concerning the factors. 'Common torture' and 'sadistic torture' were more prominent in men, and 'sexual torture' was more present in women. Higher scores on depression, anxiety, somatization, interpersonal sensitivity and obsessive-compulsive dimensions on SCL-90-R were found in women. General score and scores of subscales (intrusion and avoidance) on IES were significantly higher in women. Conclusion. Women exposed to war torture experienced less torture techniques and shorter imprisonment than men, but had more frequent and severe symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder and other psychological symptoms. Gender differences in posttraumatic symptomatology can not be explained exclusively by gender differences in types of torture found in this study.

The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that "the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda." (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as "a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians" in the United States and "a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years." (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.

With the very first forms of defense sciences (as established in Serbia back in the second half of the 19th century), the first simplified forms and contents of the police science development emerge too. By the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century the defense sciences had a decisive and strong influence on the development of the corpus of police disciplines and subsequently the police science. The first schools concerned with police activities were founded in the period between the two world wars, as police schools. The founder of these schools was Archibald Reiss, who passed his European knowledge into the Serbian police jaws. Even though, apart from police experts in the Gendarmerie School and in the Police School, a great number of instructors were of military profession. After World War Two, in Serbia and in the then SFR Yugoslavia huge needs emerged for police personnel, but at the time this personnel also came mostly from the ranks of military schools and academies. In a while, the establishment of the Secondary School of Internal Affairs and the High School of Internal Affairs opened a path for the development of police sciences. By the end of 1970s and until the beginning of 1990s, due to the lack of personnel with higher education, the major part of the police leading personnel, after the completion of the Secondary School of Internal Affairs, was referred to the Military Academy where they acquired higher level knowledge and skills in police units leadership. With the establishment of the Police Academy early in the last decade of the 20th century, a path was opened for the police science to leave the defense science corpus, as a separate science, under an influence of legal, economic and other sciences. In spite of its initial success and final division from other sciences, the police science is still under strong influence of defense sciences, particularly as regards the doctrinal, and consequently the personnel aspect. At the beginning of the third millennium, in the Serbian new education system, defense sciences deserve to be one of the founding pillars in creating highly educated and Europe-preferred profile of a future professional. In this regard, defense sciences are expected to be leading and founding the acceptance of police science as a modern science established on the foundation of defense sciences. Thus, a new education profile, such as a police diplomat, has been created as, in a way, a legal successor in the military diplomat affairs. Therefore, defense sciences are a mirror, and the police science is a reflection, of the future educated professional for security matters. ; Od prvih oblika nauka odbrane (koje su utvrđene u Srbiji još u drugoj polovini XIX veka) počinju sa razvojem i prve simplicizovane forme i sadržaji razvoja nauke o policiji. Nauke odbrane su krajem XIX i početkom XX veka imale presudan i snažan uticaj za razvoj korpusa policijskih disciplina i kasnije nauke o policiji. Prve škole koje su razmatrale policijske poslove nastaju između dva svetska rata, i to policijske škole, čiji je rodonačelnik Arčibald Rajs, koji je svoje evropsko znanje preneo u srpske policijske ralje. Bez obzira na sve to, pored policijskih stručnjaka u Žandarmerijskoj i Policijskoj školi veliki deo su činili i nastavnici vojne struke. Nakon Drugog svetskog rata u Srbiji i tadašnjoj SFRJ nastale su goleme potrebe za policijskim kadrom, ali su i tada ti kadrovi uglavnom bili iz redova vojnih škola i akademija. Ubrzo, nastankom Srednje škole unutrašnjih poslova i Više škole unutrašnjih poslova, otvara se put ka razvoju nauke u policiji. Nedostatkom fakultetski obrazovnog kadra, krajem sedamdesetih i sve do početka devedesetih godina prošlog veka, najveći deo rukovodećeg kadra u policiji je nakon završene Srednje škole unutrašnjih poslova upućivan u Vojnu akademiju, gde su sticali svoja fakultetska znanja i sposobnosti u rukovođenju policijskim jedinicama. Nastankom Policijske akademije, početkom poslednje decenije 20. veka, otvoren je put da se iz korpusa nauka odbrane, kao zasebna nauka, uz uticaj pravnih, ekonomskih i drugih nauka izdvoji nauka o policiji. I pored prvobitnog uspeha i konačnog izdvajanja iz drugih nauka, nauka o policiji još uvek podnosi snažan uticaj nauka odbrane, pre svega u doktrinarnom, posledično i u kadrovskom smislu. Nauke odbrane zaslužuju da budu u novom obrazovnom sistemu Srbije, početkom trećeg milenijuma, jedan od temelja stvaranja visoko-obrazovnog i evropski poželjnog profila budućeg profesionalca. S tim u vezi, očekuje se da nauke odbrane budu predvodnik i utemeljitelj prihvatanja nauke o policiji, kao savremene nauke nastale na temelju nauka odbrane. Tako, novi obrazovni profil, kao što je policijski diplomata, nastao je, na neki način, kao pravni sledbenik u poslovima vojnog diplomate. Dakle, nauke odbrane su ogledalo, a nauka o policiji odsjaj budućeg obrazovanog profesionalca za pitanja bezbednosti.

Der Zerfall des sozialistischen Jugoslawien ließ aus seinen acht föderalen Einheiten sieben neue Staaten entstehen. Die einzige bislang unerforschte Ausnahme ist dabei die Autonome Provinz Vojvodina, die weiterhin ein Teil Serbiens bleibt, wenn auch mit einer erheblich eingeschränkten Autonomie. Insbesondere Fragen nach Qualität bzw. Quantität der Autonomie waren Gegenstand heftiger politischer Auseinandersetzungen in der Vojvodina seit Ende der 1980er Jahre. Die politischen Unterschiede zwischen den "Autonomisten" in der Provinz, die sich auch in den 1990ern für eine breite Autonomie einsetzten, und der Belgrader Zentralregierung, deren Macht auf der Idee eines starken vereinten Serbiens beruhte, wurden von den ersteren zunehmend als historisch vorbestimmte kulturelle Differenzen ausgelegt, die hier als "Phantomgrenzen" untersucht werden. In Form verschiedener symbolisch verknüpfter Aussagen über die historische Besonderheit der Bevölkerung, Wirtschaft und Kultur der Vojvodina wurden die politischen Forderungen nach mehr Autonomie wiederholt bekräftigt. Diese wiederum wurde auch als Schutz vor dem und Gegenmodell zum erstarkten serbischen Nationalismus der "Ära Milošević" dargestellt. Im Laufe der inzwischen mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte fügten sich diese Deutungen zu einem neuen Autonomiediskurs zusammen. Wie dieser entstand, d.h. welche Akteure wie und zu welchen Zwecken die Phantomgrenzen der Vojvodina wieder auftauchen ließen, sowie welche Bedeutung die Autonomieidee in der Umbruchszeit der 1990er Jahre im Alltag der Menschen in der Vojvodina erlangte, sind zentrale Forschungsfragen der Fallstudie. Sie bietet damit nicht nur neue empirische Erkenntnisse zur Geschichte des jugoslawischen Staatszerfalls und der postsozialistischen Zeit in Südosteuropa, sondern ermöglicht mit dem verwendeten Modell der "Phantomgrenzen" auch neue Einblicke in und allgemeine Aussagen über das Wiederauftauchen von Geschichte und historischen Grenzen in Osteuropa nach 1989.