Suchergebnisse

Indonesia-Turkey defense diplomacy which aims to achieve self-sufficiency in defense equipment has resulted in the joint production of a medium tank called the Harimau or Kaplan. Each country requires a medium tank because this type of tank can operate in various geographical conditions found in Indonesia and Turkey. The purpose of this study is to examine the factors that contribute to the realization of joint production of tanks through the implementation of defense diplomacy strategies. Data were obtained through interviews with former Indonesian defense ministers for the period 2009-2014 as well as from the defense industry. In addition, secondary data was obtained from search results of official documents, official websites, and journals. Then the results of the interviews were analyzed descriptively. From this research, the factors that influence the cooperation between Indonesia and Turkey are obtained, namely the principle of equality, the principle of mutual trust and need, and the principle of business. In addition, Indonesia's defense diplomacy strategy is in the alignment of domestic and foreign defense policies, assessments, and maximizing the concepts of Government to Government (G to G) and Business to Business (B to B).

The institutional response to the social outbreak of 18/O in Chile was the National Referendum for a new Constitution, which had an overwhelming result in favor of approving the constitutional change. However, within the minority group that voted against the change, there is part of the large Chilean business community. This article seeks to show the foundations of the main business leaders of two employers' organizations in Chile: the National Society of Agriculture and the Sociedad de Fomento Fabril, who rejected the idea of a new Constitution years before the social outbreak, as a result of the Constitutional Process promoted between 2015 and 2016 by the government of former President Michelle Bachelet. From 40 interviews with members of the business elite, it is concluded that uncertainty, fear and aversion support this conservative stance with a complex base, marked by its institutional trust and fear of the creation of a new political order. The analysis is interesting, because possibly the magnitude of the social outbreak and its consequences, managed to change the public positioning of some business leaders.

Scholars in the field of population health need to be on the constant lookout for the danger that their tacit ideological commitments translate into systematic biases in how they interpret their empirical results. This contribution illustrates this problematic by critically interrogating a set of concepts such as tradition, trust, social capital, community, or gender, that are routinely used in population health research even though they carry a barely acknowledged political and ideological load. Alongside this wider deconstruction of loaded concepts, I engage critically but constructively with Martin Lindström et al.'s paper "Social capital, the miniaturization of community, traditionalism and mortality: A population-based prospective cohort study in southern Sweden" to evaluate the extent to which it fits with other empirical findings in the extant literature. Taking as a point of departure the intriguing finding that social capital predicts cardiovascular and all-cause mortality only for men, but not for women, I argue that future research on the nexus of social capital, health, and mortality needs to frame gender not only as a demographic and statistical variable, but also as an ontological conundrum and as an epistemological sensibility.

Although research has established the importance of state capacity in economic development, less is known about how to build that capacity and the role of external partners in the process. This paper estimates the impact of a typical development project designed to build state capacity in a low-income country. Specifically, it evaluates a multilateral development bank project in Tanzania, which incentivized investments in local state capacity by offering grants conditional on institutional performance scores. The paper uses a difference-in-differences methodology to estimate the project impact, comparing outcomes between 18 project and 22 non-project local governments over 2016–18. Outcomes were measured through two rounds of primary surveys of nearly 500 local government officials and nearly 3,000 households. Over the course of the project, measured state capacity improved in project areas, but due to comparable gains in non-project areas, the project's value-added to change in state capacity is estimated to be zero across all the dozens of relevant variables in the surveys. The data suggest that state capacity is evolving in Tanzania through endogenous changes in trust and legitimacy in the country rather than from financial incentives offered by external partners.

Despite calls for political consensus, there is growing evidence that the public response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been politicized in the US. We examined the extent to which this polarization exists among the US public across two national studies. In a representative US sample (N = 699, March 2020) we find that liberals (compared to conservatives) perceive higher risk, place less trust in politicians to handle the pandemic, are more trusting of medical experts such as the WHO, and are more critical of the government response. We replicate these results in a second, pre-registered study (N = 1000; April 2020), and find that results are similar when considering partisanship, rather than political ideology. In both studies we also find evidence that political polarization extends beyond attitudes, with liberals consistently reporting engaging in a significantly greater number of health protective behaviors (e.g., wearing face masks) than conservatives. We discuss the possible drivers of polarization on COVID-19 attitudes and behaviors, and reiterate the need for fostering bipartisan consensus to effectively address and manage the COVID-19 pandemic.

Since countries began vaccine rollout against the COVID-19 virus, all hands have been on deck to vaccinate as many people as possible, in order to achieve a high vaccine uptake towards herd immunity. Though slow, Nigeria just like other countries, has been vaccinating its citizens. However, the vaccination effort, like similar programmes has continued to encounter the familiar foe of vaccine hesitancy. Where vaccine hesitancy becomes an issue, a likely response is for the government to explore the option of mandatory vaccination, either directly or indirectly, with the goal of compelling citizens to be vaccinated, or suffer some jeopardy. Such a move is bound to touch on core human rights, especially the right to personal autonomy. This article examines the extent to which a mandatory COVID-19 vaccination programme in Nigeria, conflicts with the citizen's right to determine what should be done to his/her body. It concludes that rather than forcing vaccines on people, a better option is for government to gain the trust of the people, through multi-layered social engagements.

This research based on the background that political parties in general and Islamic parties in particular are experiencing serious problems, namely the contradiction between the role and function idealism of the realities of everyday political party life witnessed by the public. Political parties receive a negative stigma, for example parties are considered corrupt, feudal and do not think about the fate of the little people. Islamic parties, which have been the object of research studies in several general election competitions (elections), have not been able to win or win the majority of votes despite having cultural and even ideological closeness to Muslims in Indonesia. The method used in this research is qualitative with a descriptive analytical approach. The results show that Islamic parties are still in doubt about their commitment to carrying out their responsibilities and in general they have not attracted or been trusted by some activists of Islamic student organizations, others still provide opportunities and trust in the hope that Islamic parties can improve the negative image attached to their institutions. Keywords: political parties; student organizations; and Islam.

This study aims to determine the perception of UPZ and Non-UPZ Mosque Level towards BAZNAS South Tangerang City. The object of this research is mosques in South Tangerang City. The factors studied are transparency, accountability and the socialization of the BAZNAS program. The research method used is a quantitative approach with logistic regression analysis techniques. The sample of this study is the mosques of South Tangerang City with the criteria of a mosque that has a large potential of zakat totaling 30 mosques obtained from the calculation using the Slovin formula. The instrument used in this study was a questionnaire. The results of this study indicate that the perception of UPZ and Non-UPZ Mosque Level towards BAZNAS South Tangerang City is influenced by several problems. These problems can be categorized, namely lack of public trust due to lack of transparency and accountability of the government or agency that deals with zakat funds, then the lack of public understanding of UPZ due to the lack of socialization to educate the public.

This is the final version. Available on open access from SAGE Publications via the DOI in this record ; Diagnosis is a profoundly social phenomenon which, while putatively identifying disease entities, also provides insights into how societies understand and explain health, illness and deviance. In this paper, we explore how diagnosis becomes part of popular culture through its use in many non-clinical settings. From historical diagnosis of long-deceased public personalities to media diagnoses of prominent politicians and even diagnostic analysis of fictitious characters, the diagnosis does meaningful social work, explaining diversity and legitimising deviance in the popular imagination. We discuss a range of diagnostic approaches from paleopathography to fictopathography, which all take place outside of the clinic. Through pathography, diagnosis creeps into widespread and everyday domains it has not occupied previously, performing medicalisation through popularisation. We describe how these pathographies capture, not the disorders of historical or fictitious figures, rather, the anxieties of a contemporary society, eager to explain deviance in ways that helps to make sense of the world, past, present and imaginary. ; Wellcome Trust

This chapter analyses the EU's crisis response in the Western Balkans through the lens of EULEX. By exploring how those immediately responsible for mandate execution and those directly affected by its outcomes perceive EULEX, we discover gaps that highlight the pitfalls of direct and ingrained political interference in the mission's work. While EULEX has been seen as an important watchdog for preventing further human rights abuses, the EU's approach to Kosovo and the region continues to be characterised by competing priorities: the EU's broader political objectives impact the mission's legal work and hamper the EU in achieving a coherent and impactful rule of law policy. In turn, this decreases the local populations' trust and approval of EULEX and ultimately undermines the EU's overall goals of promoting good governance and a European perspective for Kosovo. This tension highlights the incompatibility of the EU's short-term focus on crisis management and the more longterm focus on crisis transformation. We see this as particularly problematic for an actor whose self-image as a 'normative power', is underpinned by an assumption that its influence in the world in gained through 'the power of ideas'. ; publishedVersion

This project studies the differences in the implementation and operation of freedom-ofinformation (FOI) laws in three Latin American countries (Chile, Peru, and Uruguay), each with its own institutional setting. In Chile, there is a strong state agency with high autonomy and the capacity to monitor compliance. In Peru and Uruguay, these agencies have very low levels of autonomy and a weak monitoring capacity. This project seeks to develop two methodological strategies: randomized field experiments and three case studies. A field experiment will assess the effect of the successful use of FOI law on citizens' perceptions of transparency and trust in institutions. In each case study, we analyze the processes of public information exchange in each country. Using a processtracing approach, we test four main explanations—institutional capacity and legacies, diffusion, political coalitions, and political calculation—of why these three countries developed different right-to-information (RTI) regimes. The inclusion of these three countries in our study helps identify the effect of institutional setting on these processes and also helps increase the external validity of the results of the field experiment. ; Agencia Nacional de Investigación e Innovación

This study aims to determine the political situation in Afghanistan which is now occupied by the Taliban. This qualitative research method is often called "naturalistic research method" because the research is carried out in natural conditions (natural setting). In this study, researchers used two kinds of data, namely primary data and secondary data. To determine the validity of the data, an inspection technique is needed. The implementation of the inspection technique is based on a number of certain criteria. There are four criteria used, namely the degree of trust (credibility), transferability, dependence (dependability), and certainty. The conclusions of this study are; 1) The Taliban insists that it is committed to peace talks with the Afghan government. The implementation of the original Islamic system will be something they strive for. 2) The Taliban is committed to accommodating all the rights of citizens, whether male or female, based on the noble religious rules of Islam and the noble traditions of Afghan society. The Taliban will allow women to carry out public roles. 3) Advancing a better Afghanistan.

Analysis of dark patterns in consent dialogues includes issues that several domains: HCI for the analysis of interaction mechanisms; psychology and ethics for understanding impact to the individual, technological understanding of their implementation, and finally connecting them to specific legal violations for enforceable actions. We propose creating a mapping between issues from different domains so as to enable researchers to communicate and collaborate towards legally enforceable complaints regarding violations of consent requirements. We discuss how this mapping provides benefits in terms of richer data collection and analysis, automation of documentation generation, and enabling any individual to address malpractices online. ; Funding Acknowledgements: This work has been funded by: Irish Research Council Government of Ireland Postdoctoral Fellowship Grant#GOIPD/2020/790; and the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under NGI TRUST Grant#825618 for Project#3.40 Privacy-as-Expected: Consent Gateway; and The ADAPT SFI Centre for Digital Media Technology funded by Science Foundation Ireland through the SFI Research Centres Programme and co-funded under the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) through Grant#13/RC/2106_P2.

Does the public perception of governments' coronavirus pandemic responses actually make a difference to their electoral fortunes? In this research note, we answer that question by presenting the preliminary results of a survey of more than 3,000 voters in Croatia and Serbia conducted on a dedicated mobile app and web platform directly preceding parliamentary elections that took place in these two countries during the summer of 2020. This survey was part of our larger project tracking political competition, public discourse, and conspiracy theories in Southeast Europe during the coronavirus pandemic. The preliminary findings presented in this research note demonstrate Croatian and Serbian voters were rationally retrospective and rewarded parties in power based on evaluations of their crisis management performance. We also find evidence of voters who have personally witnessed the health consequences of the coronavirus being more likely to support the parties in power. We believe this is evidence of the coronavirus pandemic increasing affected citizens' expectations of and trust in national governments where those governments respond strongly to the pandemic's first wave, as was the case in both Croatia and Serbia.

Garlic (Allium sativum) is a well-known medicinal herb which has been shown to possess anti-microbial and anti-parasitic properties. This study was conducted to test the toxicity levels of snubnose pompano (Trachinotus blochii) juvenile to garlic (Allium sativum) extract by determining the cumulative mortality and median lethal concentration (LC50). Test fish were exposed to six concentrations of the extract (2.5, 5.0, 7.5, 10, 20 and 30 ppm) in a 96-hour static bioassay. Cumulative mortality was highest at 100 % for 30 ppm garlic extract, with mortalities found to increase with increasing concentration. Test fish exposed to 20 and 30 ppm exhibited weak and static behavior. The LC50 of garlic extract to T. blochii was found to be 7.48 ppm at 96 h. Findings of the present study suggest that aqueous garlic extract up to 5 ppm can be safely used in pompano for prophylactic purposes. ; The author expresses her gratitude to the Government of Japan Trust Fund (GoJTF6 (8400-T-RD-FH0215) for funding this work. Thanks are due to Ms. Haydee Dumaran-Paciente and Mr. Elvis Biñas for their technical assistance.