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Yet Amis isn't only a stylist; he is also a moralist. And to him these are one and the same. As he says in his memoir, Experience, 'Style is morality: morality detailed, configured, intensified.' We can see, then, why it might have especially appealed to him to begin Koba the Dread (Koba was Stalin's nickname) with a quote from Robert Conquest's book on Soviet forced collectivization and the resulting famine: 'in the actions here recorded about twenty human lives were lost for, not every word, but every letter, in this book.' Amis goes on to comment: 'The book is 411 pages long.' Such a book fulfills, in the blackest possible way, the novelist's dream--of a language almost unbearably thick with human significance. Who could ignore a book in which, as Amis writes, 'guileless prepositions like at and to represent the murder of six or seven large families'? Koba the Dread has not been generously received, and you can see why. These days, a denunciation of Stalin seems almost apolitical, like coming out against cancer. Moreover, the book contains no original research (the historian Orlando Figes has even shown that Amis gets a few facts wrong); it forgets the embattled decency of left oppositionists; it treats differing analyses as loose 'talk' rather than arguments; and it collapses into bathos when--many reviewers seized on this--Amis likens the cries of his infant daughter to those that must have been heard in 'the deepest cellars of the Butrkyi Prison in Moscow during the Great Terror.' It might also be added that its anti-utopianism is taunting and crude. After his right turn, Kingsley Amis could still concede that 'The ideal of ... the Just City, is one that cannot be discarded without lifelong feelings of disappointment and loss.' To Martin this sentence 'has no meaning--indeed, no content.' (That would make it the opposite of Conquest's language.) 'Just what is this Just City? What would it look like? What would its citizens be saying and doing all day?' Such words and deeds are indeed difficult to predict, since a just city would also be a free one. But if it is a totalitarian paradox to prescribe in advance the uses of freedom, it should not be beyond us, or Amis, to conceive of conditions of greater liberty than most workers and citizens enjoy, or to realize that speech and action become more circumscribed as jobs become more repetitive and exhausting, political choices fewer, and forms of culture more homogeneous. STILL, MARTIN AMIS has produced a useful book. It offers such a quick, pained, and vivid account of Stalin's psychopathic career that Amis and his intelligently marshaled sources can't help but induce that pity and disgust that segments of the Western left for many years failed to feel. (For myself, I was made freshly ashamed of certain casual ideas about the Soviet Union I'd had as an undergraduate, and glad to have left no record of them.) The astronomical quantum of suffering endured by Stalin's victims 'will not'--as Pasternak said, and Amis quotes--'fit within the bounds of consciousness,' but the mind's best approximation has got to be in shuttling back and forth between the anecdote and the statistic, and this Amis does with a skill made brisk by anger. Besides, in many instances Amis's language is furiously apt, as when he refers to the 'ideological debauchery' of Stalin's remark that 'together with the Germans we would have been invincible,' or when he notes the killing irony 'that a ruling order predicated on human perfectibility should reward, glorify, encourage and indeed necessitate all that is humanly base.'.

HIS ANIMUS toward Israel leads him to a number of what one can only hope are errors of haste: By way of explaining Osama bin Laden's appeal, he writes that 'the Palestinians ... have been living under Israeli military occupation in violation of UN Security Council resolutions for over 40 years,' effectively conveying that pre-1967 Israel's existence is itself a violation; he discusses Israel's 'crushing victory' and 'seiz(ing)' of land in 1967 without mentioning that it was fighting a war of self-defense; astoundingly, he writes that '[t]he increased use of force under the Ariel Sharon government sparked the second intifada, which began in September 2000'--choosing not to remember that the then-prime minister was Ehud Barak, who was offering unprecedented diplomatic concessions at Camp David; he says that Hezbollah fought only until Israel's departure from Southern Lebanon, and is now a mainstream organization devoted to education and social services, an assertion belied by a scan of any morning's newspaper; and he refers to Shaykh Yassin, founder and spiritual leader of Hamas, as a 'pragmatist' for his willingness to participate in the Palestinian Authority, notwithstanding his forthrightly consistent refusal to recognize Israel's right to exist. Only '[a] small minority,' Esposito writes, 'continues to espouse violence and terrorism to liberate the whole of Palestine.' And on and on. (And how much of this got past the editors at Oxford is its own kind of mystery.) Although animus toward Israel drives much of Esposito's analysis, he also discusses another pervasively cited issue: 'the dangers of Western economic hegemony and its side effects.' And, he says, '[t]he Muslim world's dominance by the West and marginalization as a world power, which has challenged Islam's relevance to modern life, and its lack of control over the forces of development, have been daunting barriers to progress.' Here, too, yes, the emerging global culture of our time and its driving individualism, not only in economics, but also in politics, culture, and religion is deeply unsettling. It is also very attractive, which is why people in Asia, Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe, and the former Soviet Union struggle not only to find a place for themselves in this new global milieu but to work through its emerging networks and institutions toward a more supple shape of globalization. Again, why the Muslim and Arab worlds should be uniquely, and violently, resistant to globalization, if indeed they are, is left unexplained by Esposito. Esposito calls for greater cross-cultural dialogue and encouragement of genuinely creative and thoughtful Muslim reformers of today, and who can argue with that? But in the end, his insistence that Muslims are endlessly put upon victims who must endlessly be understood by Western elites, and his unwillingness forthrightly to acknowledge the ills besetting Muslim societies are deeply patronizing. 'Democracy,' he writes, 'is an integral part of modern Islamic political thought and practice, accepted in many Muslim countries as a litmus test by which the openness of government and the relevance of Islamic groups or other political parties are certified.' What, in the light of all we have seen in the past years, can this possibly mean, especially when nearly all of today's most creative Muslim thinkers find that they can thrive only in non-Arab states? (Indeed the Muslim reformers he himself discusses--Anwar Ibrahim, Mohammad Khatami and Abdurrahman Wahid--are respectively Malaysian, Iranian, and Indonesian.) The only concrete policy prescription to emerge from Esposito's analysis is, of course, for the United States to distance itself from Israel.

Recent extreme events showed how insurers, deprived of reinsurance capacity at an affordable price, could decide to stop covering for specific extreme events and rapidly let people and firms uncovered. Developing public-private partnerships could constitute one of the most appealing ways to solve the problem of financing the consequences of those extremes events by taking advantage of strengths of both sectors. Catastrophic risks present, however, very specific characteristics which really challenge any traditional economic approach to analyse those issues. So as of today little has been done in the economic literature to reassess the role of public and private sectors with respect to making available protection to victims as well as better understanding how those risks are effectively shared between all partners in those partnerships. This paper aims to provide a partial answer by analysing policy issues related to risk sharing between insurers and a dedicated state-backed governmental reinsurer, who are part of a national partnership of insurance against extreme events. The insurance is mandatory with premium policy that is decided by Treasury. We show that a government can modulate its premium policy levied against insured to make the private insurers in the country participating in the partnership instead of leaving the market and then to adopt two different strategies: (1) to behave as a simple financial intermediary between insured and the public reinsurer so as the former supports the largest portion of the risks or (2) to conserve the largest part of risks to benefit from government incentives. National schemes for covering against natural hazards and those developed post 9/11 for emerging terrorism provide illustrations. ; Plusieurs catastrophes récentes appellent à reconsidérer le rôle des secteurs public et privé dans l'élaboration et le suivi de mécanismes de couverture des risques catastrophiques. Le développement de partenariats public-privé apparaît aujourd'hui l'une des voies prometteuses pour résoudre la problématique du financement des conséquences de tels événements à grande échelle. Néanmoins, à ce jour, peu de travaux analysent le rôle respectif des secteurs public et privé quant au développement de tels schémas de couverture adaptés à ces risques particuliers ainsi que l'efficacité des partages de risques public-privé qui en découlent. Cet article propose des éléments de réponse à travers une approche de politiques économiques portant sur le partage de ces risques entre assureurs privés et un réassureur public disposant d'une garantie illimitée du Trésor. Ces deux acteurs participent à un partenariat national dédié spécifiquement à la couverture de risques extrêmes, dans lequel la couverture "catastrophes" est obligatoire et la politique de "surprime catastrophes", payée par les assurés, est décidée par la direction du Trésor. Utilisant un modèle de jeu, nous montrons que dans un pays où les assureurs ont d'abord refusé de couvrir ces risques extrêmes par eux-mêmes, le gouvernement peut modifier une sa politique de surprime pour les inciter à participer à ce partenariat. Suivant la politique de surprime retenue, deux types de comportements stratégiques seront adoptés par les assureurs : (1) se comporter en simples intermédiaires financiers entre les citoyens/entreprises assuré(e)s et le réassureur public. Dans ce cas, ce dernier supportera une part beaucoup plus importante des risques; (2) supporter une large part des risques pour bénéficier d'incitations financières qui découlent de la politique gouvernementale de surprime. Le système de couverture contre les catastrophes naturelles établi en France en 1982, et les systèmes élaborés dans plusieurs pays après les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 pour couvrir contre le terrorisme de masse, illustrent l'analyse théorique.

The figure of Victor Duruy (1811-1894) has gone through the 19th Century, of which he knew every change, and of which he was altogether witness, reflection and actor.Brought up at the "Manufacture des Gobelins", next to a father who had known a real social ascent, he inherits from him a genuine desire for promotion, which partly enables him to achieve his secondary education, first at the Collège Sainte-Barbe, then at the Ecole Normale. Under the influence of Jules Michelet, he turns to history and chooses teaching. His teaching career experiences a chaotic evolution, mostly according to political changes. His history books are in many instances of a new type and, with the collaboration of his publisher Louis Hachette, he launches out into collections of school books and historical vulgarisation books, which enjoy a huge success. Minister of Public Instruction from 1863 to 1869, he accomplishes a reformatory work of unrivalled scale, with an immense impact both on a long term and a short term. He acts in all the orders of teaching, in the sense of a revaluation of teaching issues, a modernisation of the educative system, a systematic extension of the school public and a reinforcement of research. A victim of the political ambiguities of the Empire libéral, he withdraws from the government in 1869, dedicating his retirement to historical books, to which he owes, in spite of their historiographical classicism, an important notoriety. An eminent figure of the République des Lettres, he is three times a member of the Institute, a patron of the Ecole Méthodique, and a reference to republican reformers. He is also representative of the social elite, whose way of life and values are typical of the Bourgeoisie, as well as of the romantic generation which he belongs to. The tremendous homage he is paid at his death is the sign of the considerable influence he will have had on his era. ; La figure de Victor Duruy (1811-1894) a traversé le XIXème siècle, dont il connut toutes les mutations, et dont il fut à la fois le témoin, le reflet, et l'acteur.Grandi à la manufacture des Gobelins, auprès d'un père qui avait connu une réelle ascension sociale, il en hérite un véritable désir de promotion, que lui permet en partie de réaliser sa fréquentation de l'enseignement secondaire, au collège Sainte-Barbe puis à l'Ecole normale. Sous l'influence de Jules Michelet, il se tourne vers l'histoire et choisit l'enseignement.Sa carrière professorale connaît une évolution chaotique, au gré le plus souvent des changements politiques. Ses manuels d'histoire sont en bien des points d'un type nouveau et, avec la collaboration de son éditeur Louis Hachette, il se lance dans des collections d'ouvrages classiques et de vulgarisation historique qui connaissent un grand succès.Ministre de l'Instruction publique de 1863 à 1869, il accomplit une œuvre réformatrice à l'ampleur inégalée, et dont l'impact à court et à long terme est immense. Il agit dans tous les ordres d'enseignement, dans le sens d'une revalorisation des questions d'enseignement, d'une modernisation du système éducatif, d'une extension systématique des publics scolaires et d'un renforcement de la recherche.Victime des ambiguïtés politiques de l'Empire « libéral », il quitte le pouvoir en 1869, consacrant sa retraite à ses ouvrages historiques, qui lui valent, malgré leur classicisme historiographique, une importante notoriété. Eminente figure de la République des lettres, il est trois fois membre de l'Institut, parrain de l'école méthodique et une référence pour les réformateurs républicains.C'est aussi un représentant de l'élite sociale, dont le mode de vie et les valeurs sont typiques de la bourgeoisie, comme de la génération romantique à laquelle il appartient. Les nombreux hommages qu'on lui rend à sa mort sont le signe de l'influence considérable qu'il aura eue sur son époque.

Books reviewed:Anthropology of ReligionJohn R. Hinnells, and Roy Porter (eds), Religion, health and sufferingFelicia Hughes‐Freeland, and Mary M. Crain (eds, Recasting ritual: performance, media, identityBirgit Meyer, Translating the devil: religion and modernity among the Ewe in GhanaCecilia Pennacini,Kubandwa: la possessione spiritice nell'Africa dei Grandi LaghiRowena Robinson, Conversion, continuity and change: lived Christianity in southern GoaMalcolm Ruel, Belief, ritual and the securing of life: reflexive essays on a Bantu religionMartin D. Stringer, On the perception of worship: the ethnography of worship in four Christian congregations in ManchesterBeatrice Vogt, Skill and trust: the Tovil healing ritual of Sri Lanka as culture‐specific psychotherapyArchaeology / Material CultureChris Gosden, and Jon Hather (eds), The prehistory of food: appetites for changeDavid J. Wilson, Indigenous South Americans of the past and present: an ecological perspectiveBrian R. Billman, and Gary M. Feinman (eds), Settlement pattern studies in the Americas: fifty years since Virú.Stephen D. Houston (ed.), Function and meaning in Classic Maya architectureJudith Perani, and Norma H. Wolff, Cloth, dress and art patronage in AfricaLidia D. Sciama, and Joanne B. Eicher (eds), Beads and bead makers: gender, material culture and meaningBiological AnthropologyRobin Dunbar, Chris Knight and Camilla Power, The evolution of culture: an interdisciplinary view.Michael A. Little, and Paul W. Leslie (eds), Turkana herders of the dry savanna: ecology and biobehavioural respeonse of nomads to an uncertain environmentDavid Magnusson (ed.), The lifespan development of individuals: behavioral, neurobiological and psychosocial perspectives – a synthesis.Tessa M. Pollard, and Susan Brin Hyatt, Sex, gender and healthCarig B. Stanford, The hunting apes: meat eating and the origins of human behavior.GenderFadwa El Guindi, Veil: modesty, privacy and resistanceL.L. Langness, Men and 'woman' in New Guinea.Rafael L. Ramirez, What it means to be a man: reflections on Puerto Rican masculi‐ nityIna Rösing, Geschletchliche Zeit, geschlechtlicher RaumGeneralSusan Bayly, Caste, society and politics in India from the eighteenth century to the modern ageGeri‐Ann Galanti, Caring for patients from different cultures: case studies from American hospitalsJames Paul Gee, An introduction to discourse analysis: theory and methodRamachandra Guha, Savaging the civilized: Verrier Elwin, his tribals, and IndiaDavid Macdougall, Transcultural cinemaJames M. Wilce, Eloquence in trouble: the poetics and politics of complaint in rural BangladeshModernity / postcolonialityBruce M. Knauft, From primitive to postcolooniial in Melanesian anthropologyTariq Modood, and Pnina Werbner (eds), The politics of multiculturalism in the New Europe: racism, identity and communityNiklas Luhmann, Observations on modernityJames Ferguson, Expectations of modernity: myths and meanings of urban life on the Zambian copperbeltPeter Pels, A politics of presence: contacts between missionaries and Waluguru in late colonial TanganykaSamuel M. Wilson, The emperor's giraffe, and other stories of cultures in contactHans Siebers, We are children of the mountain': creolization and modernization among the Q'eqchi'esLisa Rofel, Other modernities: gendered yearnings in China after socialismPolitical AnthropologyAnthony P. Cohen (ed.), Signifying identities: anthropological perspectives on boundaries and contested valuesElizabeth Keating, Power sharing: language, rank, gender, and social space in Pohnpe, MicronesiaVincent C. Peloso, Peasants on plantations: subaltern strategies of labor and resistance in the Pisco Valley, PeruGloria Rudolf, Panama's poor: victims, agents, and historymakersKatherine Verdery, The political lives of dead bodies: reburial and postsocialist changeKosaku Yoshino (ed.), Consuming ethnicity and nationalism: Asian experiencesLouise Young, Japan's total empire: Manchuria and the culture of wartime imperialismSocial anthropologyDonna Birdwell‐Pheasant, and Denise Lawence‐Zúñiga (eds). House life: space, place and family in Europe.James A. Boon, Verging on extra‐vagance: anthropology, history, religion, literature, arts … showbiz.Mary Douglas, Leviticus as literature.Elliot Fratkin, Ariaal pastoralists of Kenya: surviving drought and development in Africa's arid landsMaurice Godelier, Thomas R. Trautmann and Franklin E. Tjon Sie Fat (eds). Transformations of kinshipCharles W. Nuckolls, Culture: a problem that cannot be solvedJohn Carlos Rowe (ed.), 'Culture' and the problem of the disciplines

La investigación fue realizada con el fin de caracterizar el comportamiento ocupacional de personas desplazadas por la violencia y corresponde a un estudio social de tipo cualitativo, que analiza las características y cambios ocupacionales de una población compuesta por cuarenta jefes o cabezas de hogar, entre los que se incluyen hombres y mujeres, ubicados en el barrio Divino Niño en la localidad 19 de Ciudad Bolívar, en Santafé de Bogotá, que han sido desplazados por la violencia de zonas afectadas por el recrudecimiento de la guerra. El trabajo se dirige a los jefes de hogar, puesto que son éstos quienes poseen y mantienen el rol de proveedor, y por la naturaleza de sus ejecuciones ocupacionales, son los que evidencian con mayor claridad los cambios ocupacionales ocurridos a partir de la experiencia del desplazamiento; sin embargo, sus familias fueron involucradas dentro de determinadas acciones desarrolladas a lo largo de la investigación, con el fin de promover la integración familiar y social y el establecimiento de canales de comunicación entre comunidad y profesionales, en un proceso mutuo de retroalimentación. Se enumeran los aspectos que enmarcan el fenómeno del desplazamiento, las acciones nacionales e internacionales en la materia, tanto de organismos gubernamentales como no gubernamentales, y la intervención del terapeuta ocupacional en esta temática. A la luz del modelo teórico de la ocupación humana, planteado por Gary Kielhofner, se realizó un análisis detallado de sus componentes, observando la influencia de dicho fenómeno en el bienestar ocupacional de las personas afectadas, en términos de la adquisición de nuevos roles y transformación de patrones de vida, reflejados en su cotidianidad. Se encontró que los procesos ocupacionales de trabajo y tiempo libre presentan marcados cambios a raíz de la experiencia del desplazamiento, y que las consecuencias del evento generan pobres expectativas de vida frente al futuro. Se incluyen recomendaciones con el propósito de profundizaren el estudio de temáticas álgidas acordes con la realidad social del país, y en las cuales el terapeuta ocupacional debe aumentar su participación. ; The research was made to characterize the occupational behavior of people who migrate beca use of violence. It is a cualitative social study that examines the occupational characteristics and occupational changes of a group of 40 home heads, men and women, in the "Divino Niño" neighborhood, in Ciudad Bolívar, in Santafé de Bogotá, where they migrate because war worsened. The research was focused in home heads beca use they have and keep the provider role, and, because of their occupational executions, they understand better the occupational changes after the experience of migration; nevertheless, their families took part in several activities, in order to promove the familiar and social integration and establishing communication channels between the community and the professionals, in a feedback process. The aspects of the migration induced by violence, the national and international politics in such matter, and the participation of the occupational therapist, are explained. According to the theoretical model of human occupation (Gary Kielhofner), a detailed analysis about its components, the influence of the migration induced by violence in the occupationl well-beíng of the victims, and the acquisition of new roles were carried out as well as the transformation of lifestyles in their daily lifes. It was observed that the occupational processes of working and free time underwent important changes based upon the experience of migration induced by violence, and its consequences gave rise less life prospects for the future. Sorne suggestions are presented to increase the study of social topics related with the national reality where the occupational therapist must participate actively.

The Firearm Injury Reduction Education (FIRE) Program is a comprehensive community-based initiative aimed primarily at reducing the number of unintentional firearm injuries and deaths in Michigan. The FIRE Program is a multifaceted intervention that includes the following components: (1) videotaped testimonials; (2) radio public service announcements (PSAs); and (3) pamphlet distribution. In all cases, target audience members have an opportunity to receive a free gun trigger-lock. Several aspects of the social marketing model will be adopted by the FIRE Program. Pre-production formative evaluation is one important part of social marketing. The information reported here contains results of formative evaluation conducted to obtain feedback to develop and improve program components. Specifically, focus groups ( N = 6) were conducted with adults and children who owned firearms and/or were members of an at-risk population. Individual in- depth interviews were also conducted ( N = 11) with law enforcement officers and gun shop owners and/or operators. Results suggest that one can learn a reasonable amount of information from a limited number of focus groups and interviews. Injuries and deaths from guns represent a pervasive problem in American society. Firearms are the second-leading cause of fatal injuries in this country (Kellermann, 1994), and have surpassed automobile accidents in many states to become the leading cause of fatal injuries (Marwick, 1995). In 1994, firearms were involved in 17,866 homicides, there were 1,356 deaths due to unintentional gun injuries and 18,765 individuals prematurely ended their lives through suicide with a firearm (Singh, Kochanek, & MacDorman, 1996). Though fewer individuals died from unintentional shootings, estimates suggest that for every unintentional gun- related death, there are 13 unintentional gun-related injuries (Annest, Mercy, Gibson, & Ryan, 1995). Overall, for every gun-related death, estimates indicate that approximately seven people are injured by guns (Kellermann, 1994). The availability of a gun in a home is cited as a major contributing factor in each of these cases (Michigan Task Force on Interpersonal Violence Prevention and Reduction, 1994; Cook, 1979; Zimring, 1968; McDowall, 1991; Brent et al., 1991; Kellermann et al., 1992; Cotton, 1992), especially when the gun is stored loaded but not locked (Wintemut, Teret, Kraus, Wright, & Bradfield, 1987). Funding for this program was provided by the Michigan Department of Community Health to the Michigan Public Health Institute. Gun-related injuries and deaths carry a heavy price tag in terms of years-of-life lost and money spent to treat victims. National estimates indicate that annual costs related to firearm injuries and deaths average $14 billion (Voelker, 1995). Additionally, the life lost is often a young one, losing the potential for many years as a productive citizen. With regard to intentional firearm deaths, 20- to 24-year-olds have the highest death rate (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, 1993). Unintentional gun injuries are the third leading cause of death for 15- to 24-year-olds and the fourth leading cause of death for 5- to 14-year-olds in the United States (Kellermann, Lee, Mercy, & Banton, 1991). The populations at greatest risk for gun-related suicide include males 10- to 34-years-old and those 70 and older (Rosenberg, 1993). These statistics illustrate the seriousness of firearm injuries and deaths. Treating this issue as a public health concern has been growing in popularity as a realistic option to reduce gun violence. Firearm injuries and deaths are increasingly being referred to as an "epidemic" (Mason & Proctor, 1992; Novello, Shosky, & Froehlke, 1992; Randall, 1990), "a public health emergency" (Novello et al., 1992), and one of "the most critical health problems this country faces" (Randall, 1990).

The autobiographical prison writings of four South African women - Ruth First, Caesarina Kana Makhoere, Emma Mashinini and Maggie Resha - form the focus of this study. South African autobiography is burdened with the task of producing history in the light of the silences enforced by apartheid security legislation and the dominance of representations of white histories. Autobiography with its promise of 'truth' provides the structure within which to establish a credible subject position. In chapter one I discuss the use of authenticating devices, such as documentary-like prose, and the inclusion in numerous texts of the stories of others. Asserting oneself as a (publicly acknowledged) subject in writing is particularly difficult for women who historically have been denied access to authority: while Maggie Resha's explicit task is to highlight the role women have played in the struggle, her narrative must also be broadly representative, her authority communal. As I discuss in chapter two, prison writing breaks the legal and psychological silences imposed by a hostile penal system. In a context of political repression the notion of the truth becomes complicated, because while it is important to be believed, it is also important, as with Ruth First, not to betray her comrades and values. The writer must therefore negotiate with the (imagined) audience if her signature is to be accepted and her subjectivity affirmed. The struggle to represent oneself in the inimical environment of prison and the redemptive value in doing so are considered in chapter three. The institution of imprisonment as a means of silencing political dissidence targets the body, according to Michel Foucault's theories of discipline and control explored in chapter four. Using the work of Lois McNay and Elizabeth Grosz I argue in chapter five that it is necessary also to pay attention to the specificities of female bodies which are positioned and controlled in particular ways. I argue, too, using N. Chabani Manganyi, that while anatomical differences provide the rationale for racism and sexism, the body is also an instrument for resisting negative cultural significations. For instance, Caesarina Kana Makhoere represents her body as a weapon in her political battle, inside and outside prison. The prison cell itself is formative of subjectivity as it returns an image of criminality and powerlessness to the prisoner. Following the work of human geographers in chapter six I argue that space and subjectivity are mutually constitutive, as shown by the way spatial metaphors operate in prison texts. The subject can redesign hostile space in order to represent herself. As these texts show, relations of viewing are crucial to self-identification: surveillance disempowers the prisoner and produces her as a victim, but prisoners have recourse to alternative ways of (visually) interacting in order to position the dominators as objects of their gaze, through speaking and then also through writing. Elaine Scarry's insights into torture are extended in chapter seven to encompass psychological torture and sexual harassment: inflicting bodily humiliation, as well as pain, on the body, brings it sharply into focus, making speech impossible. By writing testimony and by generating other scenes of dialogue through which subjectivity can be constructed (through being looked at and looking, through having the message of self affirmed in the other's hearing) it is possible to contain, in some way, the horror of detention and to assert a measure of control in authoring oneself. For Mashinini this healing dialogue must take place within an emotionally and ideologically sympathetic context. v For those historical subjects who have found themselves without a legally valued identity and a platform from which to articulate the challenge of their experience, writing a personal narrative may offer an invaluable chance to assert a truth, to reclaim a self and a credibility and in that way to create a kind of freedom. Bibliography: pages 173-182.

In 1785, two men came into important government positions in New Spain who had considerable influence on the Indian policies of the Spanish frontier. These men were Bernardo de Galvez and Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola. Both had proven their competence through earlier services to the crown. Galvez had come to the new world while still a relatively young man in 1769. Due to his own accomplishments, and the watchful eye of his uncle, Jose de Galvez, Bernardo advanced rapidly. He first served on the Louisi.ana frontier as a military officer, and in time rose to become governor of that province. In 1779, when Spain declared war on England, Galvez directed the conquest of British posts on the lower Mississippi River and the capture of the Bahamas. On the death of his father, Viceroy Mat!as de Galvez, in 1785, he was sent to Mexico to succeed him as viceroy of New Spain. Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola had proven himself a capable soldier in wars with Portugal and Italy. In 1769, he had been dispatched to New Spain to serve as military governor of the frontier provinces. In 1776, when the Council of the Indies formed a new frontier policy which separated the regions of Sonora, Coahuila, New Mexico and Texas from the vice royalty of New Spain, Ugarte was appointed military governor of Sonora. This reorganization of the frontier was due largly to the increased pressure of the Apache raids on the northern settlements. The new region, known as the Frovinaiae IntePnae, was under the direct military rule of Teodoro de Croix. The increased Apache problems were theresults of territorial expansion to the southwest by the Commanches. These two Indian groups were traditional enemies, and as the more powerful Commanches gained ground in the east, the Apaches moved farther into the Spanish domain. The minister of the Indies, Jose de Galvez, was convinced that this threat could only be stopped by a coordinated effort of all the military forces on the frontier, which brought about the realignment of command in the area. In 1785, at approximately the same time as Bernardo de Galvez became viceroy of New Spain, Jacobo Ugarte was appointed the commander general of the P.rovinaiae Internas. Ugarte, in his position as commander general, had full charge of all military activit ies on the northern frantier and was directly responsible only to Viceroy Galvez. In the fall of 1786, Galvez fell victim of a fever and died. Before his death, however, he outlined a very promising plan to Ugarte for improving the situation on the frontier. The Galvez policy for dealing with all Indians on the frontier in general, and the Apaches in particular, was perhaps the most important plan ever adopted by the Spanish for control of the Indians of the northern provinces of New Spain. It worked for twenty-four years--from its inception in 1786 until the latter part of 1810, when it collapsed due to lack of use during the Mexican independence movement. This paper will attempt to assess the reasons for the effectiveness of this policy, its impact upon the Indians--particularly the Apaches-and look at the Spanish military of the late 1700's in the southwest. To understand the need for formation of the Galvez policy it will be necessary to review briefly the history of the Apaches to 1760, the situation of the Spanish on the frontier, initial Spanish Indian policies from 1766 to 1785 and to look in depth at the policy of Bernardo de Galvez.

Desde el fin de la última dictadura militar (1976-1983) hasta la actualidad, se han implementado en Argentina una serie de medidas transicionales de carácter retributivo (como los Juicios a las Juntas Militares o los Juicios por Delitos de Lesa Humanidad que se desarrollan en la actualidad) y restaurativo (como las peticiones públicas de perdón por agentes o representantes del Estado). Estas medidas, acompañadas por otras basadas en el derecho a la verdad, se supone que, a nivel microsocial, ayudan a dignificar a las víctimas de las violaciones a los derechos humanos y, a nivel macrosocial, permiten avanzar en la construcción de una historia integradora, la recuperación de la confianza intergrupal e incluso inician procesos de reconciliación en el tejido social. Este artículo explora el conocimiento, valoración, impacto emocional y eficacia percibida en una muestra de población argentina (N=477), teniéndose en cuenta el nivel de exposición a la violencia y la ideología de las personas entrevistadas. De los resultados se desprende que la información disponible sobre las medidas retributivas y restaurativas es baja, y que este conocimiento desciende entre la población no afectada y en las personas que se posicionan ideológicamente hacia la derecha. La aprobación y percepción de eficacia e impacto emocional de las medidas retributivas son en general positivas, aunque también varían en función de estas variables. La eficacia de las medidas restaurativas es más limitada y la reconciliación, que se considera algo deseable, depende fundamentalmente de la aplicación de justicia y castigo a los responsables de la violencia. ; Since the end of the last military dictatorship (1976/1983) to the present, Argentina has implemented a series of transitional measures of remunerative type (such as the Judgments to the Military Junta or judgments against humanity's crimes taking place today) and restorative type (as public petitions for forgiveness by agents or State's representatives). These measures, along with others based on the right to truth, are assumed that in a micro-social level, help to dignify the victims of human rights violations and, at the macro-social level, allow progress in the construction of an inclusive history, the recovery of intergroup trust and even initiate intergroup reconciliation processes in (the social society). This article explores the knowledge, appreciation, emotional impact and perceives efficiency in a sample of argentine population (N=477), taking into account the level of exposure to violence and the ideological positioning of participants. From results it is clear that the available information about the remunerative and restorative measures is low, and this knowledge descends between the not affected population and in those ideologically self-positioned towards the right. The approval, perceived effectiveness and emotional impact of the remunerative measures are generally positive, though they change depending on these variables. The efficiency of the restorative measures is more limited and the reconciliation, which is considered desirable, depends primarily on the application of justice and punishment for those responsible for the violence. ; Fil: Arnoso, M. Universidad del País Vasco; España ; Fil: Muratori, Marcela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina ; Fil: Bombelli, Juan Ignacio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Adventista del Plata. Facultad de Ciencias de la Salud; Argentina ; Fil: Zubieta, Elena Mercedes. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

This thesis consists of three sections: a systematic review, an empirical paper and the appendices, which are intended to support the empirical paper. The two papers are intended for publication in different journals and are written in the style required by those journals. Thesis Overview In the UK, a military veteran is defined by the government as anyone who has served in the armed forces for at least one day; they will simply be referred to as veterans from here on. The mental health of veterans is very much in the public awareness, especially due to the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Research dedicated to this area has mostly used quantitative methodologies, focused on Post-traumatic stress disorder and has been conducted in the United States. The research, and the media, has a tendency to give a more negative overview of veteran's mental health, and their health outcomes, by emphasising such difficulties as substance misuse and offending behaviour. Therefore the aim of this thesis was to start to fill in the gaps. This was achieved by reviewing and adopting qualitative methodologies and involving British veterans. The research aimed to explore the possibility of positive change after military service, and veterans own views on how they experience and cope with psychological difficulties. By knowing more about veterans' experiences, from veterans' themselves, we will be more able to inform services and tailor the support to improve their outcomes and enhance their well-being. The term Post-traumatic growth (PTG) is relatively new, but the concept of growth out of adversity dates back to at least the 1960s. PTG was introduced by Tedeschi and Calhoun to describe positive psychological change resulting from experiencing traumatic events. It is conceptualised as a long-term coping strategy for ongoing stress following adversity (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Positive growth has been indicated in the experiences of people after a range of traumatic events but the types and levels of trauma experienced by military personnel are unique. This is because they may endure multiple and chronic trauma, they have voluntarily put themselves in harm's way and they could experience combat exposure both as victim and perpetrator (Linley & Joseph, 2004; Larner & Blow, 2011; Larner, 2013). Research suggesting that veterans can experience PTG has tended to focus on quantitative aspects of prevalence and influential factors, with no qualitative review of how veterans actually experience PTG. Chapter one of this thesis is a systematic review of the qualitative literature exploring veterans' subjective experiences of PTG after military service. It aims to highlight those areas more prone to growth and to help inform interventions that may facilitate this process. To enable us to inform interventions to promote positive change, it is important to know how veterans are coping with psychological difficulties from their own perspective. Chapter two of this thesis is an empirical study that explored the way veterans from the North West of England, who had accessed a veterans' psychology service, are coping with psychological difficulties. Q Methodology (Stephenson, 1935) was used to provide a systematic and non-threatening way to collect a large range of subjective viewpoints. The paper discusses the clinical implications of the findings and recommendations for future research within the context of the strengths and limitations of the study. It is hoped the findings will increase the awareness of this complex area, highlight the need for more research and aid the development of more targeted interventions focused on those more adaptive and growth promoting coping processes.

Re-evaluation of Riesman (R) emanates from the attitude among intellectuals that there must be something wrong with something so successful. The reception given to The Lonely Crowd resulted from its shattering certain prevalent stereotypes about American life by pointing out changes that hadn't yet reached the general awareness. Though a sociologist, R's work has been more warmly received by 'humanist' scholars. His personal tone & style contrast sharply with conventional soc sci res. Soc sci'ts have criticized him for his: (1) trained incapacity to distinguish between questions of substance & method, (2) 'impressionism', (3) concepts, & (4) broad theory of the interdependence of character & society. But these are irrelevant to the central theme of The Lonely Crowd: the thesis that contemporary Americans are becoming docile conformists. His 3-fold classification of character types serves him mainly as a way of ordering his comments on diverse phenomena. The major fault of this labeling system is not that it is difficult to classify individuals but rather that the 3 forms of direction seem to be better adapted to characterizing different styles of life & moral outlook than to describing types of character structure. Furthermore, the character types are one-dimensional & fail to specify any concrete content for the individual's goals & impulses, & thus omit too much that has to be taken into account if one's aim is to understand particular people rather than broad cultural pressures weighing on them. R is essentially a sociol'st or a critic of culture rather than a 'depth' psychol'st. He makes the error of attributing to character structure what is part of the social environment. His 'other-directed' man is, however, a valuable addition to our collection of types & seems most representative of man in rapidly changing mass society. But the 'other-directed' man is less social psychological & more historical portraiture of a familiar and traditional kind. The fathers of contemporary sociol stressed the influence of the group on the individual. Today many soc sci'ts & publicists have transformed fact into value & urged submission to & conformity with the group. R has attacked this trend but 'insofar as he views his triad of types as psychological entities rather than as social historical constructions ... he falls victim to the very trend he analyzes so perceptively.' In Individualism Reconsidered the approach is to attack all 'official' viewpoints: ideas & codes that have become assumptions of social groups or intellectual cliques. His method is to explore the social roots of such ideas & values to show how these roots account for the narrowness & onesidedness of a particular outlook. R escapes the vulgarity in 'obsessive bucking' of current fashion because he has an acute sense of the connection between thoughts & their thinkers & the social groups upholding them. Yet he has been embarrassed by having his criticism used & distorted by audiences for which it was not intended. In his readiness to consider the anxieties & suggestibilities of his audience R forgets the role of the critic which is not to allay the guilt of potential readers of criticism but rather to judge the relative merits of works. R is other-directed in his constant concern with reactions of his audience. R's prominence as a spokesman of this era is a sign that the soc sci's have come of age; he is a 'broker of ideas, a sythesizer of intellectual trends, & a demonstrator of the relevance of what others have said & thought of the lives we live.' He has stimulated soc sci'ts to broaden their interests & has helped sociol 'emerge from its parochialism of method & topic to emulate the old universalism that once marked the philosopher and man of letters.' S. H. Aronson.

Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: the President of the Chamber of Commerce of Tiuana, B.C Luis S. Marquez, Governors, presidents of municipal committees of the National Revolutionary Party, the president of the Pro-Acercamiento Nacional Assembly from Cuernavaca, Morelos, the Convention of the League of Agrarian Communities, Luis S. Rodríguez, Secretary General of the Government of La Paz, the Director of Civilian Retirement Pensions, private citizens, the President of the League of small property owners, Miguel M. Acosta, Secretary of Communications and Public Works, the Teachers League from Estado de México, Commanders of the Military Zone, A.J. Pani, Secretary of Finance, the Agricultural Company from La Laguna, Congressmen, his personal secretary Soledad González, and the Cuauhtémoc Brewery. The aforementioned telegrams concern appreciation for the issuance of a decree that established the free newspapers for Tijuana; information about the social peace in Chiapas; report about finishing the electric line set up in El Riego, Puebla; the Municipal Committee of the National Revolutionary Party endorsed the State Committee of Veracruz for opposing the tricky strategies used by Congress Representatives Peña González and Guillermo Rodríguez, a request for financial assistance to the School of Medicine, confirmation of having gotten mail; reply of acknowledgement on the Governor's trip to the Capital city, report about the possibility to get loans; suspending appointments; requesting information about private citizens' health status; report on the deposit required to process the Mexico-Tijuana concession, requests for appointments; a request to pay salaries to teachers; a request to ship pasture from "el manzo", confirmation about funds submission to the School of Medicine; the Chamber of Commerce from Tijuana was acknowledged for the construction of the Free Perimeter; condolences to private citizens; information about private citizens' health status; a request for assistance to the victims of Oaxaca, purchase of items for Alicia's daughters; a request for financial assistance to the construction of a road in Guerrero. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, Presidente de la Cámara de Comercio de Tijuana, B.C. Luis S. Marquez, Gobernadores, Presidentes de Comités Municipales del Partido Nacional Revolucionario, Presidente de la Asamblea Pro Acercamiento Nacional de Cuernavaca, Mor.; Convención Liga de Comunidades Agrarias, Secretario General de Gobierno de La Paz, Luis S. Rodríguez, Director de Pensiones Civiles de Retiro, particulares, Presidente de la Liga de Poseedores en Pequeño, Secretario de Comunicaciones y Obras Públicas Miguel M. Acosta, Liga de Maestros del Estado de México, Comandantes de la Zona Militar, Secretario de Hacienda A. J. Pani, Compañía Agrícola de La Laguna, Diputados, Secretaria Particular Soledad González y Cervercería Cuauhtémoc, acerca de: agradecimientos por publicación de decreto creando los periódicos libres para Tijuana, informe sobre paz social en Chiapas, informe sobre terminación de instalación eléctrica en El Riego, Pue.; respaldo del Comité Municipal del Partido Nacional Revolucionario al Comité Estatal de Veracruz contra maniobras de los Diputados Peña González y Guillermo Rodríguez, solicitud de ayuda económica para la Facultad de Medicina, notificaciones sobre haber recibido mensajes, respuesta de enterado sobre viaje de Gobernador a la capital, informe sobre posibilidad de contratar créditos, suspensión de audiencias, solicitud de informes sobre estado de salud de particulares, informe sobre el depósito para tramitar concesión México-Tijuana, solicitudes de audiencia, solicitud de pago a maestros, solicitud de envío de yerba del "manzo", notificaciones sobre envío de fondos a la Escuela de Medicina, reconocimiento de la Cámara de Comercio de Tijuana por la creación de perímetro libre, condolencias a particulare, informe sobre estado de salud de particulares, solicitud de ayuda para damnificados de Oaxaca, compras de artículos para las hijas de Alicia, solicitud de ayuda para construcción de carretera en Guerrero.

• Yesterday, Board of Health ordered close of all retail stores at 5:30 p. m. and prohibited selling, purchasing, and/or pawning of secondhand clothing.• All appeals to restrictions due to quarantine were denied.• "It was intimated, however, that the ban will be lifted next week if the situation improves."• Board of Health "vigorously" protested "sale of patent medicines and inhalers for the prevention and cure of influenza."• "Many of them (medicines), the members declared, not only were of no value, but were harmful."• Committee "earnestly" asked for churches to be reopened.• Father Mulvihill said that reopening the churches would help against the epidemic since it would allow for people to be consoled that were "sorely distressed" and it would "sustain the morals of the people."• He said that churches do not belong in the same category as saloons and theaters, and that they "should only be closed as a last resort."• Board rejected these requests, in addition to the request that side doors of churches be open for "transient worshippers."• Board rejected other requests from the Zoo and Queen City Club.• Board accepted request from United Telegraphers' Institute to have telegraphy classes "as a war necessity."• They also allowed the Civil Service Commission to have examination of applicants for those considered for municipal positions (?) next Saturday.• Board allowed Board of Elections to have special registration next Saturday and Monday.• They also allowed Draft Board No. 10 to have school teachers help compose reports for Federal Govt.• War Chest Committee "was advised not" to go ahead with meetings scheduled next week "until further notice."• Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra management also told to hold off on rehearsal planning for next week.• "Reports received at the Health Dept. yesterday indicated no changes in the influenza situation."• 159 or 169 new cases (cannot read) reported, 39 deaths• 614 total deaths• "Conditions were more hopeful at the General Hospital."• Superintendent List said there were 25 new admissions and 6 deaths yesterday.• 40 patients discharged, now 469 cases under treatment, which includes 64 cases at County Infirmary• Dr. Peters sent estimates to the Board of Health yesterday that there were 4,0000 cases in Cincinnati during week ending Oct. 5th (6th?); 6,000 for week ending Oct. 12th; 13,000 for week ending Oct. 19th; 5,000 (6,000?) for week ending Oct. 26th. For this week, he estimated 8,000 cases.• Dr. Peters told to prohibit allowing bulletins to be displayed which show election returns next Tuesday night.• Board unanimously agreed on, and put into place, a resolution to have the extra tax levy submitted at the November election, and "[urged] the voters of Cincinnati to support it."• Board "dismissed.as impracticable" that all homes with influenza victims be quarantined.• "Reports indicate, Dr. Peters said, that the eastern section of the city is being freed of the disease, the majority of new cases coming from the western section."• City Prosecutor Edward S. Morrissey composed an ordinance that "[prohibited] all persons suffering from or exposed to any infectious disease from attending public gatherings." City Solicitor Saul Zielonka directed this.• Next week, it will be submitted to City Council. Penalty of violation will be a maximum fine of "$300.00 (I think it says 300) and costs."• Drug stores and restaurants are exempt from the 6 pm closing order of Board.• Public markets are also exempt if market stands are (something about the outdoors? Maintained outdoors?) near sidewalk (sidewalk what? Booths?).• Health Officer Blum will prosecute owners that violate this rule.• Miss (Mrs?) Mary Riffle at GH died of broncho-pneumonia, developed after influenza, yesterday. She is the second nurse at GH to pass away. ; Newspaper article ; 14

• University of Cincinnati – seven cases yesterday, "causing health authorities to fear a new outbreak of the disease in the student body."• "The epidemic apparently had been checked effectually at the university and at the Ohio Mechanics' Institute, no new cases having been reported for two weeks until yesterday."• Major Percy said that these seven soldiers had been sent home during the epidemic and were ordered to come back last Monday. • They were taken to GH.• Civic health authorities said that training should not resume at university "until the disease had been stamped out in Cincinnati," but military authorities continued to mobilize the students anyway.• Health Officer Peters would not comment except that, "The Health Department has no authority over the military situation. We placed ourselves on record against the mobilization of the soldier students, but the Federal authority supersedes our civil authority."• Major Percy said quarantine had not been ended at the university.• No movement of new recruits until Nov. 13th, but enrolled men who were sent home were called back.• "'The military authorities have exclusive jurisdiction in the matter,' said Major Percy."• Colonel George I. Converse and District Educational Director R. M. Hughes sent President C. W. Dabney a telegram yesterday. • The telegram said that presidents of colleges and commanding officers of the Student Army Training Corps (SATC) cannot be told to stop work by local/state health authorities.• "Military and educational work will be resumed where discontinued unless above named officers agree that such course is unwise."• Committee on Education via division headquarters can stop educational/military work.• "Reports from the Health Department and the General Hospital were encouraging yesterday, causing Dr. Peters and Dr. Walter E. List, Superintendent of the General Hospital, to announce that the epidemic is on the decline. Dr. Peters said he based his statement also on interviews with physicians in all sections of the city."• 119 new cases reported to Health Dept., smallest amount in a week• 646 total deaths in Cincinnati• 20 new patients, 4 deaths (in 18 hours) so far to this morning at GH• 20 (?) patients discharged, new total of 442 influenza patients at GH• "Dr. Peters said with proper precaution the epidemic can be stamped out within the next seven to ten days, although he said the number of deaths will not decrease materially during that period because of the large number of serious cases now under treatment."• "Dr. Peters again urged citizens to be on their guard, but to be cheerful."• Cincinnati Traction Company will not operate extra cars on election night, according to Street Railroads Director W. C. Culkins, as directed by Dr. Peters.• "Conduct of the public on election night will influence the Board of Health in its attitude toward lifting the ban."• Election bulletins are prohibited for display. • Cigar store and confectionary owners have been complaining since they have to close at 5:30 pm, but drug stores can stay open later and sell similar things.• Dr. Peters said that these were legitimate complaints, and he would talk to the Board of Health about these complaints. It will be recommended that drug stores can only sell medicines and fill prescriptions.• Dr. Peters said that closing order not applicable to banks, markets, restaurants, or garages.• Dr. Peters said that he heard Cincinnati industries are freely giving anti-influenza and anti-pneumonia vaccinations to employees. Civilians (I think it says) should first get advice from their physicians.• Order against public funerals to prevent large crowds, not due to threat from body of influenza victim of spreading it, according to Dr. Peters. ; Newspaper article ; 14