On 29th - 30th March 2007, SUERF and the Central Bank of Cyprus jointly organized a Seminar: Corporate Governance in Financial Institutions. The papers in the present publication are based on a sample of the presentations at the Seminar. Together, the papers illuminate a number of key issues in corporate governance in a variety of financial firms. In the first paper based on a keynote address, Spyros G. Stavrinakis, Central Bank of Cyprus gives an overview of the legal framework for corporate governance in financial institutions in Cyprus. According to a Central BankDirective issued in 2006, implementation of corporate governance principles is mandatory for all banks incorporated in Cyprus and their overseas branches and for some Cyprus branches of foreign banks domiciled outside the European Economic Area. Banks are obliged to have a robust internal governance framework, consistent lines of reporting and effective risk identification, management, monitoring and reporting procedures for all the risks to which credit institutions are actually or potentially exposed. The board of directors should take the lead in establishing and approving ethical standards and corporate values for itself and for the bank's senior executive management. Potential conflicts of interest should be identified, prevented or appropriately managed. Each bank should maintain a compliance function that monitors compliance with rules, regulations and policies. Clear lines of responsibility and accountability should be set and enforced. New members of the board of directors as well as the senior executive managers of banks have to be vetted and approved by the Central Bank of Cyprus for their " fitness and properness." In order to ensure transparency concerning the implementation of the principles, each bank's corporate governance framework should be disclosed in the bank's annual report and on its public website. In the second paper by Christian Harm, University of Muenster, "The Governance of the Banking Firm" the author builds on the literatures on corporate governance and financial regulation. In relation to governance of financial institutions, agency theory has both merits and shortcomings. It provides good explanations in many delegation situations but it has severe difficulties in dealing with institutions with several stakeholders and complex objective functions for the management. Firms guided by shareholder value may work more effectively than firms guided by stakeholder cacophony. Depositors are important stakeholders in banks. Since they are typically incapable of managing the supervision of their claims on the bank, they rely on regulators to do it for them. Remuneration systems for bank managers should provide proper incentives. According to the author, incentives should be structured such as to reward particular strategic achievements. Banks can apply executive stock option plans, but should confine options to a secondary place behind other long-term incentives based on success criteria that further shareholder interests without compromising the regulatory mission. Such an incentive framework tends, however, to be very complex so that the general ambiguities associated with the concept of governance could imply that in the banking firm, selecting managers with a proper intrinsic motivation may be superior to defining complex remuneration programs. In the third paper "Corporate Governance Issues in Non-Shareholder Value Financial Institutions: ACase Study of Mutual Building Societies in the UK", David T. Llewellyn, Loughborough University, focuses on corporate governance in non-incorporated financial firms. The author describes the relevant stakeholders and the nature of agency problems in different types of financial firms. He compares monitoring mechanisms, incentives, abilities and feasibilities of managers and members of mutuals. Mutuality raises specific corporate governance issues: Corporate governance is less clearly defined because the firm's objectives are less clearly defined. Conflicts of interest between managers and owners are less easily identified and it is more difficult to create management incentives. The almost exclusive source of capital is retained profits and each member has a non-exclusive and non-marketable claim to residual net worth. Voting rights are typically not proportional to the size of the ownership stake. There is no market in ownership claims and therefore no effective market in corporate control. Consequently, there is ample scope for mutuals to be inefficient. There is, however, no evidence that the efficiency and performance of mutuals are poorer that that of incorporated financial firms. In the fourth paper "Corporate Governance in Emerging Market Banks", Bridget Gandy, Fitch Ratings Ltd., and her co-authors from the rating agency look at the framework for corporate governance of banks in a sample of emerging market countries. Since the crisis in the late 1990s in Latin America and Asia, there has been a marked improvement in corporate governance of financial institutions in the regions under observation. Many countries have taken legal steps to develop functioning market economies with a view to the need to satisfy the demands of international capital markets. Several banks have listed their shares on stock exchanges in developed markets and foreign bank ownership and involvement in local banking systems have increased. In Central and Eastern Europe, countries' desire for EU-accession has impacted on the development of their corporate governance systems. At the individual bank level, Fitch Ratings looks at bank board independence and quality, oversight and the importance of related party transactions, the integrity of the audit process, acceptability of executive and director remuneration, ownership structures and transparency. In evaluating the quality of governance at the country level, the authors apply a three-pillar approach in line with Montesquieu: Powers and responsibilities need to be separated between a representative legislature, a competent and accountable executive branch and a fair and independent judiciary. The paper contains an interesting table in which a number of key regulatory initiatives in a sample of emerging market countries are compared. The authors point out that large scale privatizations have reduced the importance of state-owned banks in many countries. There are, however, still several examples with complex holding structures involving banks with potential negative implications for corporate governance quality and problems with related party transactions. Acquisitions by foreign banks with developed corporate governance standards have generally had a positive impact and also listing of bank shares on foreign stock exchanges with tough disclosure and transparency requirements have contributed positively to the quality of corporate governance in emerging market banks. Read together, the four papers give a good overview of the development of corporate governance practices and remaining problems in financial institutions of different types and with domicile in different countries.
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
How it started/how it is goingLouis Althusser is most known for his argument regarding an epistemic break between the young and mature Marx. According to Althusser the works of the eighteen forties, most significantly The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, are burdened by a humanist and idealist conception of history that Marx inherited from Feuerbach and Hegel. In this conception capitalism alienates humanity from his or her productive essence. Marx breaks with this influence over the course of the eighteen fifties, eventually developing his own, anti-humanist and materialist philosophy in Capital. Marx broke with his focus on humanity and the human essence to focus on capitalism as a system of relations of exploitation. Althusser in part borrowed this notion of a break, a division between ideology and science, from Spinoza's understanding of the division between the first and second kind of knowledge in the Ethics. Althusser equated the first kind of knowledge with ideology, with the imagination, and the second (and third), with science. That Althusser relied on Spinoza's epistemology to drive a wedge between the young and the old Marx has, as its perhaps unstated corollary, that Spinoza is to be identified with the late Marx, with Capital.The connection is not just Spinoza in general, but the Ethics. It is from the Ethics that Althusser would draw most of his central arguments, not just the epistemic break, but also immanent causality and the theory of ideology. The Spinoza/Marx connection in Althusser is most of all a connection between the Ethics and Capital, those two completed works of maturity. Two recent works on Althusser and Spinoza have not so much questioned this connection, but complicated and expanded it. Juan Domingo Sánchez Estop's Althusser et Spinoza: Détours et Retours, cites an interview from 1966 in which Althusser states, "the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus is the Capital of Spinoza, because Spinoza is preoccupied above all with history and politics." This point is further developed in Jean Matthys' Althusser Lecture de Spinoza . Matthys shows that the connection between Spinoza, Marx, and Althusser is the problem of reading. Spinoza reads scripture in order to reveal the hidden text of obedience, its politics; Marx reads political economy in order to find the politics it necessarily cannot admit; and Althusser reads Marx to find the philosophy that he never developed. This is not to discount the emphasis of the Ethics on Althusser's thought, or to argue for some kind of break between the TTP and the Ethics, but to insist on not only different theoretical stakes and objects, such as the theory of reading, and as Matthys argues, a different idea of what it means to do theory, not a grandiose system but a specific intervention (I should add that this model of theory makes it easier to trace a direct connection to the conjunctural interventions of Balibar and Macherey). I make this connection only to make a different suggestion, a very un-Althusserian one, as I have mentioned, again and again on this blog, on social media, to random people on the street, I recently translated Franck Fischbach's La Production des hommes: Marx avec Spinoza, now out in English as Marx With Spinoza: Production, Alienation, History. One of the many merits of this book is that it argues for a connection between Spinoza's Ethics and Marx's Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844. In doing so it makes a case for a post or non-humanist reading of the 1844 Manuscripts. In doing so he joins Gerard Granel and, more obliquely, Deleuze and Guattari in arguing for a nonhumanist reading of that text. I will say, as something as an aside, that one of the strange things about the argument about the humanism of the young Marx is that it is rarely contested; it is more or less accepted as either a good thing, Marx is a humanist, Yay!, or a bad, thing, Marx is a humanist, Boo!. In philosophy, where everything is a Kampfplatz, and nothing is settled once and for, it seems odd that this point has remained mostly uncontested.Fischbach does not directly contest this claim about the young Marx, but transforms it through the engagement with Spinoza. Fischbach's own particular strategy of reading is to use Spinoza as an agent, a developer, to bring to light the philosophical dimension of Marx's thought. Following this we can say that if for Spinoza the formulation of humanism is to treat man as a "kingdom within a kingdom," as something that breaks rather than confirms nature's laws, then Marx's assertion in the 1844 Manuscripts that man is a part of nature is consistently Spinozist. To quote Marx,"Man lives on nature – means that nature is his body, with which he must remain in continuous interchange if he is not to die. That man's physical and spiritual life is linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to itself, for man is a part of nature."As Fischbach writes, summing up this connection."What exactly does this affirmation of man as a being of nature, as a part of nature, mean for Marx, because after all, he could or could not give these formulations a literal spinozist sense. It means first of all that man is "objective, natural, and sensuous" that is to say a finite mode amongst an infinity of other such modes. The determination of humanity as a objective being would be returned to by Marx again and again up to and including Capital, where he writes that, "the human being itself, considered as a pure existence of labor power, is a natural object, a thing, certainly living and conscious of itself, but a thing—and work properly speaking is a reification of this force." Adopting the point of view according to which the human being is first of all a being in nature, a thing in the world, is exactly to adopt the spinozist point of view according to which humans must first be grasped as a finite mode: to start, as does Spinoza, from the double fact, to know that on one hand that "man thinks" and, on the other, that "we feel that a certain body is affected in many ways," it being understood that these two traits are at the same level and of equal importance..."This is not to say that this is a simple identity, humanity is nature, Marx is Spinoza. All of these strategies of the "sive" from Spinoza's Deus sive Natura to "man is nature" are transformations as much as they are identifications. If humanity is part of nature, then that also means that nature and history are not opposed but part of the same process of transformation. As Fischbach writes, "What preserves Marx from a hypostasis of historicity is, as we have already seen, precisely his Spinozism. Because if there is a philosophy that does not know the opposition between nature and history and which resists positing their separation, it is the philosophy of Spinoza. Not just because there is for Spinoza no real difference between nature and history, but also because with Spinoza it is difficult to even hope to understand history if one isolates it from the general order of nature. If the actors of history are certainly the peoples and states, the latter nonetheless are first and foremost made up of natural individuals, subject as such to natural necessity. If history is the history of states, and the history of a state is the history of its formation, its development, dissolution, and disappearance is made by internal dissensions and other seditions. In other words, there is for Spinoza in the Political Treatise a knowledge of nature that makes possible the understanding of history, a nature that makes history intelligible. History is made up of nothing other than the natural effort that human beings expend in order to create their collective power, to create the conditions that increase this power, and from the causes (equally natural) which contradict this effort and return human beings to their native impotence. We can therefore say, as Etienne Balibar argues, that with respect to Spinoza "nature…is nothing other than a new way of thinking about history, according to a method of rational exegesis that seeks to explain events by their causes." Historical knowledge cannot be of a different order than natural knowledge for the reason that actors of history are themselves nothing other than things in nature, parts of nature."Lastly, to add one more sive to the list, as the passage above indicates the relation of human beings to nature, of nature and history, is all because of another relation, equally important and equally overlooked, and that is humanity to society: humanity, that is society. We are nature and historical beings because we are social beings. Of course this sentence could be rewritten in multiple ways, we are social because we are natural (our needs met by society), or we historical because we are natural, and so on. Part of nature, part of history, part of society. This conception underlies one of Fischbach's most important theoretical interventions, a redefinition of alienation, not as the loss of the self, the subject in an object, but a reduction to subjectivity,"This is why we interpret Marx's concept of alienation not as a new version of a loss of the subject in the object, but as a radically new thought, of the loss of the essential and vital objects for an existence that is itself essentially objective and vital....Alienation is not therefore the loss of the subject in the object it is the loss of object for a being that is itself objective. But the loss of proper objects and the objectivity of its proper being is also the loss of all possible inscription of one's activity in objectivity, it is the loss of all possible mastery of objectivity, as well as other effects: in brief, the becoming subject is essentially a reduction to impotence. The becoming subject or the subjectivation of humanity is thus inseparable according to Marx from what is absolutely indispensable for capitalism, the existence of a mass of "naked workers"—that is to say pure subjects possessors of a perfectly abstract capacity to work—individual agents of a purely subjective power of labor and constrained to sell its use to another to the same extent that they are totally dispossessed of the entirety of objective conditions (means and tools of production, matter to work on) to put to effective work their capacity to work."This is one merit of rereading the 1844 Manuscripts today, a new definition of alienation, one that is well suited to a world in which we are encouraged to see our existence as "kingdoms within a kingdom," separated from nature, history, and society, as our liberation and freedom. Fischbach shows how the reduction to pure subjectivity, a subject without nature, history, or society is subjection, not liberation. However, I would like to close with a different justification, that in the age of the collapse of the three ecologies, to borrow Guattari's term, natural, social, and psychic, we need to take up the problems of the 1844 Manuscripts in a nonhumanist way, to rethink what it means to be part of nature, history, and society. This is a different sort of theoretical intervention than what Althusser called for, more philosophical, even metaphysical.
I. Statement of the Problem -- II. Jurists and Unilateral Denunciation -- Zouche -- Wolff -- Grotius -- Vattel -- Wildman -- Rivier -- Halleck -- Kent -- F. von Martens -- Calvo -- Bonfils -- Bello -- Cavaglieri -- Guggenheim -- Ross -- Liszt -- Bluntschli -- Sauer -- Spiropoulos -- Schwarzenberger -- Fauchille -- Rousseau -- Anzilotti -- Verdross -- Fenwick -- Dupuis -- Axell Moller -- Fiore -- Wheaton -- Moore -- Pitt Cobbett -- Hall -- Crandall -- Oppenheim -- Hyde -- Brierly -- McNair -- Fitzmaurice -- Korovin -- The Harvard Research in International Law -- The American Law Institute -- The United Nations International Law Commission -- Conclusion -- III. Judges and Unilateral Denunciation -- The Tacna Arica Case -- The Diversion of Water from the Meuse Case -- Ware v. Hylton -- In re Thomas -- Hooper v. The United States -- The Chinese Exclusion Case -- Terlinden v. Ames -- Charlton v. Kelly -- The Blonde and Other Ships Case -- In re Lepeschkin -- Attorney-General of the Court of Appeal of Brussels v. Aron -- In re Totarko -- Security for Costs (Switzerland) Case -- Conclusion -- IV. Private Law Analogy and Unilateral Denunciation -- French Law -- German Law -- Other Continental and Latin American Legal Systems -- English Law -- American Law -- Indian Law -- Soviet Law -- Islamic Law -- Japanese Law -- Chinese Law -- Conclusion -- V. Related Problems -- Pacta Sunt Servanda and Unilateral Denunciation -- Unilateral Denunciation and Unanimity Rule -- The Rule of Extinctive Prescription and Unilateral Denunciation -- A Violated Treaty — Void or Voidable ? -- The Limitation of Substantial Breach -- The Principle of Severability of Provisions -- Unilateral Denunciation and Law-Making Treaty -- The Concept of the Rule of Law and Unilateral Denunciation -- The Sanction of What is Proper and Public Opinion -- VI. Practice of States and Unilateral Denunciation -- The Anglo-American Treaty of Peace of 3 September 1783 -- The Franco-American Treaties, 1778–1790 -- The Ancient Anglo-Spanish Treaties -- Convention between Great Britain, the Netherlands and Russia, 19 May 1815 -- The Russo-British Convention of 16 November 1831 -- The Declaration of Paris of 1856 -- The Anglo-Transval Boers Agreement of 1852 -- The Treaty of 11th May 1867 on the Neutrality of Luxemburg -- The Treaty of London of 1839 on the Neutrality of Belgium -- The Treaty of Paris of 1856 -- The Anglo-Uruguayan Postal Agreement of 28 November 1853 -- The Anglo-Honduran Agreement of 27 August 1856 -- The Proposed Anglo-American Treaty of Extradition of 1876 -- The Anglo-American Treaty of Extradition of 9 August 1842 -- The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty of 19 April 1850 -- The Sino-American Treaties, 1844–1880 -- Reciprocal Trade Agreements between the U.S.A. and Other States -- The Italo-American Extradition Conventions of 8 February 1864 & 1884 -- The Russo-American Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, 1832 -- The Fifth Treaty of the Triple Alliance, 5 December 1912 -- The Prusso-American Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, 1828 -- The Japanese-American Agreement of 1907–08 -- Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice -- Treaty for the Renunciation of War (Briand-Kellog Pact), 1928 -- Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Consular Rights between Germany and the United States, 8 December 1923 -- The Versailles Treaty, 28 January 1919 -- The Locarno Treaty, 16 October 1925 -- The Anglo-Guatemalan Treaty of 1859 -- The International Load Line Convention, 5 July 1930 -- The Munich Agreement, 29 September 1938 -- The Soviet-Yugoslav Treaty, February 1948 -- Yugoslav-Albanian Treaties -- The Hungaro-Yugoslav Treaty of 24 July 1947 -- The Soviet-Yugoslav Treaty of Friendship, 11 April 1945 -- The Polish-Yugoslav Treaty of Friendship, 18 March 1946 -- The Hungaro-Yugoslav Treaty of Friendship, 8 December 1947 -- Bulgar-Yugoslav Treaties -- The Czechoslovak-Yugoslavian Treaty of 9 May 1946 -- Albano-Yugoslav Treaty of Friendship, 9 July 1946 -- The Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of Friendship and Alliance, 12 August 1936 -- The Anglo-Egyptian Conventions of 1899 on the Sudan -- The Italian Peace Treaty, 10 February 1947 -- The Sino-Soviet Treaty of 24 August 1945 -- The Soviet-British Treaty of Alliance of 1942 and the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Alliance of 1944 -- The Anglo-Egyptian Treaty on the Suez Canal Base, 1954 -- The Quadripartite Agreements of 1944 and 1945 on Berlin. -- Agreement Relative to the Withdrawal of Offensive Weapons from Cuba, October 1962 -- Treaty on a Partial Test Ban, July 1963 -- Conclusion -- VII. Discussions Relative to Unilateral Denunciation in International Organisations and Conferences -- The Danube Convention and Conference -- The Palestine Armistice Agreements, 1949 -- The Korean Armistice Agreement of 1953 -- Conclusion -- VIII. Conclusions -- Selected Bibliography.
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
La población humana actual de Argentina y de Latinoamérica en general es el resultado de cinco siglos de contacto entre los nativos americanos y las poblaciones migrantes, principalmente de Europa y Africa. En estudios llevados a cabo previamente por nuestro grupo en el Mu-seo de Antropología de la Universidad Nacional de Cór-doba, se determinó en 13 poblaciones rurales de Córdoba y San Luis que aproximadamente el 80% de los genomas mitocondriales analizados eran de origen amerindio. En el presente trabajo nos propusimos determinar la proceden-cia continental de los linajes maternos en aquellos indi-viduos que no presentaron haplogrupos amerindios. Para ello se analizó el ADN de 98 individuos por PCR-RFLP en dos marcadores mitocondriales que sirven de diagnós-tico de origen étnico-geográfi co. Los resultados indican que en las muestras poblacionales de Córdoba existe en promedio, un 16% de haplogrupos europeos y un 8% de linajes africanos, mientras que en San Luis la incidencia es de 9% y 3%, respectivamente. Los análisis estadísticos no arrojaron diferencias signifi cativas en la distribución de linajes maternos entre poblaciones dentro de cada pro-vincia. Por el contrario, las diferencias entre los totales muestrales de ambas provincias son estadísticamente sig-nifi cativas, hecho que sugiere que los límites políticos y las historias particulares de cada provincia infl uyeron en la composición actual de sus poblaciones. Córdoba fue desde la época colonial un importante centro económico y comercial y esto se refl eja en un componente mayor de ADN no amerindio (tanto europeo como africano) compa-rado con San Luis. La comparación entre pares de pobla-ciones de la provincia de Córdoba, por otra parte, muestra algunas diferencias regionales en la distribución de linajes europeos y africanos entre las poblaciones del área serrana y las de la llanura, hecho que parece refl ejar diferencias en los movimientos migratorios ocurridos en el pasado reciente. ; The human population of Argentina and Latin America in general is the result of fi ve centuries of contact between the Native Americans and migrant populations, mainly from Europe and Africa. In earlier studies conduc-ted at the Museum of Anthropology of the Universidad Nacional de Cordoba, it was found in 13 rural villages of Cordoba and San Luis that approximately 80% of the analyzed mitochondrial genomes were of Amerindian ori-gin. In the present study we investigated the continental origin of maternal lineages in those individuals analyzed in that study who had no Native American haplogroups. With this purpose we analyzed the DNA of 98 individuals by PCR-RFLP in two mitochondrial markers employed for diagnosis of ethnic-geographical origins.The results indicate that the sample of Cordoba possesses, on ave-rage, 16% of European haplogroups and 8% of African lineages, while in San Luis the incidence is 9% and 3%, respectively. Statistical analysis yielded no signifi cant di-fferences in the distribution of maternal lineages among populations within each province. On the contrary, the differences between the total sample in both provinces are statistically signifi cant, suggesting that the political boundaries and histories of each province infl uenced on the current composition of the populations. Córdoba was in the colonial times a major economic and commercial center, and this is refl ected in a greater foreign DNA com-ponent (both European and African) when compared to San Luis.The comparison between pairs of populations in the province of Cordoba, on the other hand, shows some regional differences in the distribution of European and African lineages between the populations from the moun-tains area and the plains, which seem to refl ect differences in the migratory movements in the recent past. ; Fil: Pauro, Maia. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Museo de Antropología.; Argentina ; Fil: García, Angelina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Museo de Antropología.; Argentina ; Fil: Bravi, Claudio Marcelo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Biología Celular. Provincia de Buenos Aires. Gobernación. Comisión de Investigaciones Científicas. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Biología Celular. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Biología Celular; Argentina ; Fil: Demarchi, Dario. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Museo de Antropología.; Argentina
La protección de datos personales es uno de los aspectos más importantes de la seguridad de la información, porque defiende un derecho de las personas. Varios países del mundo han desarrollado su legislación, con base al Reglamento general de protección de datos (UE) 2016/679. Sin embargo, en Ecuador se encuentra pendiente el análisis, debate y promulgación del Proyecto de Ley de Protección de Datos Personales. El proyecto de Ley debe ser contrastado, con los aspectos generales y específicos del RGPD, para que se adapten a la realidad del Ecuador y de Latinoamérica, considerando las diferencias en aspectos: organizativos, comerciales, tecnológicos e incluso culturales. El presente trabajo consiste en un análisis comparativo de los artículos del RGPD con los del proyecto de ley de Ecuador, y tiene como objetivo ser un insumo de análisis para la Asamblea Nacional, para este fin se presenta propuestas sustentadas de: modificación, adición o eliminación de varios artículos. Los resultados indican que la mayoría de los artículos tienen semejanza con la estructura del RGPD: principios, derechos, figuras de responsabilidad, medidas de seguridad, transferencia de datos, autoridades de control y sanciones; sin embargo, también se ha encontrado diferencias importantes en la esencia de varios aspectos como: categorías de datos especiales, responsabilidad del encargado, independencia efectiva de la autoridad de control, definición de infracciones y estimación de sanciones, y consideraciones exclusivas para los servidores públicos. Diferencias que provocarían problemas en la aplicación efectiva de la ley, y en consecuencia una limitada defensa de los derechos de las personas. ; The protection of personal data is one of the most important aspects of information security, because it defends a right of people. Several countries in the world have developed their legislation, based on the General Data Protection Regulation (EU) 2016/679. However, in Ecuador the analysis, debate and enactment of the Personal Data Protection Law Project is pending. The bill must be contrasted, with the general and specific aspects of the RGPD, so that they adapt to the reality of Ecuador and Latin America, considering the differences in aspects: organizational, commercial, technological, and even cultural. The present work consists of a comparative analysis of the articles of the RGPD with those of the Ecuadorian bill, and its objective is to be an input for analysis for the National Assembly, and for this purpose it presents supported proposals of: modification, addition or removal of multiple items. The results indicate that most of the articles have similarities with the structure of the RGPD: principles, rights, figures of responsibility, security measures, data transfer, control authorities and sanctions; However, important differences have been found in the essence of aspects such as: special data categories, responsibility of the person in charge, effective independence of the control authority, definition of infractions and estimation of penalties, and exclusive considerations for public servants. Differences that could cause problems in the effective application of the law, and consequently a limited defense of people's rights. ; La protecció de dades personals és un dels aspectes més importants de la seguretat de la informació, perquè defensa un dret de les persones. Diversos països de el món han desenvolupat la seva legislació, amb base a el Reglament general de protecció de dades (UE) 2016/679. No obstant això, a l'Equador es troba pendent l'anàlisi, debat i promulgació de el Projecte de Llei de Protecció de Dades Personals. El projecte de Llei ha de ser contrastat, amb els aspectes generals i específics de l'RGPD, perquè s'adaptin a la realitat de l'Equador i de Llatinoamèrica, considerant les diferències en aspectes: organitzatius, comercials, tecnològics i fins i tot culturals. El present treball consisteix en una anàlisi comparativa dels articles de l'RGPD amb els de el projecte de llei de l'Equador, i té com a objectiu ser una entrada d'anàlisi per a l'Assemblea Nacional, per a aquesta finalitat es presenta propostes sustentades de: modificació, addició o eliminació de diversos articles. Els resultats indiquen que la majoria dels articles tenen semblança amb l'estructura de l'RGPD: principis, drets, figures de responsabilitat, mesures de seguretat, transferència de dades, autoritats de control i sancions; però, també s'ha trobat diferències importants en l'essència de diversos aspectes com: categories de dades especials, responsabilitat de l'encarregat, independència efectiva de l'autoritat de control, definició d'infraccions i estimació de sancions, i consideracions exclusives per als servidors públics. Diferències que provocarien problemes en l'aplicació efectiva de la llei, i en conseqüència una limitada defensa dels drets de les persones.
In this article, we retake some principles exposed by international organizations (World Bank, Unesco, among others), that made routes for contemporary public policy in the realm of education with relation to the terms of inclusion and inequality in Latin America. The goal of this article is to review the implications of the liberal and capitalist discourses as guiding principles of education for all and where women are not included but have the same conditions as men. We display the case of two groups of women students from the undergraduate program in pre-school education in the 097 South Unit of Universidad Pedagógica Nacional (National Pedagogic University) in Mexico City. These cases serve as referents for questioning the element involved in the current educational policies and how women have occupied a place of structural inequality since the conformation of the organization of societies, the origin of democracy, and the patriarchal fusions and intricacies between capital and liberal States. By retaking a case study documented through qualitative research from the socialcultural perspective and by having in-depth interviews as the main tool of inquiring, the autobiographical narratives of the female students give an account of the gender conditioning and their social and cultural, family-related, and economic repercussions lived by these women that are teachers and students at the sametime. The empirical data presented here are sieved by theoretical references, the feminist ones among them, for unveiling the structural gender inequality underlying in the promisesof educational inclusion in the current public policy for the educational realm. ; En el presente artículo se retoman algunos principios expuestos por organismos internacionales (Banco Mundial, Unesco, entre otros), que marcan ruta en las actuales políticas públicas en el ámbito educativo con relación a los términos de inclusión y desigualdad en América Latina. La finalidad es revisar las implicaciones del discurso del liberalismo y el capitalismo como principios fundantes de la educación para todos, donde las mujeres son incluidas, pero no tienen las mismas condiciones que los hombres. Se muestra el caso de dos grupos de estudiantes mujeres de la licenciatura en Educación Preescolar en la Unidad 097 Sur de la Universidad Pedagógica Nacional, en Ciudad de México. Estos casos sirven como referente para cuestionar los elementos imbricados en las políticas educativas actuales y la manera en que las mujeres han ocupado un lugar de desigualdad estructural desde la conformación de la organización de las sociedades, el origen de la democracia y las fusiones patriarcales del capital y los Estados liberales. Al retomar un estudio de caso documentado a través de una investigación cualitativa desde la perspectiva sociocultural y al tener como principal herramienta de indagación las entrevistas a profundidad, las narrativas autobiográficas de las estudiantes dan cuenta de la condición de género y las implicaciones socioculturales, familiares, económicas en las que viven estas mujeres que son a la vez docentes y estudiantes. Los datos empíricos presentados son tamizados por referentes teóricos, entre ellos los feministas, para develar la desigualdad estructural de género vedada bajo las promesas de inclusión educativa en las actuales políticas públicas en el ámbito educativo. ; Neste artigo, são retomados alguns princípios expostos por organismos internacionais (Banco Mundial, Unesco, entre outros) que determinam o caminho das atuais políticas públicas no contexto educativo quanto à inclusão e à desigualdade na América Latina. O objetivo é verificar as implicações do discurso do liberalismo e do capitalismo como princípios fundantes da educação para todos, em que as mulheres são incluídas, mas não têm as mesmas condições do que os homens. Apresenta-se o caso de dois grupos de estudantes mulheres da licenciatura em Educação Pré-escolar na Unidade 097 Sul da Universidad Pedagógica Nacional, na Cidade do México. Esses casos servem como referente para questionar os elementos envolvidos nas políticas educativas atuais e a maneira em que as mulheres ocupam um lugar de desigualdade estrutural a partir da conformação da organização das sociedades, da origem da democracia e das fusões patriarcais do capital e dos Estados liberais. Ao retomar um estudo de caso documentado por meio de uma pesquisa qualitativa, sob a perspectiva sociocultural, e ao ter como principal ferramenta de questionamento as entrevistas a profundidade, as narrativas autobiográficas das estudantes evidenciam a condição de gênero e as implicações socioculturais, familiares, econômicas nas quais essas mulheres, docentes e estudantes ao mesmo tempo, vivem. Os dados empíricos apresentados são depurados por referentes teóricos, entre eles os feministas, para revelar a desigualdade estrutural de gênero vedada sob as promessas de inclusão educativa nas atuais políticas públicas no âmbito educativo.
The lore of La Llorona, the woman who wails, is a pervasive archetype in Latin American cultures. While stories vary by country and region, the most common telling is associated with Mexican folklore, in which an anguished woman cries for her drowned children—in some retellings, their death results from her murderous rage at being betrayed by her lover; in others their deaths result from an accident. These stories have traditionally served as cautionary tales, often positioning Latinas as tragic forces within their communities (Morales, 2010); however, Chicana scholars have reconceptualized La Llorona to symbolize a feminist power. This autoethnographic study reflects on the lore of La Llorona as a metaphor for a Latina's "resistance in society" (Anzaldúa, 1987, p.33) or as Morales (2010, p.3) states, "the voice who cries out against injustice". Specifically, through the application of Chicana/Latina feminist and critical epistemologies, the authors explore the works of Gloria Anzaldúa, Nela Martinez Espinosa, Dolores Huerta, and Nisia Floresta— Latina feminist authors and politicians, who have used their voices to fight injustices within their communities. Furthermore, the authors reflect upon how these heroines have influenced their own identities as "women who wail"—as feminist Latina educators who work toward a pedagogy for social justice. ; La tradición de La Llorona, la mujer que se lamenta, es un arquetipo generalizado en las culturas latinoamericanas. Si bien las historias de la Llorona varían según el país y la región, la narración más común está asociada con el folklore mexicano, en el cual una mujer angustiada llora por sus hijos ahogados; en algunas versiones, la muerte es el resultado de su ira asesina al ser traicionada por su amante; en otros, la muerte es el resultado de un accidente. Estas historias han servido tradicionalmente como cuentos de advertencia, a menudo posicionando a las latinas como fuerzas trágicas dentro de sus comunidades (Morales, 2010). Sin embargo, los especialistas chicanos han reconceptualizado a La Llorona como símbolo de poder feminista. Este estudio autoetnográfico reflexiona en base a la historia de La Llorona como una metáfora de la "resistencia de la mujer latina" en la sociedad (Anzaldúa, 1987, p. 33), o como afirma Morales (2010, p. 3) "la voz que clama contra la injusticia ". En especial a través de la aplicación de la teoría feminista Chicana/Latina y la epistemología crítica, las autoras exploran los trabajos de Gloria Anzaldúa, Nela Martínez Espinosa, Dolores Huerta y Nisia Floresta, las cuales como autoras y políticas Latinas feministas han utilizado sus voces para luchar contra las injusticias sociales en sus comunidades. Además, las autoras reflexionan sobre cómo estas heroínas han influenciado sus propias identidades como "mujeres que se lamentan", como feministas Latinas educadoras que trabajan por una pedagogía en favor de la justicia social. ; A tradição de La Llorona, a mulher que lamenta-se, é um arquétipo geral nas culturas latino-americanas. Embora as histórias de La Llorona variem por país e região, a narração mais comum está associada ao folclore mexicano, no qual uma mulher angustiada chora por seus filhos afogados; em algumas versões, a morte é o resultado de sua ira assassina por ser traída por seu amante; em outros, a morte é o resultado de um acidente. Tradicionalmente, essas histórias servem como contos de advertência, muitas vezes posicionando as Latinas como forças trágicas em suas comunidades (Morales, 2010). No entanto, especialistas chicanos reconceptualizaram La Llorona como um símbolo do poder feminista. Este estudo autoetnográfico reflete sobre a história de La Llorona como uma metáfora para a "resistência das mulheres Latinas" na sociedade (Anzaldúa, 1987, p. 33) ou como Morales (2010, p. 3) afirma, "o voz clamando contra a injustiça". Especialmente a través da aplicação da teoria feminista chicana / latina e da epistemologia crítica, as autoras exploram os trabalhos de Gloria Anzaldúa, Nela Martínez Espinosa, Dolores Huerta e Nisia Floresta, que como autoras e políticas feministas Latinas usaram suas vozes para combater injustiças sociais em suas comunidades, e os autores refletem sobre como essas heroínas influenciaram suas próprias identidades como "mulheres que lamentam-se", como educadoras Latinas feministas que trabalham para uma pedagogia em prol da justiça social.
It is an honor presenting to the Latin-American scientific and academic community the 37th issue of Opinión Jurídica. A number with researches on human rights and vulnerable populations such as: "Governance of water and basin advice: an analysis from human rights to water and environmental participation" Colombia), "Challenges for juvenile justice in Brazil: the reform of the child and adolescent statute" (Brazil), "The social responsibility of the employer (SRE) in Colombia on disability" (Colombia), "Fundamental rights and human rights: the narrowing of the conceptual frontiers and the necessity of a dialogue between the internal and international legal orbit" (Brasil), and "The conventionality control: appliance of the international measures for the internal reordering as victims rights protection standard" (Colombia). "Some of our articles are related with State structure topics like Excessive use of the consent decrees by the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission" (Brasil) and "Planning of public works contracts in Colombia: principle, duty or requirement? obligatoriness and consequences of its inapplication" (Colombia). Two articles about some economical activities regulations: "The functional separation of monopolistic activities in the Chilean electrical market. A pending task" (Chile), and "Outline of the fund account: an atypical law instrument for the promotion of cinematography in Colombia" (Colombia). In this number we also have an article on the lawyers practice titled "Fellowship of law and violence, as well as an article on political philosophy titled Antonio Gramscie a violência dos subalternos: guerra, política e "arditismo popular"" (Brazil), and oneon geopolitics called "Unraveling the Syrian conflict: the Arab-Israeli conflagration"(México). ; Este número contiene investigaciones que versan sobre derechos humanos y población vulnerable tales como: "Gobernanza del agua y Consejos de cuenca: análisis desde los derechos humanos al agua y a la participación ambiental" (Colombia), "Desafíos de la justicia juvenil en Brasil: la reforma del estatuto del niño y del adolescente" (Brasil), "La responsabilidad social del empleador (RSE) en Colombia frente a la discapacidad" (Colombia), "Direitos fundamentais e direitos humanos: o estreitamento das fronteiras conceituais e a necessidade de um diálogo entre a órbita jurídica interna e internacional" (Brasil) y "El control de convencionalidad:aplicación de las medidas internacionales en el ordenamiento interno como estándarde protección a los derechos de las víctimas" (Colombia). Algunos de nuestros artículostienen relacion con temas de la estrutura del Estado como: "Excessive Use of theConsent Decrees by the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission" (Brasil)y "Laplaneación en los contratos de obra pública en Colombia ¿principio, deber o requisito?obligatoriedad y consecuencias de su inaplicación" (Colombia). Dos artículos tratansobre la regulación de algunas actividades económicas: "La separación funcional de lasactividades monopólicas del mercado eléctrico chileno. una tarea pendiente" (Chile) y"Bosquejo del fondo cuenta: un instrumento jurídico atípico para el fomento del cineen Colombia" (Colombia). En este número tenemos un artículo sobre el ejercicio de laabogacía titulado "La colegiatura de la abogacía y la violencia", un artículo de filosóficapolítica denominado "Antonio Gramsci e a violência dos subalternos: guerra, política e'arditismo popular'" (Brasil) y uno de geopolítica que lleva por nombre "Desentrañandoel conflicto en Siria: la conflagración arabe-israelí" (México). ; É uma honra apresentar à comunidade científica e acadêmica latino-americana o número 37 da revista Opinión Jurídica.Com pesquisas que tratam dosDireitos Humanos e da população vulnerável, como: "Governança da água e Conselhosde Bacia: análise a partir dos Direitos Humanos à água e à participação ambiental"(Colômbia), "Desafios da justiça juvenil no Brasil: a reforma do Estatuto da Criança edo Adolescente" (Brasil), "A responsabilidade social do empregador na Colômbia antea deficiência" (Colômbia), "Direitos Fundamentais e Direitos Humanos: o estreitamentodas fronteiras conceituais e a necessidade de um diálogo entre a órbita jurídica interna e internacional" (Brasil) e o "Controle de convencionalidade: aplicação das medidasinternacionais no ordenamento interno como parâmetro de proteção aos direitos das vítimas" (Colômbia). Alguns dos nossos artigos têm relação com temas da estrutura doEstado como: "Uso excessivo de termos de compromisso pela Comissão de ValoresMobiliários" (Brasil) e "O planejamento nos contratos de obra pública na Colômbia:princípio, dever ou requisito? Obrigatoriedade e consequências de sua não aplicação"(Colômbia). Dois artigos sobre a regulamentação de algumas atividades econômicas: "A separação funcional das atividades monopólicas do mercado elétrico chileno. Uma tarefa pendente" (Chile) e "Esboço do fundo conta: um instrumento jurídico atípico para fomentar o cinema na Colômbia" (Colômbia). Neste número, temos um artigo sobre o exercício da advocacia, intitulado "A escola de advogados e a violência"; um artigo de filosófica política denominado "Antonio Gramsci e a violência dos subalternos: guerra, política e 'arditismo popular'" (Brasil) e um de geopolítica "Desvendandoo conflito na Síria: a conflagração árabe-israelita" (México).
Introducción: El artículo presentado forma parte de un estudio más amplio sobre el trabajo en prostitución por mujeres migrantes extranjeras en la provincia de Almería, España. El objetivo particular del artículo es analizar los diferentes discursos de las personas trabajadoras sexuales, que encuentran en esta actividad una estrategia económica frente a la crisis y un medio para alcanzar sus objetivos migratorios, a pesar de las desigualdades sociales que enfrentan.Método: La investigación de carácter etnográfico, se desarrolló en diferentes escenarios de desempeño de la industria sexual (clubes, pisos privados, bares, asentamientos de migrantes y prostitución de calle), entre 2009 y 2012 en el marco del programa de "Reducción de Daños y Promoción de la Salud" de la organización no gubernamental Médicos del Mundo (MDM). Los instrumentos de investigación han sido las entrevistas estandarizada y en profundidad, a las trabajadoras sexuales y la observación en escenarios de la industria sexual, dentro la provincia de Almería.Resultados: La industria sexual en la provincia de Almería la dinamizan mujeres, varones, y transexuales de diversos orígenes -África, Europa y Latinoamérica; siendo mayor la representación del colectivo femenino, el cual acumula una serie de desigualdades sociales que dificultan la inserción laboral en otros sectores productivos de la provincia. Enfrentadas a las duras circunstancias personales y sociales, en las cuales trascurren sus trayectorias migratorias, tengan o no permiso de residencia y trabajo, emplearse en la industria del sexo, dentro de la provincia, constituye también una estrategia de supervivencia para algunas mujeres migrantes extranjeras que no encuentran otra fuente de empleo.Discusión o Conclusión: El estado alegal de la prostitución en algunos países de la Unión Europea, incluyendo España, fomenta la explotación laboral y agudiza la vulnerabilidad de este colectivo. La prostitución no está prohibida ni reconocida como trabajo, por lo tanto, los derechos sociales y laborales de las personas trabajadoras del sexo no son reconocidos, lo que tiene consecuencias directas en otros factores de vulnerabilidad, tales como: la estigmatización, el acoso policial y el aislamiento social. Ocuparse en la industria del sexo: ¿Una estrategia de supervivencia frente a la crisis? Revista Internacional de Estudios Migratorios, ISSN: 2173-1950, 2016, Vol.6 (2), pp. 269-291. - 271 - Las trabajadoras sexuales son mujeres con capacidad de agencia, con capacidad de transformación, aunque encorsetadas por el estigma social que las margina y excluye. Introduction: The paper presented is part of a larger study on work in prostitution by foreign migrant women in the province of Almeria, Spain. The main objective of this article is to analyze the different discourses of individuals engaged in sex work who use this activity, as an economic strategy and an alternative against financial crisis and means to achieve their immigration goals, despite the social inequalities they face.Method: Ethnographic research, developed in different stages and at different settings where the individuals working on the sex industry perform (clubs, private homes, bars, settlement of migrants and street prostitution), between 2009 and 2012 under the program "Harm Reduction and Health Promotion "of the Non-Governmental Office Doctors of the World. The research instruments were the in-depth and standardized interview with individuals working on the sex industry and observation of different sex industry scenarios within the province of Almeria.Results: The dynamics of the sex industry in the province of Almeria is comprised by women, men, and transgender people from diverse backgrounds-Africa, Europe, and Latin America; however, the greater representation still comes from women's collective, this group accrues a range of social inequalities that hinder employment in other productive sectors of the province. Challenged by the harsh personal and social circumstances in which their migratory paths elapse, with or without residence and or work permits and being employed in the sex industry in the province, also constitutes a survival strategy for some foreign migrant women who have no other source of employment. Alexandra Mª Ríos Marín - 272 - Revista Internacional de Estudios Migratorios, ISSN: 2173-1950, 2016, Vol.6 (2), pp. 269-291.Discussion or Conclusion: The lawless state of prostitution in some countries of the European Union, including Spain, promotes labor exploitation and increases the vulnerability of this group. Prostitution is not prohibited or recognized as work, therefore, social and labor rights of people working on the sex industry are not recognized, which has direct consequences for other vulnerabilities, such as stigmatization, police harassment, and social isolation. Sex workers are women capable of agency, with processing capacity, though corseted by the social stigma that marginalized and excluded them.
Introducción: El artículo presentado forma parte de un estudio más amplio sobre el trabajo en prostitución por mujeres migrantes extranjeras en la provincia de Almería, España. El objetivo particular del artículo es analizar los diferentes discursos de las personas trabajadoras sexuales, que encuentran en esta actividad una estrategia económica frente a la crisis y un medio para alcanzar sus objetivos migratorios, a pesar de las desigualdades sociales que enfrentan.Método: La investigación de carácter etnográfico, se desarrolló en diferentes escenarios de desempeño de la industria sexual (clubes, pisos privados, bares, asentamientos de migrantes y prostitución de calle), entre 2009 y 2012 en el marco del programa de "Reducción de Daños y Promoción de la Salud" de la organización no gubernamental Médicos del Mundo (MDM). Los instrumentos de investigación han sido las entrevistas estandarizada y en profundidad, a las trabajadoras sexuales y la observación en escenarios de la industria sexual, dentro la provincia de Almería.Resultados: La industria sexual en la provincia de Almería la dinamizan mujeres, varones, y transexuales de diversos orígenes -África, Europa y Latinoamérica; siendo mayor la representación del colectivo femenino, el cual acumula una serie de desigualdades sociales que dificultan la inserción laboral en otros sectores productivos de la provincia. Enfrentadas a las duras circunstancias personales y sociales, en las cuales trascurren sus trayectorias migratorias, tengan o no permiso de residencia y trabajo, emplearse en la industria del sexo, dentro de la provincia, constituye también una estrategia de supervivencia para algunas mujeres migrantes extranjeras que no encuentran otra fuente de empleo.Discusión o Conclusión: El estado alegal de la prostitución en algunos países de la Unión Europea, incluyendo España, fomenta la explotación laboral y agudiza la vulnerabilidad de este colectivo. La prostitución no está prohibida ni reconocida como trabajo, por lo tanto, los derechos sociales y laborales de las personas trabajadoras del sexo no son reconocidos, lo que tiene consecuencias directas en otros factores de vulnerabilidad, tales como: la estigmatización, el acoso policial y el aislamiento social. Ocuparse en la industria del sexo: ¿Una estrategia de supervivencia frente a la crisis? Revista Internacional de Estudios Migratorios, ISSN: 2173-1950, 2016, Vol.6 (2), pp. 269-291. - 271 - Las trabajadoras sexuales son mujeres con capacidad de agencia, con capacidad de transformación, aunque encorsetadas por el estigma social que las margina y excluye. Introduction: The paper presented is part of a larger study on work in prostitution by foreign migrant women in the province of Almeria, Spain. The main objective of this article is to analyze the different discourses of individuals engaged in sex work who use this activity, as an economic strategy and an alternative against financial crisis and means to achieve their immigration goals, despite the social inequalities they face.Method: Ethnographic research, developed in different stages and at different settings where the individuals working on the sex industry perform (clubs, private homes, bars, settlement of migrants and street prostitution), between 2009 and 2012 under the program "Harm Reduction and Health Promotion "of the Non-Governmental Office Doctors of the World. The research instruments were the in-depth and standardized interview with individuals working on the sex industry and observation of different sex industry scenarios within the province of Almeria.Results: The dynamics of the sex industry in the province of Almeria is comprised by women, men, and transgender people from diverse backgrounds-Africa, Europe, and Latin America; however, the greater representation still comes from women's collective, this group accrues a range of social inequalities that hinder employment in other productive sectors of the province. Challenged by the harsh personal and social circumstances in which their migratory paths elapse, with or without residence and or work permits and being employed in the sex industry in the province, also constitutes a survival strategy for some foreign migrant women who have no other source of employment. Alexandra Mª Ríos Marín - 272 - Revista Internacional de Estudios Migratorios, ISSN: 2173-1950, 2016, Vol.6 (2), pp. 269-291.Discussion or Conclusion: The lawless state of prostitution in some countries of the European Union, including Spain, promotes labor exploitation and increases the vulnerability of this group. Prostitution is not prohibited or recognized as work, therefore, social and labor rights of people working on the sex industry are not recognized, which has direct consequences for other vulnerabilities, such as stigmatization, police harassment, and social isolation. Sex workers are women capable of agency, with processing capacity, though corseted by the social stigma that marginalized and excluded them.
¨The actions taken by the Armed Forces are not a mere overthrow of a government but rather the final closing of a historical cycle and the opening of a new one in which respect for human rights is not only borne out by the rule of law and of international declarations, but is also the result of our profound and Christian belief in the preeminent dignity of man as a fundamental value.¨ (…) ¨It will be the objectives of the Armed Forces to restore the validity of the values of Christian morality, of national tradition and of the dignity to be an Argentinean; (…) a final solution to subversion in order to firmly found a reorganized Argentina on the values of Western and Christian civilization by eradicating, once and for all, the vices which afflict the nation. This immense task will require trust and sacrifice but has only one beneficiary the Argentinean people¨ (1). With these words the military junta addressed the Argentines after taking over the government through a coup d'état the 24th of March 1976. Already in this first official communication it is possible to find the strong messianic discourse where the armed forces were fulfilling their holy mission to protect the Christian-national identity of the country.For the first time in the history of Argentina catholic-nationalism, as a nationalist ideology, had an absolute control of the State and was backed by the entrepreneurship and by important sectors of the middle class.(2) The military junta, leaded by Jorge Rafael Videla, was the perfect embodiment of a permanent alliance between religion and fatherland. The armed forces were compelled, being the institution that gave birth to the nation, to fulfill a decisive role in the "holy mission" to morally regenerate the country. This would have allowed Argentina, and therefore all of the Western-Christian civilization, to not just vanquish communism but, also, all of its roots like liberalism, democracy and agnosticism. The military, alongside the Argentinean Catholic Church and its supporters, were convinced that the final battle of the "third world war" was taking place in Argentina. Generals Ramon Camps and Menéndez would even call the "Argentinean theater of operations" as third world war, where they thought the international subversive movements were playing a pivotal role (3). This extremely eschatological feeling was completely different from other similar Cold War scenarios in other developing countries. In Argentina the "final showdown against international communism" syndrome was exacerbated by this alliance between the sword and the cross that would fight communism in order to make a "healthy" society possible, which would lead the way to the regeneration of the "atheist infected" western world. This expectation was the pillar of messianic spirit that justified the extermination plan.But the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (National Reorganization Process), as the military junta denominated the period that begun with the coup d'état, was more than an extermination plan; it aimed at a total "restoration" of society. The speech given by Lieutenant Jorge Eduardo Goleri at a book burning gathering in Córdoba in April 1976 clearly shows what the Junta was aiming for: "God's will requires that the military preserves the natural order manifest in the Western and Christian civilization to which Argentina is integral, but the East had organized a massive international conspiracy to subvert that civilization by restructuring society in accordance with the seditious and atheistic doctrine of communism. We are facing the imminent doom of our way of being Christian under the assault of subversion"(4).The Junta regarded itself as the creative agent of historical destiny(5). In their eschatological mindset they were analogous to the Messiah. They saw themselves as the mythological/biblical Hero that defended the most sacred/holy interests and appeared when a series of afflictions required his abilities of salvation. The Hero needed a nemesis in order to act and what better foe than international communism. But the latter was constructed in a Manichean, epical and apocalyptical manner. The myth of the Hero was opposite to the myth of a "Metaphysical Enemy". The former would engage in a Mythological/Holy War against an invisible but encompassing "Evil". Violent acts from left-wing guerrilla groups, which the Junta labeled as terrorism, perfectly ascribed that ontological description. Communism, with its terrorist offspring, was foreign, atheist and ideological. The military, then, had to combat it not just in the streets or countryside; but in the people's minds, and souls, as well. Guerrilla fighters were just the armed side; the roots of communism, meaning of terrorism and anti-Catholicism, were to be found in individuals that had ideas contrary to the Juntas' weltanschauung. They were ideas that opposed the catholic foundations of the nation and the society that it embodied.The Junta's adversary was an essentially ideological foe as General Videla stated to a British journalist: "A terrorist (read communist or atheist) is not just someone with a gun or a bomb, but also someone who spreads ideas which are contrary to Western and Christian civilization" and he continued, "…Subversion is all action that seeks the alteration or the destruction of the people's moral criteria and form of life, with the end of seizing power and imposing a new form based upon a different scale of values"(6). The guerrilla was not the most dangerous enemy; because in military terms it was already defeated before the Junta took power. The nemeses were communism, liberalism and democracy, ideologies that advocated an "Anti-Christian Revolution" that subverted the catholic foundations of the country(7). Accordingly, the subversive was guilty of the most serious crime against the Augustinian concept of "Common Good". In this latter sense, the battle against that invisible, but spiritual, Evil was a conflict inside each one of us. Like Massera said: "…the Third World War is not only fought in battlefields but, more importantly, in the believer's soul" (8). This Holy War mobilized the Junta as a "warrior-savior", as a modern crusader fighting for God and freedom from foreign atheist ideologies. This, in part, self-perceived holy mission strengthened the Junta's self-image as Christ's vicar, as crusading defender of Christianity and its Natural Order from the "pagan agents and antinational beings of the Antichrist"(9). Not surprisingly, the military profession was defined by Monsignor Bonamín as a profession of religiosity. Consequently, it is no wander that before the armed forces toppled Isabel Peron's government, they asked for the Catholic Church benediction the night before the coup(10). The Argentinean Catholic Church was as deeply as it could possibly be involved in this crusade. The Crusade's sanctification by the ChurchAfter Videla and Massera were blessed by the heads of the Argentinean Episcopate the night before the coup, Parana's Archbishop and military Bishop Adolfo Tortolo announced that the Catholic Church would positively cooperate with the new government (11). The Church was actively supporting and legitimizing the imminent armed forces' putsch. This probably did not surprise the future Junta's leaders. In December 1975, just three months before the coup d'état, Tortolo had called for the military to inaugurate a "purification process" and his subordinate Bonamín had stated, during the mass in front of future Junta leader General Viola, that Christ wanted the armed forces to be beyond their function in the future (12). The vicars of Christ on Earth were actually telling the military what were their Lord's orders. This symbiosis between the sword and the cross continued even after the first accusations of human rights violations against the Junta. On October 1976, Tortolo declared that he did not know of any evidence that proved that human rights were being violated or abused. In 1977 he went even further by affirming that the Church thought that the armed forces were acting accordingly to the special demands of the present juncture; meaning that the military was fulfilling its duty (13). The same with Bonamín's declarations regarding the role of the armed forces: "…it was written, it was in God's plan that Argentina did not have to lose its greatness and it was saved by its natural custodian: the army"; "…Providence has given the army the duty to govern, from the Presidency to the intervention in a trade union"; and finally "…the anti-guerrilla fight is a battle for the Republic of Argentina, for its integrity, but also for its altars (…) This fight is a fight in morality's defense, of men's dignity, ultimately a fight in God's defense (…) That is why I ask for the divine protection in this dirty war to which we are committed to." (14)The vast majority of the Argentinean Catholic Church favored and strongly supported the military junta's government and repression. Only four of the eighty-four clerical members of the Argentinean Episcopate publicly denounced the regime's repression (15). However, the Church was not just backing the Junta because it legitimized its sacred duty to defend the fatherland or because it identified itself in the Junta's messianic mission; but because Church also had to deal with its own internal enemies. The Argentinean Catholic Church was, perhaps, the most conservative Latin-American national Church. It was strongly in disagreement with the three most important progressive movements inside the Catholic Church: the Second Vatican Council, the Third World Priesthood Movement and the Latin-American Episcopal Council of Medellin. The Theological Liberation Movement that spread through Latin America during the 60s and 70s was extremely popular among young Argentineans. Several priests identified themselves with the Movement and tried to bring change to the Argentinean Church through their communal and pastoral actions among poor sectors. Additionally, several Montoneros' members were former catholic school's students that had radicalized, in part, because of their experience with the Theological Liberation Movement. The Catholic Church, then, supported, or did not protest too much against, the "internal cleansing" done by the military; like the killing of Father Mujica, Angelleli and four Palotines clerics among other cases (16).Lastly, the Catholic Church was involved in a much sinister way with the Junta's actions. The heads of the Argentinean Church knew about the repressive methods being used by the security and armed forces and chose not to condemn them. They considered them as necessary sacrifices for the Common Good. Nevertheless, several clerics went further by assisting and taking an active part in the implementation of torture and other repressive mechanisms used by the Junta. More than two hundred prelates participated in four different ways: offering confession/absolution to the victims before being executed or thrown into the sea; assisting the torturers by playing the "good cop" role; being themselves the torturers; and, by confessing and spiritually assisting the torturers and other victimizers (17). The priest Christian von Wernich is, maybe, one of the best examples of the fusion between the cross and the sword. Not only he assisted the torturers in their tasks, he even was involved in the kidnapping and torture of several desaparecidos and in the infiltration of exiled groups in New York (18). He, among others like Archbishop Plaza, Fathers Astigueta, Castillo and Perlanda López that also assisted torture sessions, justified the repressive methods, not considering them sins, by legitimizing their, and the military, behavior under the Augustinian and De Vitorian doctrines of "just war". The support of the Catholic Church for the fight against subversion and its blessing was a pivotal element in the implementation of the plan of extermination and its suppressive mechanisms. The repressive methods, chosen by the Junta, were not void themselves of a messianic and divine nature. Divine and Redemptory Violence The three main types of violent acts that reflected the Junta's Messianic crusade, which were an integral part of their repressive methods, were: torture, thevictim's throwing into the sea and the appropriation of the victims' children by families deemed proper by the military. These violent means, chosen by the perpetrators to perpetually annihilate the ideas that were subverting the Argentinean Catholic traditions, were constructed under the discourse of "love" in two different ways: firstly, the kind of love upheld by Thomas Aquinas where the authority could legitimately kill evil-doers when the formers were motivated by charity. The crusading Junta envisaged that the repressive methods it used had a transcendental value. That type of violence was constructive rather than destructive, insofar as it was able to eradicate evil in order to create good (19). Love was considered the reason for an act of violence, for a punishment that redeemed the sinner, disregarding whether the latter survived the penitence. General Ramón Camps, commenting of how the detention centers perfected the victims through torture, said: "It is love that prioritizes and legitimates the actions of soldiers. The use of force to put an end to violence does not imply hate since it is nothing other than the difficult search for the restoration of love. In the war we are fighting, love of social body that we want to protect is what comes first in all of our actions" (20). Massera and Videla also referred to the dictatorship's repression as an "act of love" or "work that began with love"(21). All these statements reflected how the just war's discourse of Christian charity was in their minds by giving love a pivotal place.Secondly, there was another, and more complex, kind of love in the Junta's Christian-inspired crusade, which contrasted with the former metaphysical type and appeared exclusively in the torture tables of the detention centers, and should be labeled as sexual love. The torture sessions were filled of sexual symbolisms and discourse. The eroticism present in the torments was the exteriorization of the torturer's sexual -religiously repressed- desires into the body -the sexual surrogate totem- of the tortured. Consequently, the act of torture symbolized the act of sex(22). Like Jacobo Timerman perfectly put it, the Junta's violence was the emotional and erotic expression of a militarized nation (23).An expression orchestrated by the use of the picana. The latter was the preferred torture instrument used by the torturers for many reasons. Historically, it was first used by the nationalists during Uriburu's dictatorship and it was extremely effective in administering the desired amount of pain. However, symbolically, thepicana represented, better than other torments, the rawest manifestation of the Junta's conception of power related to "love's twofold sense". Considering torture as a Christian act of love, the picana was the necessary instrument to get a confession from the torturer that would eventually get him redemption. But thepicana had to fill a "void space". According to the perpetrators the victims were atheists (then they were not Argentines), which meant that in order to get any kind of absolution they had to, somehow, recognize and accept the Word of Christ. The Word would fill the empty victims; but first the picana would have to fill them with the will to "repent" and "convert". Once the tortured had received several electric shocks, they would receive and recite the Word by being ordered by the torturers to deliver Catholic prayers (24). Through these confessions the Junta's self perceived role of being the vicars of Christ on Earth was realized every time. They had defeated the atheist enemy but, employing Christian charity, they also had won the battle for the subversives' souls. Redemption was offered to anyone, even the irrecoverable cases. Even if their bodies were deprived of life their souls were saved. One of the ways that the ones not redeemed during confession were granted spiritual salvation was by the purifying power of water. By throwing them into the sea alive they were bestowing them a new, or first, "baptism" (25). It was the perpetrators' holy mission to redeem the victims' souls in life or in death. The picana, when considering torture as a sexual act, was also a phallic symbol. The torturer would make use of the picana-phallus to inflict pain and, at the same time, through the victim's screams and spasms satisfy his own repressed sexual desires. The perpetrator would systematically use the picana-phallus in the erogenous parts of the body. The body of the tortured would then transform into the sexual object of the repressor's desires. A sinful object that had to be purified with repent or conversion but only after the torturer's sexual desire had been satisfied (26). Symbols of divine violence can be found in other examples of torture sessions during the Junta's dictatorship. The torturers would yell at the captives, and would also made them say, "Viva Cristo Rey" and would make them thank God for another day by make them recite prayers before sleep. The picana was sometimes referred as "giving holy communion" as well as water-boarding was named "baptism". Among the many names that the torture chambers were given by the perpetrators there were: "the confessionary" and "the altar" (27). The latter clearly reflects the idea of sacrifice embedded in the repressors' minds. Regarding the victims' religious creeds the torturers would make a distinction between the recoverable and irrecoverable cases. Among the former ones there would be victims that had a catholic background because they had gone to catholic schools or because they knew how to recite prayers (28). Nevertheless, being catholic was not synonym of survival. The irrecoverable Catholics would only have their souls saved, but not their lives. Amid the desaparecidos there were an important proportion of Jews. About 1% of the Argentine population was of Jewish origin, but 20% of desaparecidos shared the same religious background (29). The Junta believed in an international communist conspiracy that, like the Nazis before, was leaded by the Jewry. Being Jewish meant being a Bolshevik. Additionally, the Junta's Messianic trope further propelled the kidnapping and execution of the community that, according to them, was responsible for Christ's crucifixion (30). Lastly, the appropriation of the desaparecidos children by the military was, perhaps, the most sinister of the Messianic-inspired repressive acts done by the military., The kidnapped pregnant women that gave birth in captivity, after being tortured regardless of their condition, were deprived of their children. The newborns were appropriated by families that would rise according to Catholic tradition. Motivated by Christian charity and its doctrine, these children would avoid the atheism, Judaism or wrongly conceived Catholicism that their parents would have offered them. These newborns were, according to the Junta, truly "innocent" and deserved to have the chance to live a proper life in genuine catholic families. Concluding RemarksThe Messianic ideology during the dictatorship was present not only in the Junta's ideology, but also in its discourse and repressive methods. Even if not everything that happened during the military regime can be explained through the catholic-nationalist ideology, the latter provides the essential motivation for the government. It is difficult to imagine that the magnitude, and chosen methods, of the repression would have been the same without the Messianic trope. By comparing the level of Argentinean repression to other military regimes of the Southern Cone in the same period, the distinction is remarkable. Not only the repressive mechanisms used by the Argentinean dictatorship were distinct, and more sadist and cruel, than the Chilean, Uruguayan and Brazilian cases, but the amount of Argentina's desaparecidos dwarfs those cases.Additionally, the Argentinean Catholic Church was the only one to completely back the regime and its repressive methods. In Chile, for example, the heads of the Church were divided in supporting Pinochet. Ultimately, the majority of the Church would condemn the Chilean regime. Regarding the political leadership, there are no religious discourses that serve as justification for the regimes in the other Southern Cone's dictatorships. The military juntas of those countries never legitimized their governments or their respective coup d'états in God's will or the salvation of Christian-Western civilization. National security and the fear of communism were their justification. Even if the regimes were ideologically justified, these were never of a religious nature like in the Argentinean case. It is probably the catholic-nationalist ideology, matured in the 30s, augmented by the international communist conspiracy typical of the Cold War that prompted the Junta in Argentina to completely wipeout what they perceived as atheist and foreign elements in society. Without a Messianic military that was ready to fight a crusade in order to restore order to the nation and without the blessing and active support from the Church, the repression would not have had the size and the horror that it had. The armed forces were fighting what they thought was the last crusade of the 20th century against the atheist forces of communism. The "Third World War" was already happening to them. Winning it was more than strategic, it was a holy mission. (1) Excerpts from a radio announcement made by the Junta after taking control of the State. Cited in Loveman, David and Davies, M. Thomas; The Politics of Antipolitics: The Military in Latin America; University of Nebraska Press; Lincoln; 1978; pp. 177. (2) See Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003. (3) See Clarin, June the 26th 1976. Cited in Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003; pp. 93. (4) Cited in Frontalini, Daniel and Caiati, Maria C.; El mito de la guerra sucia; CELS; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 90. Note how the East is viewed as the geopolitical source of "evil" similar to the Nazis' fear of the East. (5) See Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp. 120.(6) See CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 342. (7) See Castro Castillo, Marcial; Fuerzas armadas: Ética y represión; Nuevo Orden; Buenos Aires; 1979; pp.120. (8) Massera, Emilio; El país que queremos; FEPA; Buenos Aires; 1981; pp. 44. This concept of an internal and spiritual struggle is common to all religious fanatic ideologies. For example the original significance of Jihad was that of the soul's struggle against temptation. The concept would later evolve to holy war. (9) As subversives were defined by Ramon Agosti. Cited in Verbitsky, Horacio; La última batalla de la tercera guerra mundial; Legasa; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp.16. (10) La Nación, March the 25th 1976; cited in Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986; pp.25. (11) See Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986; pp.25. Additionally, Tortolo was Videla's private confessor. (12) Ibid; pp. 25(13) Ibid; pp. 26-28. (14) Ibid; pp. 30-31. (15) See Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003; pp. 99 (16) Ibid; pp. 97(17) See Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986; and CONADEP;Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 342-360. (18) See Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986pp.179-188. (19) Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp.152(20) See Camps, Ramón; Caso Timerman: punto final; Tribuna Abierta; Buenos Aires; 1982; pp. 21. (21) CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 348. Additionaly, it is interesting to notice how Carl Schimitt's political theology theory is translated into the Junta's discourse. In this sense, the Junta's actions would be a Schimittian case of politics not being able to be dettached from religion. This, in turn, would contradict several secularization theories. See, Schimitt, Carl, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignity, Chicago Univertisty Press, Chica, 2006.(22) Interestingly, Saint Augustine described copulation in such a dreadful way that it seemed like an act of torture. See Foucault, Michel; Historia de la Sexualidad: Vol. 1, La voluntada del saber; Siglo XXI; Buenos Aires; 2008; pp. 37. (23) See Timerman Jacobo; Preso sin nombre, celda sin número; De la Flor; Buenos Aires; 2002; pp. 17. (24) See CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 347-360; and Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp. 166. (25) It is rather interesting to note that throwing victims alive into the sea or rivers was a common killing method used by other strongly catholic Messianic inspired authoritarian regimes or groups. The falangistas would throw communists, anarchists and socialists (and whoever they thought was not catholic enough) to the rivers during the Spanish Civil War. The Algerian French and later the OAS would throw FLN suspects to the Mediterranean during the Algerian War of Independence. Even in Argentina, during the 1930s, the nationalists were talking about pushing the communists into the sea. A more detailed research should be conducted on this issue. Probably the Spanish Inquisition's torture methods, involving boiled water or a pool where the suspected heretics would drown, clearly influenced all of these cases into using natural sources of water to purify their sacred lands from the nonbelievers. (26) For more on torture as a sexual act and the picana as phallus see Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp. 158-190. (27) CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 26-50. (28) Many tortured victims remember how the torturers were clearly surprised to see the formers wearing crosses after making them take out their clothes. In some of these cases the torturers would say to the victims that their life would be saved because they were Christians but had lost their way and it would be the repressors' task to show them the right path. (29) See Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003; pp. 115. (30) During the trial of torturer known as Jorge "El Tigre" Acosta a witness remembered him saying, after killing a captive while torturing him, that he was happy that he had died because he was going to be freed but he did not want a Jew to walk freely in Argentina; all Jews were guilty because they had killed Christ. See Diario Perfil; "Juicio al Tigre Acosta por el asesinato de Hugo Tarnopolsky"; May the 12th 2007. *Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.E-mail: guere469@newschool.edu
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
The shock election of a self-proclaimed "libertarian liberal," the chainsaw-wielding eccentric Javier Milei as Argentina's president has attracted a flurry of attention globally. Most of it was focused on the radicalism of Milei's economic proposals to cure Argentina's chronic ills — chief among them an annual inflation at the rate of 143% and the poverty that has engulfed over 40% of Argentines, and all that with an outstanding debt of $43 billion owed to the International Monetary Fund. Milei's remedies include liquidating Argentina's central bank, dropping the national currency — the peso — in favor of the U.S. dollar, privatizing state assets and slashing public expenditures, including subsidies for the most vulnerable individuals and communities. The chainsaw that he adopted as his icon during the election campaign symbolized his intention to demolish the state, which, according to Milei, is at the root of Argentina's relative decline in the 20th and 21st centuries.While some libertarians, notably in the U.S., welcomed his election as the latest and best chance to advance their long-cherished beliefs and a future inspiration for the U.S., their enthusiasm may be misplaced. Milei's main focus may be on the economy, but, as president, he'll also have to steer Argentina's foreign policy. This is not an area in which he has displayed much interest or knowledge to date, but someone like Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), a standard bearer of libertarianism in the U.S., would hardly recognize himself in the positions embraced by Milei. In fact, Milei's foreign policy views, to the extent they exist, are far closer to neoconservative than libertarian. His views would easily find home in hawkish Washington D.C. think tanks and parts of the mainstream of both the Republican and Democratic parties. This is not to be underestimated, as Argentina is a member of the G-20, the third largest economy in Latin America, and has recently been invited to join BRICS, a grouping that comprises China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa.Milei's foreign policy views, as expressed repeatedly during the election campaign, are starkly Manichean — they divide the world into democracies and "communist autocracies." Counter-intuitively for a self-proclaimed champion of free trade, he promised to sever ties with two of Argentina's main trade partners — China and Brazil (combined, both account for around 25% of the total of Argentinian exports) — on the grounds that both are ruled by "communists." China was an object of particular scorn, with Milei dubbing the country at one point "an assassin."Milei is a staunch supporter of Ukraine, in contrast to a more moderate position espoused by the outgoing center-left Peronist administration which, while condemning Russia's aggression of Ukraine, was also reluctant to sever ties with Moscow, which grew closer during the pandemic when Argentina acquired Russian vaccines, with results generally deemed acceptable.Perhaps on no issue Milei's neoconservative credentials are more on display than in his fervid embrace of Israel. While Argentina, under different governments, has generally enjoyed good relations with Israel, those were traditionally balanced by Buenos Aires' engagement with Arab countries and, at times, even Iran. That balancing act did not prevent Argentina from declaring Hezbollah a terrorist organization for its alleged role in the notorious 1994 bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires. Milei's defeated opponent, Sergio Massa, promised to similarly add Palestinian Hamas to Argentina's terrorist list if he had been elected. Milei, however, wants to go much further. He declared that his first international trips as president-elect will be to Israel and the U.S. He also promised to move Argentina's embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Such a one-sided reorientation would represent a major break in Argentina's traditional foreign policy consensus.Milei is also opposed, on ideological grounds, to Argentina joining the BRICS, despite the invitation issued by the existing members, reportedly the result of heavy lobbying by Brazil on Buenos Aires' behalf. While the prospect of joining the group that represents more than 40% of the world's population and 31% of global GDP (and also a destiny of some 30% of total Argentine exports) is seen as an opportunity by many Argentine businesspeople and politicians, for Milei BRICS represents little more than a dictators' club.The president-elect is also remarkably skeptical about Mercosur, a South American trade bloc which includes, besides Argentina, also Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay. Milei dismissed it as merely a "low-quality customs union that distorts commerce." Such a position raises fresh questions about the prospects for a long-delayed trade deal between Mercosur and the European Union.There is always a chance that the realities of governing (among them, the fact that his party holds relatively few seats in the National Congress) would temper some of the most radical ideas Milei spouted during an election campaign. After all, the former president of Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, with whom Milei professes a mutual admiration also started as a fierce critic of China, only to significantly soften his position while in office. But during the presidential debate, Milei displayed a worrying ignorance of how international relations work. While no longer calling for a complete severance of ties with China and Brazil, he insisted that any such interaction should be left entirely to the private sector, apparently oblivious to the fact that it is governments that negotiate international trade frameworks and agreements, including tariffs, phyto-sanitary rules, and other measures.That is especially true in the case of China, where the weight of the public sector in the country's external economic activity is preponderant. Currently, alongside many smaller projects, China is involved in building two hydroelectric dams in Argentina which, when completed, would cover the daily electricity consumption of 1.5 million Argentine households, cut oil and gas import expenses, and even allow to export electricity to the neighboring countries. Milei's simplistic vision of economic relations as mere exchanges between private actors sows doubts about the future of these projects. Worse, their cancellation would risk seriously undermining Argentina's credibility with international partners, even from ideologically more "compatible" countries.The likely appointment of Diana Mondino, an economist, as the future minister of foreign affairs, has so far failed to assuage concerns about Milei's policies. As evidenced in a pre-election debate organized by the Argentine Council on Foreign Relations, Mondino, who has spent her entire professional life in private sector, seems to share her future boss' ideological view of international relations, as well as a penchant for hyperbole. A few days before the elections, she likened Milei's possible victory to the fall of the Berlin Wall 34 years ago, as if the modern-day Argentina were in any way comparable to Soviet-backed communist dictatorships.It is obviously too early to tell how the Milei presidency will unfold, but based on his rhetoric it may be a bumpy road ahead for foreign policy in Argentina.
TheRevista Scientific of theInstituto Internacional de Investigación y Desarrollo Tecnológico Educativo (INDTEC, C.A.), presents its sixth editorial edition where fifteen works can be found in response to the search for interest in the investigation, analysis and interpretation of different topics.In this way, in a first section, the educational axes constituted in questions of questions respond to: the Teacher Training in Techniques applied to the Teaching of Mathematics in Secondary Education; Reading Alternatives considered for the Strengthening of Educational Quality; Advertising Effectiveness for Road Safety; Ecuadorian Education in English and their language skills in rural students; Didactic Strategies to improve Reading and Writing; the Importance of the Planning of the Environmental Education in the University Scope considered from a Transdisciplinary Perspective; the Utility of Tics in the Training of University Teaching Advisors; the Complementary Didactic Material for the Learning of Rational Mechanical Curriculum Unit 10 and the Tutor Role in the context of virtual learning.In continuity, other articles stand out, such as the Environmental Actions for the Conservation of Hydrographic Basins; the application of the Educaplay Computer Technique as a strategy for the learning of biomolecules in high school students of the Andrés F. Córdova Educational Unit; Program for Parents in the Internet use of their children; Bamboo Cultivation considered a renewable natural resource for reforestation in Quebrada Echeverría and corporate social responsibility in the context of labor relations in SMEs.In a second section, five essays induce us to reflect on perspectives of analysis in response to: Technological Imbrications in Pedagogical Praxis; Advanced Management in the Process of University Scientific Research; the Training in Citizen Culture Space and its importance for the Social Responsibility of Business Organizations; the Formative Vision of the Quantitative Methodology in Education; Neurosciences versus Vitalogy Emerging Paradigms in Millennium Management.Each of these articles struggles in post questioning as reflections of the interest placed on research considered an activity, which from a premise that asks about a topic, leads to multiple causal relationships and searches for answers; Therefore, they should be instruments conducive to the permanent knowledge of the entire academic community, allowing to stimulate and induce new experiences.This leads us to think that, teachers in a firm race for improvement, we must not engage in reductionist and repetitive practices of research results previously made, but in an exploration for new answers in the production of knowledge.Aware of the limitations and the reality of the social and political context of each of the Latin American countries, our editorial and bibliographic contribution aims to lead us to reflect on the crucial task of teachers committed to their social function and research as a transverse link for educational production and propagation. It is from this weighting, that could be aroused alternatives that overcome thinking at the state level. ; La Revista SCIENTIFIC del Instituto Internacional de Investigación y Desarrollo Tecnológico Educativo (INDTEC, C.A.), presenta su sexta edición editorial en donde pueden hallarse quince obras en respuesta a la búsqueda del interés puesta en la indagación, análisis e interpretación de diferentes temáticas. De esta forma, en una primera sección, los ejes educativos constituidos en temas de cuestionamientos responden a: la Formación Docente en Técnicas aplicadas a la Enseñanza de la Matemática en la Educación Segundaria; las Alternativas de la Lectura consideradas para el Fortalecimiento de la Calidad Educativa; la Eficacia publicitaria para la Seguridad Vial; la Educación Ecuatoriana en inglés y sus competencias lingüísticas en los estudiantes rurales; Estrategias Didácticas para mejorar la Lectura y Escritura; la Importancia de la Planificación de la Educación Ambiental en el Ámbito Universitario considerada desde una Perspectiva Transdisciplinaria; la Utilidad de las Tics en la Formación de Asesores Docentes Universitarios; el Material Didáctico Complementario para el Aprendizaje de Unidad Curricular Mecánica Racional 10 y el Rol del Tutor en el contexto del aprendizaje virtual. En continuidad, sobresalen otros artículos como las Acciones Ambientalistas para la Conservación de las Cuencas Hidrográficas; la aplicación de la Técnica Informática Educaplay como estrategia para el aprendizaje de las biomoléculas en estudiantes de bachillerato de la Unidad Educativa Andrés F. Córdova; Programa para Padres en el uso de Internet de sus hijos; el Cultivo de bambú considerado un recurso natural renovable para la reforestación en la Quebrada Echeverría y la responsabilidad social empresarial en el contexto de las relaciones laborales en las Pymes. En una segunda sección, cinco ensayos nos inducen a reflexionar sobre perspectivas de análisis en respuesta a: las Imbricaciones Tecnológicas en la Praxis Pedagógica; la Gerencia Avanzada en el Proceso de Investigación Científica Universitaria; la Formación en Cultura Ciudadana Espacio y su importancia para la Responsabilidad Social de las Organizaciones Empresariales; la Visión Formativa de la Metodología Cuantitativa en la Educación; las Neurociencias versus la Vitalogía Paradigmas Emergentes en la Gerencia del Milenio. Cada uno de estos artículos brega en post de cuestionamientos como reflejos del interés puesto en la investigación considerada una actividad, que a partir de una premisa cual pregunta sobre una temática, conlleva a múltiples relaciones causales y búsquedas de respuestas; por lo cual, debieran ser instrumentos conducentes al conocimiento permanente de toda la comunidad académica, permitiendo estimular e inducir a nuevas experiencias. Esto nos dirige a pensar que, los docentes en firme carrera por el perfeccionamiento, no debemos incurrir en prácticas reduccionistas y repetitivas de resultados de pesquisas previamente realizadas, sino en una exploración por nuevas respuestas en la producción del conocimiento. Conscientes de las limitaciones y de la realidad del contexto político social de cada uno de los países de América Latina, nuestro aporte editorial y bibliográfico pretende conducir a la reflexión sobre la crucial tarea del docente comprometido con su función social y la investigación como un eslabón trascedente para la producción y propagación educativa. Es a partir de esta ponderación, que se podrían suscitar alternativas superadoras de pensamiento a nivel estatal.
TheRevista Scientific of theInstituto Internacional de Investigación y Desarrollo Tecnológico Educativo (INDTEC, C.A.), presents its sixth editorial edition where fifteen works can be found in response to the search for interest in the investigation, analysis and interpretation of different topics.In this way, in a first section, the educational axes constituted in questions of questions respond to: the Teacher Training in Techniques applied to the Teaching of Mathematics in Secondary Education; Reading Alternatives considered for the Strengthening of Educational Quality; Advertising Effectiveness for Road Safety; Ecuadorian Education in English and their language skills in rural students; Didactic Strategies to improve Reading and Writing; the Importance of the Planning of the Environmental Education in the University Scope considered from a Transdisciplinary Perspective; the Utility of Tics in the Training of University Teaching Advisors; the Complementary Didactic Material for the Learning of Rational Mechanical Curriculum Unit 10 and the Tutor Role in the context of virtual learning.In continuity, other articles stand out, such as the Environmental Actions for the Conservation of Hydrographic Basins; the application of the Educaplay Computer Technique as a strategy for the learning of biomolecules in high school students of the Andrés F. Córdova Educational Unit; Program for Parents in the Internet use of their children; Bamboo Cultivation considered a renewable natural resource for reforestation in Quebrada Echeverría and corporate social responsibility in the context of labor relations in SMEs.In a second section, five essays induce us to reflect on perspectives of analysis in response to: Technological Imbrications in Pedagogical Praxis; Advanced Management in the Process of University Scientific Research; the Training in Citizen Culture Space and its importance for the Social Responsibility of Business Organizations; the Formative Vision of the Quantitative Methodology in Education; Neurosciences versus Vitalogy Emerging Paradigms in Millennium Management.Each of these articles struggles in post questioning as reflections of the interest placed on research considered an activity, which from a premise that asks about a topic, leads to multiple causal relationships and searches for answers; Therefore, they should be instruments conducive to the permanent knowledge of the entire academic community, allowing to stimulate and induce new experiences.This leads us to think that, teachers in a firm race for improvement, we must not engage in reductionist and repetitive practices of research results previously made, but in an exploration for new answers in the production of knowledge.Aware of the limitations and the reality of the social and political context of each of the Latin American countries, our editorial and bibliographic contribution aims to lead us to reflect on the crucial task of teachers committed to their social function and research as a transverse link for educational production and propagation. It is from this weighting, that could be aroused alternatives that overcome thinking at the state level. ; La Revista SCIENTIFIC del Instituto Internacional de Investigación y Desarrollo Tecnológico Educativo (INDTEC, C.A.), presenta su sexta edición editorial en donde pueden hallarse quince obras en respuesta a la búsqueda del interés puesta en la indagación, análisis e interpretación de diferentes temáticas. De esta forma, en una primera sección, los ejes educativos constituidos en temas de cuestionamientos responden a: la Formación Docente en Técnicas aplicadas a la Enseñanza de la Matemática en la Educación Segundaria; las Alternativas de la Lectura consideradas para el Fortalecimiento de la Calidad Educativa; la Eficacia publicitaria para la Seguridad Vial; la Educación Ecuatoriana en inglés y sus competencias lingüísticas en los estudiantes rurales; Estrategias Didácticas para mejorar la Lectura y Escritura; la Importancia de la Planificación de la Educación Ambiental en el Ámbito Universitario considerada desde una Perspectiva Transdisciplinaria; la Utilidad de las Tics en la Formación de Asesores Docentes Universitarios; el Material Didáctico Complementario para el Aprendizaje de Unidad Curricular Mecánica Racional 10 y el Rol del Tutor en el contexto del aprendizaje virtual. En continuidad, sobresalen otros artículos como las Acciones Ambientalistas para la Conservación de las Cuencas Hidrográficas; la aplicación de la Técnica Informática Educaplay como estrategia para el aprendizaje de las biomoléculas en estudiantes de bachillerato de la Unidad Educativa Andrés F. Córdova; Programa para Padres en el uso de Internet de sus hijos; el Cultivo de bambú considerado un recurso natural renovable para la reforestación en la Quebrada Echeverría y la responsabilidad social empresarial en el contexto de las relaciones laborales en las Pymes. En una segunda sección, cinco ensayos nos inducen a reflexionar sobre perspectivas de análisis en respuesta a: las Imbricaciones Tecnológicas en la Praxis Pedagógica; la Gerencia Avanzada en el Proceso de Investigación Científica Universitaria; la Formación en Cultura Ciudadana Espacio y su importancia para la Responsabilidad Social de las Organizaciones Empresariales; la Visión Formativa de la Metodología Cuantitativa en la Educación; las Neurociencias versus la Vitalogía Paradigmas Emergentes en la Gerencia del Milenio. Cada uno de estos artículos brega en post de cuestionamientos como reflejos del interés puesto en la investigación considerada una actividad, que a partir de una premisa cual pregunta sobre una temática, conlleva a múltiples relaciones causales y búsquedas de respuestas; por lo cual, debieran ser instrumentos conducentes al conocimiento permanente de toda la comunidad académica, permitiendo estimular e inducir a nuevas experiencias. Esto nos dirige a pensar que, los docentes en firme carrera por el perfeccionamiento, no debemos incurrir en prácticas reduccionistas y repetitivas de resultados de pesquisas previamente realizadas, sino en una exploración por nuevas respuestas en la producción del conocimiento. Conscientes de las limitaciones y de la realidad del contexto político social de cada uno de los países de América Latina, nuestro aporte editorial y bibliográfico pretende conducir a la reflexión sobre la crucial tarea del docente comprometido con su función social y la investigación como un eslabón trascedente para la producción y propagación educativa. Es a partir de esta ponderación, que se podrían suscitar alternativas superadoras de pensamiento a nivel estatal.