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Book reviewed in this articleGREAT BRITAINHenry Cleere and David Crossley (Eds.). The Iron Industry of the Weald. (Leicester: Leicester University Press. 1985. Pp. xvi + 395. 74 figs. £47‐50.)C. G. A. Clay. Economic Expansion and Social Change: England 1500‐1700. (Cambridge, 1984. Vol. I, Pp. xiv + 268. 6 tables, 4 figs. 6 maps; Vol II, Pp. xii + 324. 15 tables, 4 figs. 5 maps. £20 each vol.; paperbacks £6‐95 each vol.)Bernard Rudden. The New River: A Legal History. (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1985. Pp. xiv + 335. 2 plates. 18 figs. 9 appendices. £20‐00.)Norma Landau. The Justices of the Peace, 1679‐1760. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, and London: University of California Press. 1984. Pp. xv + 422. £35‐40.)Robin D. Gwynn. Huguenot Heritage: The History and Contribution of the Huguenots in Britain. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 1985. Pp. xii + 220. 8 Plates. 4 Tables. 10 Maps. £15‐95.)David Ormrod. English Grain Exports and the Structure of Agrarian Capitalism, 1700‐1760. (Hull: Hull University Press. 1985. Pp. xii + 145. £8.95.)N. F. R. Crafts. British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution. (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1985. Pp. 193. £19.50.)Maxine Berg. The Age of Manufactures: Industry, Innovation, and Work in Britain,M. E. Rose (Ed.)‐ The Poor and the City: The English Poor Law in its Urban Context, 1834‐1914. (Leicester: Leicester University Press. 1985. Pp. xi + 175. 1 fig. 5 tables £22‐00.)Neville Kirk. The Growth of Working Class Reformism in Mid‐Victorian England. (Beckenham: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. xiii + 369. £22.50.)Derek J. Oddy and Derek S. Miller (Eds.). Diet and Health in Modem Britain. (London: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. vi + 326. £22.00.)Roger Middleton. Towards the Managed Economy: Keynes, the Treasury and the Fiscal Policy Debate of the 1930s. (London: Methuen 1985. Pp. xii + 244. £25‐00.)GENERALPeter Clark (Ed.). The European Crisis of the 1590s. (London: George Allen & Unwin. 1985. Pp. xiv + 324. £25‐00.)L. A. Clarkson. Proto‐Industrialization: The First Phase of Industrialization? (London: MacMillan. Studies in Economic and Social History. 1985. Pp. 71. £395.)Tommy Bengtsson, Gunnar Fridlizius and Rolf Ohlsson (Eds.). Pre‐Industrial Population Change: The Mortality Decline and Short‐Term Population Movements. (Stockholm: Almquist and Wiksell. 1984. Pp. 419. S.Kr.280.)Richard Smith (Ed.)‐ Land, Kinship, and Life‐cycle. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984. Pp. xiii + 547. £40‐00.)David Levine (Ed.). Proletarianization and Family History. (London: Academic Press. 1984. Pp. xii + 315. £38‐50.)Robert R. Locke. The End of Practical Man: Entrepreneurship and Higher Education in Germany, France, and Great Britain, 1880‐1940. (Greenwich, Connecticut and London: JAI Press. 1984. Pp. xii + 363. 31 tables. £46.50.)Harold James. The Reichsbank and Public Finance in Germany, 1924‐1933: A Study of the Politics of Economics during the Great Depression. (Frankfurt am Main: Fritz Knapp Verlag. 1985. Pp. 426. n.p.)Joseph Harrison. The Spanish Economy in the Twentieth Century. (London: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. 207. 27 tables. £1995.)Ivan T. Berend and Gyorgy Ranki. The Hungarian Economy in the Twentieth Century. (London: Croom‐Helm. 1985. Pp. 316. £25.)HUGH BROGAN. Longman History of the United States of America. (London: Longman. 1985. Pp. viii + 470. £19‐95.)C. Cochran. Challenge of American Values: Society, Business, and Religion. (New York: Oxford University Press. 1985. Pp. 147. $13.95.)Hasia R. Diner. Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century. (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1983. Pp. xvi + 192. $2000; paperback $9‐95.)Humbert S. Nelli. From Immigrants to Ethnics: The Italian Americans. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1983. Pp. viii + 225. £19‐50.)Martin V. Melosi. Coping with Abundance: Energy and Environment in Industrial America. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1985. Pp. xii + 355. $1095.)Carole Haber. Beyond Sixty‐Five: The Dilemma of Old Age in America's Past. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Pp. ix + 181. Paperback, £6‐95.)Ruth Schwartz Cowan. More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave. (New York and London: Harper & Row. 1983. Pp. xiv + 257. 46 plates. £19‐75; paperback £8‐75.)Christopher L. Tomlins. The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880‐1960. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Pp. xvi 4‐ 348. £30; paperback £1095.)Gary A. Puckrein. Little England: Plantation Society and Anglo‐Barbadian Politics, 1627‐1700. (New York and London: New York University Press. 1984. xxiv + 235. $51.50.)Kenneth F. Kiple. The Caribbean Slave: A Biological History. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984. Pp. xiii + 274. £27.50.)Linda Alexander Rodriguez. The Search for Public Policy: Regional Politics and Government Finances in Ecuador, 1830‐1940. (Berkeley & London: Univ. of California Press. 1985. Pp. xv + 281. $32.50.)K. N. Chaudhuri. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Pp. xiv 4‐ 269. 18 maps. 23 plates. £25; paperback £895.)Christopher John Baker. An Indian Rural Economy, 1880‐1955: The Tamilnad Countryside. (Oxford: The Clarendon Press. 1984. Pp. xvii + 616. 9 maps. 30 tables. 16 graphs. £28‐00.)David K. Wyatt. Thailand: A Short History (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1984. Pp. xviii + 351. £27‐50.)Joseph Needham (Ed.)‐ Science and Civilisation in China, Volume VI, Biology and Biological Technology: Part II: Agriculture by Francesca Bray. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984. Pp. xxvii + 724. £50.)William D. Wray. Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K., 1870‐1914: Business Strategy in the Japanese Shipping Industry. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press (Harvard East Asian Monographs No. 108). 1984. Pp. xx + 672. £21‐95.)Raymond W. Goldsmith. The Financial Development of Japan, 1868‐1977. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1983, Pp. xv + 231. £27.00.)Raymond W. Goldsmith. The Financial Development of India, Japan, and the United States: A Trilateral Institutional, Statistical, and Analytic Comparison. (New Haven and London: Yale University Press. 1983. Pp. xiv + 120. £1095.)Tsunehiko Yui and Keiichiro Nakagawa (Eds.). Business History of Shipping: The International Conference on Business History 11: Proceedings of the Fuji Conference. (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. 1985. Pp. xxix + 330.£ 6000.)David Mackay. In the Wake of Cook: Exploration, Science & Empire, 1880‐1801. (London: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. vi + 216. £18.95.)D. C. M. Platt and Guido Di Tella (Eds.). Argentina, Australia, and Canada: Studies in Comparative Development, 1870‐1965. (London: Macmillan. 1985. Pp. xi + 237. 25‐00.)Charles Lipson. Standing Guard: Protecting Foreign Capital in the Ninteteenth and Twentieth Centuries. (Berkeley, Los Angeles & London: University of California Press. 1985. Pp. xvii + 332. 13 tables, 3 figs. £3325; paperback £11‐25.)Bill Albert and Adrian Graves (Eds.). Crisis and Change in the International Sugar Economy, 1860‐1914. (Norwich and Edinburgh: ISC Press. 1984. Pp. xii + 381. £12‐00.)Michael D. Bordo and Anna J. Schwartz (Eds.). A Retrospective on the Classical Gold Standard, 1821‐1931. (London: University of Chicago Press. 1984. Pp. xi + 681. £59‐80.)E. J. Hobsbawm. Worlds of Labour: Further Studies in the History of Labour. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1984. Pp. x + 369. £15.95; paperback £7‐95.)

The variety of presently occurring economic and political processes and phenomena contribute to continuous changes in world economy, affecting its subjective structure and the changes in the relations and co-dependencies between its subjects. Globalisation is undoubtedly one of such processes, as it affects the positions of countries and international organisations within global economy. It is a multidimensional process, connected to the intensifi cation of relations both on the economic grounds, resulting from accelerated fl ow of goods and services, technologies, capital, workforce, and on the political grounds. The dynamic development of globalisation has been happening under the infl uence of ICT technologies, facilitating the reduction of the costs of production factors movement and increasing their mobility. The distribution of benefi ts resultant from this process is disproportional, as it strengthens the position of some countries and regions, at the same time weakening the importance of economic and political centres functioning to date as its leaders. A growing importance of new centres can be observed on the global scene – Asian countries, including China, are coming into strength and affecting the positions of the economic powers to date, such as the European Union and the USA. A complicated pattern of economic and political relations is being formed, and it is necessary to ensure that proper balance is kept. A new global order is being introduced, resultant from these particular relations, the existing connections and interferences occurring among its actors. Apart from that, the process of globalisation facilitates the intensifi cation of the economic integration processes. The international groups aiming at strengthening their positions in the global economy, as well as their spheres of infl uence, are implementing new inter-state agreements of economic and political character, thus affecting the global structure of power and co-dependencies, together with the changes occurring within these structures. The European Union must continually take up actions to provide stability and European security in the increasingly more complicated global order. Ensuring stability in the neighbouring regions through the European Neighbourhood Policy is of particular importance. This multithreaded issue was undertaken in the research carried out by Centre of Excellence at Warsaw School of Economics – CEWSE on European Union's Security and Stability in a new Economic, Social & Geopolitical Settlement and its partners, scientists representing a wide range of scientifi c centres, including international ones. The research focuses on challenges regarding: uniting or divisive history, transformations of contemporary European countries, European culture, national cultures, innovativeness and creativity of economy, science, migration crisis, refugee crisis, the relations between the EU and the Russian Federation, the crisis in Ukraine, energy security, public security, sustainable growth, social solidarity, demographic changes, Brexit, institutional crisis in the EU, the future of the EU, and more. As a signifi cant actor in global economic and political relations, the EU holds an important economic position, intensifying the pre-existing relations with third countries, organisations and groupings. It is very active in external contacts, negotiating and forming transatlantic agreements, with Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada as an example. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), whose intended aim was to create a free trade zone between the biggest players – the EU and the USA – previously under negotiations, has been suspended for the time being. Nevertheless, talks are being held as regards deepening the relations between the EU and MERCOSUR, and creating a free trade zone. The new transatlantic agreements, signed or undergoing negotiations, surpass the traditionally accentuated trade relations, covering also the issues of investment, intellectual property rights, legal regulations and standards, as well as regulating other spheres of socio-economic life, which in turn causes the process of negotiating and fi nalising such agreements is prolonged and complicated. The EU also intensifi es its relations with the dynamically developing African continent, hoping to mark its presence there next to other, for example Chinese, investors. Another dimension of external economic and political relations are the developing alliances with Asian countries, which constitute another strategic aim of the EU. The EU undergoes transformations from its very beginning, due to both the processes of expanding and deepening. The latest expansion of the EU took place on 1st July 2013, when Croatia became a new Member State. At the same time, the process of deepening mutual relations was advancing. Thus, the structure of the EU is very dynamic. Currently, the EU is facing numerous challenges of economic, political and social character. However the common values which accompanied the establishment of this organisation and which constitute the foundation of its unity should be supported through realizing agreed-upon operations. Some countries constitute the Eurozone, while other remain outside this hub of enhanced economic co-operation. This creates the so-called "multi-speed" Europe, with diversifi ed economic dimensions, and – as highlighted in the White Paper on the future of Europe1 – the scenarios for further EU development are also diverse. The EU also shapes its external relations in the international arena, economic and political relations with non-member countries on the European continent. Actions are being taken to provide protection and security in the area, which experiences numerous confl icts and crises. After the accession of 10 new countries to the European Union, it was necessary to develop relevant forms of co-operation and relations with the organisation's neighbouring countries. One of the dimensions of implemented policy is the European Neighbourhood Policy, as the neighbouring countries, as well as those maintaining deepened relations with the EU, have been offered the opportunity to develop co-operation and mutual connections within the areas of politics, security, economy and culture. In its original formula, it put forward a list of priorities to be met by the countries covered by the Policy and which have to be included in the Action Plans for numerous key areas, including political dialogue and reforms, trade, justice system, energy, transport, information society. The neighbouring countries deepen their relations with the EU while respecting mutual values. The fi nancial support for this policy is provided by the European Neighbourhood Instrument, the introduction of which is supposed to create the framework conditions for deepening further regional co-operation, at the same time enhancing stability and security in the region2. The present publication, as a product of the research carried out, approaches the subject of the EU's role in providing security and stability in the global order, with particular focus on the Neighbourhood Policy. The hereby publication consists of four thematically integral and interconnected parts.Part 1, entitled "The Concept of European Integration and the Role of the EU in the Global Order", consists of papers concentrating on the presentation of the effects of the European integration to date and the challenges which the EU is currently facing, the issues related to the system for protection of human rights. The diversifi cation of the integration process is highlighted.The importance of the EU as a global partner is also emphasized, indicating the activities dedicated to the least-developed countries. Part 2, "The European Neighbourhood Policy: A Need for Evolution or Revolution?" concentrates around the issues regarding diverse dimensions of integration. It discusses the questions related to the mechanisms of monitoring and solving disputes within the framework of association agreements with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Attention has been paid to threats and opportunities for Europe due to new eastern neighbourhood. Institutional aspects of the transformation of the eastern countries have also been indicated, as well as its fi nancial aspects. This brings about new quality and opportunities in the context of EU cohesion policy, where new subjects have a chance to be sanctioned and obtain certain liberties. The third part, "EU Trade & Investment Policy: Engine for Growth and Job Creation?; The Economic Effects of New FTAs Generation – How to Assess Their Effects?", concerns the non-trade effects of DC-FTAs. The connections between the EU and China within the framework of multilateral WTO system have been indicated. Trade relations with MERCOSUR, integration processes in Africa have been discussed, with emphasis on the EAC – EU Economic Partnership Agreement. The trade and investment policies in the countries of the Visegrad Group have also been discussed. Nowadays, trade relations are growing in importance as compared to the past. Due to lasting, long-term co-operation, a tendency to tighten relations can be observed. The last, fourth part "The EU External Policy at a Crossroads Facing New Challenges and Threats from the East and Mediterranean Region" concentrates on the issues regarding external relations between the EU and the countries of the Mediterranean and Eastern regions. Issues related to the foreign policy of Turkey in the context of its relations with the EU are also raised in this part. The structure adopted in this publication introduces the reader to a review of the newest issues regarding mostly the external challenges facing the EU and the actions taken in order to overcome them and provide stability. Papers included in the publication refl ect their authors' own opinions and it is the authors who take full responsibility for their texts. We would like to express our gratitude to all the people and institutions who, through their expertise and fi nancial support, have contributed to the commencement of the present publication. Hereby, we would like to express our most sincere gratitude to the Jean Monnet Chair of European Union, SGH Warsaw School of Economics, University of Warsaw (Centre for Europe), University of Gdańsk (Research Centre on European Integration),University of Economics in Katowice, New Vision University, Tbilisi, Faculty of Administration and National Security of the Jacob of Paradies University in Gorzów Wielkopolski, College of Economics and Social Sciences, Warsaw University of Technology, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, the worldwide networks of the European Community Studies Association (ECSA-World), including Polish European Community Studies Association (PECSA), ECSA Moldova, ECSA Ukraine, ECSA Georgia. The present publication presents the outcomes of research and is supposed to enable the reader to identify the role of the EU in providing stability and security and shaping effective co-operation not only with the neighbouring countries, on the political and economic platform. It is also supposed to inspire further scientific research. ; Centre of Excellence at Warsaw School of Economics (CEWSE); European Commission within the Erasmus+Programme – Jean Monnet Activities.

While the nonviolent struggle of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi against the Burmese military government's continuing repression has captured the world's attention, the profound human rights and humanitarian crisis endured by Burma's ethnic minority communities has largely been ignored. ¶ Decades of armed conflict have devastated ethnic minority communities, which make up approximately 35 percent of Burma's population. The Burmese army, or Tatmadaw, has for many years carried out numerous and widespread summary executions, looting, torture, rape and other sexual violence, arbitrary arrests and torture, forced labor, recruitment of child soldiers, and the displacement and demolition of entire villages as part of military operations against ethnic minority armed opposition groups. Civilians bear the brunt of a state of almost perpetual conflict and militarization. ¶ Violations of international human rights and humanitarian law (the laws of war) by the Tatmadaw have been particularly acute in eastern Karen state, which runs along the northwestern border of Thailand. One woman described to Human Rights Watch more than twenty years of Tatmadaw brutality: . One result of the Tatmadaw's brutal behavior has been the creation of large numbers of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees among Burma's ethnic minority communities. Conflict and its consequences have been going on for so long that in many ethnic minority-populated areas, continuous forced relocations and displacement–– interspersed with occasional periods of relative stability––have become a fact of life for generations of poor villagers. ¶ The scale of the IDP problem in Burma is daunting. Estimates suggest that, as of late 2004, as many as 650,000 people were internally displaced in eastern Burma alone. According to a recent survey, 157,000 civilians have been displaced in eastern Burma since the end of 2002, and at least 240 villages destroyed, relocated, or abandoned. The majority of displaced people live in areas controlled by the government, now known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), or by various ethnic armed groups that have agreed to ceasefires with the government. But approximately eighty-four thousand displaced people live in zones of ongoing armed conflict, where the worst human rights abuses continue. Many IDPs live in hiding in war zones. Another two million Burmese live in Thailand, including 145,000 refugees living in camps. ¶ Karen State is the location of some of the largest numbers of IDPs in Burma. Since 2002, approximately 100,000 people have been displaced from Karen areas, which include parts of Pegu and Tenasserim Divisions. Though a provisional ceasefire was agreed in December 2003 between the SPDC and the Karen National Union (KNU), sporadic fighting continues. Tatmadaw military operations against the KNU's army, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), in the first months of 2005 caused numerous deaths and injuries to civilians in poor villages along the Thai border. They also forced many civilians to flee internally or to Thailand. For example, at least 9,000 civilians were displaced in Toungoo District, in the far north of Karen State bordering Karenni State, and in Nyaunglebin District in northwest Karen State, during major Tatmadaw offensives between November 2004 and February 2005. ¶ The majority of Karen IDPs have been forced out of their homes as a direct result of the Tatmadaw's "Four Cuts" counter-insurgency strategy, in which the Burmese army has attempted to defeat armed ethnic groups by denying them access to food, funds, recruits, and information from other insurgent groups. H.T., a twenty-eight year-old Karen from Dooplaya District, described his experience with the Tatmadaw in January 2005: . ¶ This report describes the situation in government-controlled areas, including relocation sites, which are generally not accessible from across the Thailand border. The report identifies two main causes of displacement: • Displacement due to armed conflict as a direct result of fighting, or because armed conflict has undermined human and food security and livelihood options; and • Displacement due to human rights violations, particularly land rights caused by Tatmadaw and militia confiscation of land and other violations of land rights, especially in the context of natural resource extraction, such as logging and mining. Other rights violations, such as forced labor, killings, torture, and rape, also cause displacement. ¶ The report describes patterns of abuse and forced relocation over a period of many years. It documents how serious violations of international humanitarian law and human rights abuses continue to occur in some parts of Karen State, such as Toungoo and Nyaunglebin Districts, while other areas are relatively quiet. It recommends a need to think of new and more realistic answers to the dilemmas faced by IDPs, many of whom may not be able––or may not want––to go home again. ¶ For this report, Human Rights Watch interviewed community leaders, representatives of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), staff at community-based organizations (CBOs), U.N. officials, and many others. Most important, we interviewed forty-six Karen IDPs living in the Papun hills, in mid-late 2003, and along the Thai border, in early 2005. These forty-six individuals altogether were displaced more than one thousand times. Incredibly, five individuals had been forcibly displaced more than one hundred times. One of these five, an elderly woman, first fled to the jungle during World War II, when Japanese soldiers came to her village. ¶ All the interviewees for this report had been farmers and continue to derive most of their food from working their own or others' rice fields. These fields remain susceptible to destruction by Tatmadaw patrols. Displacement often means that new land must be cleared for farming, rather than farmers being able to return to former swidden fields in sustainable rotation after fallow swiddens have regained their fertility. Over time, the disruption of traditional agricultural practices has seriously undermined livelihoods and caused encroachment by swidden farmers into primary forest, rather than rotating their plots in secondary forest customarily used for swidden agriculture. ¶ Many IDPs have been displaced for some time, and live alongside others who are not–– or have not recently been––displaced. Their needs may therefore be similar to those of other vulnerable populations in peri-urban and rural Burma. ¶ The main problems identified by interviewees were lack of consistent access to food; insufficient income and livelihood problems; human rights abuses and poor physical security related to displacement and fighting; lack of access to education and health services; and, finally, the problem of landmines, which destroy both land and their victims' lives. Their primary need is to be able to farm properly, without disturbance, and thus improve income and food security, as well as better access to education and health services. All wanted to, as one interviewee put it, "live in peace and with justice." Most of these problems are linked to longer-term structural problems, and can only be addressed in the context of socio-economic––and above all political––solutions to Burma's protracted ethnic conflicts. ¶ The findings of this report caution against assuming that all IDPs necessarily want to return "home." Returning home can be a problematic concept for people who have been on the move for long periods of time. Many IDPs may wish to return home, if it still exists, but others may want to stay put or resettle elsewhere. Some who have returned home or have otherwise resettled still face major problems, while others have not. Some have not moved and built new lives in the place to which they were displaced, often in the jungle hills or in a relocation site. ¶ Thus, those providing assistance should avoid taking a one-size-fits all approach to meeting the needs of IDPs. Instead, the focus should be on individual choice and the needs of specific communities. Indeed, the U.N. Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, which summarize existing international law as it applies to IDPs, make choice the touchstone. Competent authorities have a duty to "establish conditions, as well as provide the means" to allow voluntary resettlement and integration in the place to which people are displaced, if that is their choice. ¶ An understanding of long-term patterns of forced displacement should inform the design of humanitarian, development, and socio-political interventions on behalf of the displaced. One aspect that deserves careful consideration is the effect of ceasefires on the human rights situation and on displacement. Over the past decade many armed ethnic groups have entered into ceasefires with the military government in Rangoon. In some parts of the country, ceasefires have meant a reduction in the most severe forms of human rights abuses, though this has not usually led to greater respect for other basic rights, such as freedom of expression or the right to due process of law. But in many cases, ceasefires have been quietly accompanied by the reemergence of local civil society actors. This has been one of the most important, yet under-studied, aspects of the ceasefires in Burma. ¶ The SPDC and KNU agreed to an informal ceasefire in December 2003. In some parts of Karen State, the situation began to stabilize. Across the whole of Tenasserim Division, and much of lower and western Karen State, there has been less fighting and fewer of the most severe type of human rights violations, such as extrajudicial executions and torture, than before. Some IDPs are beginning to return from hiding places in the jungle and from relocation sites to build more permanent houses and grow crops other than swidden rice. However, the Tatmadaw continues its aggressive use of forced labor, especially on road-building projects, land confiscation, and arbitrary taxation in many areas. It has recently stepped up attacks on a variety of armed ethnic groups. Under the right conditions, a ceasefire between the SPDC and the KNU could deliver a substantial improvement in the human rights situation, creating the space in which local and international organizations can begin to address the urgent needs of Karen IDPs. But the situation may yet return to guerilla warfare and full-scale counterinsurgency. ¶ Many of the ceasefires are now under threat. Since the purging of General Khin Nyunt last October, hard-liners in the SPDC have attempted to undermine ceasefires agreed between Rangoon and several armed ethnic groups since 1989. In mid-2005, the future of these ceasefires looks more and more uncertain. .

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been described by one senior African diplomat at the United Nations as a 'state in the making; it is not yet a state.' Further, this 'state in the making' also is a state that, with few exceptions, has been in decline since the early 1970s. The colonial era, from 1885 until 1958, was a period of nearly uninterrupted state construction; the hegemony of the Belgian colonial apparatus steadily deepened. In its final two years, the colonial edifice progressively lost control over civil society to a tumultuous and fragmented nationalist movement, which was unable to capture intact the colonial infrastructure. The result was five years of turbulent state deflation, generally known as the 'Congo crisis.' The Mobutu coup of 1965 inaugurated a new cycle, with eight years in which a rising tide of state ascendancy seemed to dominate the political process. After 1974 currents of decline again began to flow strongly, progressively eroding the superstructure of hegemony. The actual purpose of the Zairian government under Mobutu was not to fulfill basic state functions; rather, the government existed as a structure for individual enrichment and patronage. Officials at the highest levels stole large amounts of money, usually from mineral or customs revenues, sometimes through extremely straightforward strategies, such as literally pocketing gem diamonds and having them sold for personal gain in Antwerp or elsewhere.

Identifying the January 6 insurrection at the US Capitol as an inflection point, this article analyzes the historical relationship between White supremacy and the US military from Reconstruction after the Civil War to the present. The article posits causes for the disproportionate number of current and former members of the military associated with White power groups and proposes steps the Department of Defense can take to combat the problems posed by the association of the US military with these groups.

Fil: Papa, Anabel Soleda. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Departamento de Derecho Público II. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; "Este artículo fue presentado como trabajo final del curso "Integración Regional y Protección de los Derechos Fundamentales. El Derecho Constitucional Trasnacional" a cargo del Dr. Calogero PIZZOLO, ofrecido por la Facultad de Derecho de la UBA en el marco de los "XV Cursos Intensivos de Posgrado que tuvieron lugar desde el 14 al 31 de julio de 2014.".--La cátedra Jean Monnet es una cátedra universitaria otorgada por la Comisión Europea en el marco de su plan de acción. Tienen como objetivo reforzar la docencia y la investigación sobre la integración europea en las universidades, tanto de los Estados miembros como de terceros países. Su nombre hace honor a quien fuera un político francés que, como asesor de Robert Schuman, contribuyó decisivamente a poner los cimientos de las entonces Comunidades Europeas.--La primera etapa de esta publicación concluyó en el año 2018, comenzó una segunda época en el año 2019 con el nombre Revista "Integración Regional & Derechos Humanos".--Sección Ensayos.

ORATORICAL NUMBER APRIL, 1901 CONTENTS April 35 The Significance of the Unin-tended 36 Our Democracy 41 The Dream of the Ages 43 The Man with the Hoe 47 War in the Light of the Twen-tieth Century SI International Arbitration to Sat-isfy National Honor 55 John Ruskin—The Man 58 Editorials 62 "The Reign of Law" 63 Exchanges 67 Advertisements 68 FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. For Fine- Printing go to Be X lo Wile Friipliil faff CARLISLE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. Kitzmiller Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. R. M. Elliott Dealer in Hats, Caps, Shoes and. Gents' Furnishing Goods Corner Center Square and Carlisle Street GETTYSBURG, PA. EDGAR 5. MARTIN, ^CIGARS AND SMOKERS' ARTICLES ^p* ^y*j^ Chambersburz St., Gettysburg Leadership IN THE CLOTHING and MEN'S FURNISHING Business It is strictly here—everybody knows it. Testimony ? The stock itself. The pen suffi-ciently nimble to tell all the good points of our ::::::: FALL AMD WINTER. SUITS AND OVERCOATS has not been found. We will keep you dressed right up-to-date if you buy your Clothing and Furnishings here. : : : : STIINE McPherson Block- No. II BALTIMORE STREET WILLIAM H.HETF.ICK GETTYSBURG COLLEGE PA.UL K1ELFFER FRANKLIN &MARSHAL HOWARD E.SH1MER MUHLENBERG COLLEGE J . W. D OVNEY L E H1G H EDWARD E.KELLEY URSIWU5 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY The Literary Journal of Pennsylvania College Entered at the Postojftce at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. X GETTYSBURG, PA., APRIL, 1901 No. 2 APRIL JOHN KEBLE Lessons sweet of spring returning, Welcome to the thoughtful heart! May I call ye sense or learning, Instinct pure, or heaven-taught art? Be your title what it may, Sweet and lengthening April day, While with you the soul is free, Ranging wild o'er hill and lee; Soft as Memnon's harp at morning, To the inward ear devout, Touched by light with heavenly warning, Your transporting chords ring out. Every leaf in every nook, Every wave in every brook, Chanting with a solemn voice Minds us of our better choice. Needs no show of mountain hoary, Winding shore or deepening glen, Where the landscape in its glory, Teaches truth to wandering men. Give true hearts but earth and sky, And some flowers to bloom and die, Homely scenes and simple views Lowly thoughts may best infuse. 36 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE UNINTENDED PATTI. KIEFFER, of Franklin and Marshal [First Prize] '"PHERE is an Eastern fable of three princes contesting in arch- * ery for their father's kingdom. The youngest, regarded as a weakling, after an apparently poor effort, is unable to find his arrow. The elder brothers divide the kingdom, while he is left in ridicule to search for the lost missile. Hedoesso. Traveling many days in the direction of the shot, he comes upon his arrow imbedded in the door of a cavern, whither it has been wafted, mile after mile, by some unseen power. The door opens into the land of the genii, a realm of untold riches; and the youthful archer, now a mighty potentate, returns to receive adulation, where but a short time before he had met with but scorn and ridicule. The story of the princely archer is more than a fable; it is an allegory. The shot from his bow had an unintended and unex-pected result; a similar fate has attended men's efforts in all ages. For it is the universal experience that men aim at one thing and attain another. It has been always thus. Men work and labor and toil, and when it is all over and the work is done, behold, the result is other than that of the original intent. Men build better than they know. So true is this that there would seem to be a law by virtue of which it is characteristic of most of the great and genuine and lasting achievements of man, that they come in an unwonted, unintended and unexpected manner. Great is that which man has sought for and achieved; greater still is that which he has not sought for and has yet achieved. Great is the logic of man; the logic of events is greater. Indirection and unconscious-ness— these have attended the fruitful workings of human handi-craft, of human agency, and of human genius. The great discoveries—how have they come? In their blind-ness, men sought to read their fortunes in the stars, and out of astrology grew the noble science of astronomy. In the black kitchens men spend their lives in the search for the elixir of life, and out of alchemy, chemistry is born. The fall of an apple and the discovery of a universal law are inseparably linked. In the cathedral at Pisa a verger oils a lamp and leaves it swinging to and fro; a youth of eighteen sees it, ponders, and conceives the idea of measuring time. Indirection is the law. Men puzzle them- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 37 selves with problems for years; and then, suddenly, and in some unexpected manner the truth is imparted to some genius and the world moves on a step. New and untried ventures bring strange results. Columbus is sure that he is discovering a new route to the East; the floating seaweed that quells the mutiny on board his ships belongs to a new continent whose discovery renders his name immortal. To-day, four hundred years later, the powerful young nation which has grown up upon this continent has reached the Pacific and is look-ing beyond, and men stand with bated breath as they see her reach-ing across the great ocean to the East. The dream of the Genoese adventurer, after four centuries is about to receive some semblance of fulfillment in a manner of which he little dreamed. A protest against the sale of indulgences is a trifling matter; not so insignifi-cant is the splitting of the Roman Catholic Church and the de-stroying of the Papal supremacy. The little Mayflower bears a small band of men and women seeking religious freedom. After several centuries we look back to the spot upon which they landed, little dreaming of their mission, to see diverging therefrom the rays of light which have illuminated our nation ever since. That was Puritan light that made clear the pathway to Bunker Hill, to Yorktown, and to Appomattox. The colonies are now full grown and the mother country be-comes tyrannical. An unjust stamp tax is imposed and the colo-nists resist. The Boston Tea Party registers opposition to taxation without representation. But the colonists are still loyal. '' From one end of the colonies to the other," says Franklin, "no one is thinking of independence." Then, like a thunderbolt in a clear sky, a bold spirit, raised to a higher plane than his fellows, and catching the first glimpse of a new dawn, cries, "Give me liberty, or give me death!'' The cry of treason is the reply; but the events of a few swift years prove that he has caught a true vision. Resist-ance to a petty stamp tax inspired a revolution, threw off a yoke of oppression, and laid the foundation for the freest, most enlight-ened, most powerful republic in history—while men wondered. The world's battles in all times have been fought out upon forlorn hopes. Gideon sat by the wine-press when he received the call to arms. His three hundred put to flight the hosts of the Midianites. Wilberforce in England and Garrison in America go forth, like Hercules of old, to battle with the hydra-headed slave 33 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY interests. In both continents it is one against a thousand. The one wins and both continents are freed. The world's schools present a strange picture. England's greatest preacher was an uneducated school usher. The temper-ance lecturer is picked out of the gutter. Buu3'an was an infidel. Lincoln was born in a slave state. Paul sat at the feet of Gama-liel. Moses was brought up in Egypt. The poet, the artist—he, too, knows the significance of the unintended. He calls it inspiration. Not a substitute for toil, for years of labor; but the final result comes not in the direct line of work. The painter in his studio sees his work fruitless for years; he is almost in despair; and then one night, as he is taking a moment's rest, in God's great out-of-doors perhaps, his reward comes. Gaspar Becana sits idle by the hearth when the long-awaited message, denied him at his work, is revealed to him in the flame. Years of toil, of unremitting labor; but at the supreme moment, no effort. Small wonder that Schiller exclaimed; "Since creation began All that mortals have wrought All that's God-like in man Comes—the flash of a thought." A scene from our nation's history. Thirty years of growing bitterness have kindled the flame of national discord, and the fiery characters proclaim that slavery is a crime. But at this moment the black slave is forgotten. It is a Federal fort off the southern coast, and it has been fired upon; the national troops have been attacked; states withdraw from the Union; brother takes arms against brother in the horrors of an internecine con-flict. Anti-slavery is swallowed up in a war for the preservation of the Union. Two short, swift years of war, and the voice of the commander-in-chief is heard throughout the land. The words he speaks are those of the Emancipation Proclamation. The slave is free, and that is accomplished by two years of war for another purpose in which thirty years of direct opposition failed. But there is no standing still. History is making. It is thirty years later and another crisis is reached. An oppressed people has lifted its appeal to the great American heart, whose pulsations, imperceptible at times, are none the less sure and true. The world's eyes are directed to Cuba, to the unprecedented ?pec-tacle of a great power wielding the sword in a war for the sake of THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 39 humanity. But while the battle is on, what means this other sound, this note ol war from far across the sea? What mean these guns and sound of falling masonry? Has the electric impulse reached from Cuba half-way around the world? Yes. The American flag floats over Manila and the Philippines are ours. "But hold," the people cry, "tofree Cuba is our onhy aim. What have we to do with those far-off islands and a foreign race. New possessions are not part of our intent." Intent? If history can teach; if the experience of the past can furnish lessons for the present and future, this is the very seal and sign and token of the genuineness of your new duty that it was unintended. Then a voice cries, "So be it, America has burst her bonds!" "Imperi-alism!" is the reply and a new conflict is on. The final arbiter, the sovereign will of the people, must decide. But who can doubt the result? Stop our country's growth? Put an end to the national life? The ballot is cast; the people have echoed "So be it," and the seal of ratification is placed upon another great move-ment whose inception was unwitnessed by human eyes. Then, above the conflict of party and the war of words, one can all but hear the genius of the nation: "Here, O America, is thy duty. Whether thou wilt or no, here is thy mission. Thy path is clear. Here or nowhere is thy destiny, work it out therefrom, to the ends of liberty and humanity, of justice and order and peace." And what is the meaning of it all? Is man a creature of blind chance, his fate determined by every gust of wind that blows? Is history wrought out by luck? Are we to doubt the poet, doubt that "through the ages one increasing purpose runs?" Are man's work, his years of toil, his planning, his foresight, his God-given gift of reason—are all these to go for naught? The on-ward march of civilization answers No. The uplifting and better-ing of humanity answer No. The assent of man answers No. The unintended—unintended by whom? Who intended that the sun should shine by day and the moon by night? Who intended that the earth should yield up her fruits and the rain descend from Heaven? While man proposes, God disposes. Eeason,plan, method, purpose,—all these, could man, blind man, but see them. Yes, "there's a divinity that shapes our ends, rough-hew them how we will." It is a dark night at a time of crisis in our nation's history. The 40 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY great captain lies dead at Washington by the hand of the assassin. In the great city of the commonwealth a mob is gathering and its mutterings are terrible in their foreboding. Old wounds gape afresh. The suspense is awful; what the morning will bring no one can tell. Suddenly, above the uproar of the crowd, like the clear note of a trumpet, a voice is heard. It is the voice of a man of the people. The words he speaks are few and simple: "God reigns!" Like the calming of a great storm upon the waters, the crowd disperses and the dawn ushers in a day of peace. May the echo of those words be endless in our country's career! God grant that down her path in times of peaceful well-being, in times of storm and stress, the words of her inspired patriot may ring in the ears of all her sons, "God reigns!" Yes, at her birth-throes He was with her; in the trying times of her infancy and youth He guided her; in her maturity he has blest her. And now, in the full plenitude of her powers, He has sent her a new mission. May He give her strength to fulfill it. May He give her people wis-dom and make her leaders to see the right path: And then, as we turn our eyes towards the future, with senses sharpened by patriotic fervor, we may catch the first glimpse of her shining forth supreme in that glorious company of nations when right shall have become might and the sense of human brotherhood filled all men's souls; and as we strain our ears to listen we may hear, mingled with the triumphal music of might and power, and rising far above it, the clear, pure note of a simple entreaty, the voice of the people lifted on high with that of the poet, to the ' 'God of our fathers, known of old Lord of our far-flung- battle line, Beneath whose awful hand we hold Dominion over palm and pine, Lord God of Hosts be with us yet Lest we forget! Lest we forget!" «9£, "While words of learned length and thundering sound Amazed the gazing rustics round; And still they gazed and still the wonder grew That one small head should carry all he knew." —GOLDSMITH. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 41 OUR DEMOCRACY WM. H. HETEICK, of Gettysburg [Second Prize] YV7E feel honored, as a people, in that good favor and for- " tune which makes us citizens of the American republic. We exult in the privileges which that citizenship affords. We rejoice in the liberty that gives us equal chances with all for the highest and noblest attainments in life. In short, we would be none but Americans. Were we Germans, we might challenge the world for a refor-mation. Were we Frenchmen, we might extol with pride the merits of an eventful revolution. Or, were we Englishmen, we might look with pleasure on a long line of illustrious rulers, or boast of universal dominion over the seas, or of lands on whose soil the sun never goes down. But we are Americans. We hold up but a century and a quarter of history, but where is its equal? Our part in the world movement was the founding of the people. To found the people. What an aim! To vindicate their honor! To make them free! Ours was the revolution on whose fate hung the human race. It was a conflict between man and king—a people in battle against the tyranny of the whole past. Here was born civil liberty that lifts the yoke of oppression from a subju-gated world. Ah! Here on our own battle-field was struck the blow that annihilated slavery, which for fifty centuries darkened civilization with inhuman crime. Our boast is not of territory. The sun sets every evening over our land, but it throws its golden light on a free and independent people, subject to none but their God, and held and maintained by a constitution that receives the approbation of the world. Our exultation is in the principles of our government; our joy in their beneficent results. Democracy is our nation's honor; manhood the integrity of our people. Manhood—the keystone in the arch of our republic. Manhood—that which Rome with all her strength could never develop, nor Greece, with all her depth of thought, conceive. MANHOOD, that gave Germany her refor-mation, but not strong enough to make her free; that once made England a republic, but too weak to give her equal rights. No! Europe could never develop it. The nearest she came to it was the Puritan and him she drove, exiled, beyond the sea. Away 42 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY from custom and the iron grip of centuries; beyond the despotism of monarchs and aristocracies ; on the water-edge of-an unknown continent it found a home, and on that continent it established an ideal government for man, our own republic. We, the people of that republic, sit this day in our own purple, with no master but our conscience, our reason, and our God. Beneath us lies the dark past of conflict, breaking its troubled waters against the mountain of our democracy. The step to a throne has been taken and the destiny of man is sealed. We stand at last where kings have never stood; with no equal in the world; with tyranny at our feet and the eternal sunshine of progress on our heads. In our hands no diamond-studded sceptre; but an in-vincible ballot. On our heads the crown of an inalienable right. Here equality brings the triumph of humanity, the problem of the ages. We give man his rights and in less than two centuries he builds a nation. We make him his own master and he conquers his own self. We give him room for genius and he becomes a Garfield and a Lincoln. Accident and favor no more usurp the place of honor. The wreath of victory is placed on the man who can, be he the favored son of fortune or the poor, obscure peasant from the cabin-home. It is democracy—manhood crowned—that makes us truly great. To destroy that there must be a power greater than the people's and deeper than the soul's. To take away from the people their God-given rights is to make the world an enigma and the hope of man a dream. No! The people rise and with them the world. Creation moves towards its inevitable goal with our own democracy in the lead. One by one the nations fall in line, moving to no martial strain, but to the music of peace, goodwill to mankind. Yonder in the clear light of the future stands the cross of Christ, in which the kingdoms of this world become the kingdoms of the Lord, and around which shall gather the nations all, unfurling their banners "in the Parliament of Man, the Feder-ation of the World." «8^ "The object of oratory alone is not truth, but persuasion. —MaCaulay. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 43 THE DREAM OP THE AGES ARTHUR L. CROSSLEY, of Lafayette [Honorable Mention] 'T'HE centuries roll on and on. Nations come and go. But *■ great principles and truths never cease their onward progress. Slowly and quietly they make their way among the peoples, but surely as the eternal God from whom they spring. Such was the principle of religious liberty, forbidden and restrained by the pre-judices and customs of all the past, the first flame kindled in the heart of Luther, then spread throughout Germany and Europe to England and across the sea. Born of the theses nailed on the church at Wittenberg, grown among such convulsions of war and carnage as even Europe had never known before, the principle at last triumphed and the soul of man stood forth free to worship the God of its choice. Such was the growth of political freedom. We see the first faint gleamings of the dawn in early Greece and Rome. But the stormy clouds of the dark ages sweep before our gaze for a thou-sand years. With Magna Charta comes a rift in the darkness. Strong-hearted Englishmen rise in their might and Albion's Isle is free. But for a hundred years, continental Europe still lay in abject slavery at the feet of despots. Suddenly the terrible storm breaks on the vine-clad hills of France. The reign of terror is abroad in the land. Peasant and regal blood alike flow freely, and every brook and rill runs crimson to the sea. When at last the clouds are cleared away, the divine right of kings is a thing of the past, despotism is forever dead, and already we see across the waters the goddess of liberty, whose scepter shall rule the world. The work of the German monk is done. The task begun by Pym and Hampden is finished. The principles of religious and political freedom are proclaimed throughout the earth. But I think, perchance, I see another great principle at work among the peoples. I hear the great heart of humanity throbbing and beat-ing under its mighty impulse. Implanted in the breast of earliest man, it remained for the present age to see it take root and quicken into life. A spark kindled from the great altar of Truth, it has lain smouldering in the human heart through all the centuries. But the great social principle is at work in the world to-day as never before. It is the great force which is to-day shaping the 44 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY course of events. But little more than a century ago and there was not a nation under heaven in which slavery was forbidden. But, behold, England's air grows too pure for the slave to breathe; the shackles fall from the negroes of the southland; the serfs of Russia walk in freedom. "Tis but the first ripening grains of that harvest which is yet to be. 'Tis but the glimmering stars of the morning which foretell the coming of the sun. Go, read the workings of this great principle in the mighty movements of the past century, in the extended suffrage of our land, in the history of the Rockdale pioneers, in the great secret societies of our age, in the present attitude of the Christian Church, all unite in one mighty strain, the Brotherhood of Man. But as society more fully realizes the great bonds which unite man to man, as the flame of truth grows brighter and brighter, men more clearly see the injustice which surrounds them on every side. The scales fall from their eyes. They behold an age of such marvelous labor-saving inventions as a century ago the boldest imagination would not have dared to dream of. But never has the lot of the toiler been harder. Never have his ranks num-bered so many of the children of our land. They behold a nation groaning beneath the burden of its wealth, whose fields are wav-ing with yellow harvests, whose granaries are bursting with golden grain. Yet in the very midst of these greatest accumula-tions of wealth, there are homes of direst poverty, and children that hunger and freeze. They behold a civilization, the most wonderful of all the aeons of time. But its course is strewn with the wrecks of humanity, its foundation stones are red with the blood of man. But seek a deeper meaning in thy book of truth, in the Utopi-an literature of Bellamy and Morris in the mighty trades-unions with their cry of "labor against capital," in the air ever rife with the curses and threats of the striker; yea, go breathe it in the fra-grance of those flowers that bloom on the graves at Homestead and Lattitner. The great social principle is at work in the world, and has been from Babylon down. But never have its notes of warn-ing sounded so plainly in the ears of all who listen. The silent toilers of the ages have at last begun to know the great wrongs which are being done under the veil of law and necessity, and they are determined to right them, even by that greater wrong, the strike and the riot. The principle is at work in the hearts of THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 45 men. We see it in the struggling, starving masses of our great cities, in the discontented workers in our factories and furnaces. The threatening murmur grows louder and louder, until but a few months ago, the hills and valleys of our own fair state echoed and re-echoed, rumbled and thundered with the angry cry and fearless demand of such an army of toilers, in solid and united ranks, as never before in an industrial crisis, has blocked the wheels of progress. The toilers of earth have at last realized their strength, and they are demanding that which by justice has ever been theirs. They have turned on their oppressor and ask, "Who made thee a task-master over us? Why shall thy children have a plenty and more than enough while our little ones go a-hunger-ing?" The toilers are waiting their answer. The appearance of a new truth or principle among men ever means a change in the great social organization. It is only a question whether society shall gradually and in due time adjust itself, and it shall only be a reformation, or whether it shall repress the changes which the growing principle makes necessary, until they shall suddenly break forth in a revolution. Ambition and power have been repressing the changes in tlae organization of society which this growing social principle has made necessary, and for this cause is labor arrayed against capital, and there are strikes and riots and bloodshed. Build your roads of iron and your bridges of steel. Harness the steam and the mighty Niagara. Delve deep into the heart of earth and search the infinite with thy telescope. Bring forth the atom of matter and circle the globe with thy lightning. But, im-portant as all these are, there is yet a greater task before the American manhood of to-day—to solve the great social problems which are pressing on every hand, to put an end to this fraternal strife which threatens, to stay the floods of discontent which are slowly gathering their mighty waters, to quench the fires of an-archy which are kindling in every city and village, to fell this cruel giant of oppression who is trampling out the souls of men. Is the task too great ? Falter not, for we have in our sling one sure stone, even justice. By this shall we accomplish our mighty work, put an end to this tyranny of man over man, let no longer one man possess that which belongs to all, but recognize the equal rights of every man to the bounties of nature, the free blessings of heaven and the rich heritage of all the past. This is 46 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY what justice demands and the working men of to-day are seeking. And it is because we have trampled on these great principles of right, because the opportunities of life have not been thrown open to all alike, but it has been for some to sow and for others to reap, for this cause are the stormclouds gathering on the horizon of time and the laborers are marshalling their forces. The call comes to finish the work begun by Garrison and Lin-coln, to strike down the oppressor of men and forever loose the bonds of slavery which still linger, to wipe out the stain of that southern legislature's recent action, and to make the pages of our own state yet fairer, to rescue the childhood and daughters of our land from the curse of such lives as that of the factory, that life which to-day, ere the bloom ot youth hath appeared, stamps disease on thin pale faces, hopelessness and ignorance on their young lives, and forever brands vice and immorality on their in-nocent souls. We plead not for the men, they are strong. We plead for the helpless childhood of our land, for the fathers and mothers of the years to come. Shield them from the curses which blight. I,et not the gates of the factory and the depths of the mine shut then* from the opportunities of life. Else in the after years they shall know the great wrong which has been done, their hearts shall grow bitter within, and their lives shall become sources of evil and anarchy. "For the child's sob in the silence curses deeper Than the strong- man in his wrath." Go, conquer the isles of the sea. Carry thy commerce to the uttermost parts of the earth. Gather the riches of the nations in thy garners. Wear thy purple robe, knit with the life threads of youth. Drink thy sparkling wine, tinged with the heart drops of childhood. But remember, our brothers, the toilers, are journeying to meet us among the rock-bound hills of Gilead. Wronged through all the centuries, they have not forgotten that stolen blessing. L,et us not delay, but haste to see that these great labor problems are solved, that justice is done in the land, and that brother is reconciled unto brother. Else, behold, these toilers of earth shall rise up and become a very Samson in our land,—nay, even now they are rising—and in their wrath shall they bow themselves and the pillars of state shall tremble and fall at their might. It needs no Daniel to read God's handwriting on those pages THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 47 of the past. The great social principle must prevail in the end. Whether it come by peace or by a Reign of Terror, whether by the mounts of Gilead where the sons of Isaac met, or by Pharsalia, whether thy brother's anger shall be appeased or he shall rise in his wrath and strike thee down, I know not. But come it will as sure as the fountains of eternal truth and justice. And when at last this great principle shall have prevailed among men, and there shall have been effected in society those changes which the growing light of truth and intelligence has made necessary, when the fertile Canaan of life's opportunities shall have been thrown open to all alike, then and then only will the race of man have taken one more step up the incline of true progress and we shall have come a little nearer to that "Dream of the Ages," that time of which the prophets have foretold, and the poets have sung, that day when the stranger shall see in the stranger his brother, when man shall no longer rise on his fellow-man, but united by the bonds of brotherhood, they shall together mount the heights of progress and achievement. «^ THE MAN WITH THE HOE HOWARD E. SHIMER, of Muhlcuberg- \ RIGHTEOUS discontent has ever been the dynamic force ** making for social uplifting,—the sign manual of progress. It is the men who have been discontented with wrong and oppres-sion that have carried on the great agitations of the world, and have made history. Wilberforce and Howard, Thomas Paine and Samuel Adams, Garrison and Phillips were all men profoundly discontented with the wrongs inflicted upon their fellow men; and from their discontent came the spark that lit the altar-fire of liberty. Were Millet's "Angelus" before us while reading Edwin Markham's "The Man with the Hoe," we would be inclined to revolt against nature's apparent injustice. Millet has painted the man with the hoe in colors; Edwin Markham, in words. He is a digger of the earth, bowing his back and breaking the clods. He stands as a type, the honest and honorable representative of those whose lot it is, and must always be, to perform the hard uninspir-ing and soul-crushing labors of mankind. He was seen of old 48 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY among the brick-makers of Egypt, among the millions who lifted wearily the walls of Ilium; who carved the pillars of Karnak and paved the Appian way. To-day he may be seen with a needle in a New York sweat-shop, with a pick in a West Virginia coal mine, with a hod in a London alley, with a spade on the banks of the Zuyder Zee. The manual laborer of to-day is far more discontented with his environment than were his progenitors. This discontent does not imply that his condition has degenerated. It is rather a sign of progress from the status of the mere burden bearer to that of the thinking and responsible social unit. The leaven of educa-tion has worked through the mass—all too imperfectly it may be —and fermentation is still going on. As the reed, breathed upon by the great god Pan, could become no more "a simple reed by the river," so it is no longer possible for the man with the hoe, into whose soul has come the conception of larger liberties and a wider life, to accept with dull and passive content the lot of his forefathers. Much depends upon the point of view from which this man with the hoe is considered. When beheld through the windows of a Fifth Avenue palace, the objective universe takes on a different aspect to that which it assumes when seen from an East-side tene-ment house. The counting house and the sweatshop generate two distinct philosophies of life. The sympathetic spirit may be aroused by the thrilling tale of the sailor's ship-wreck, the miner's entombment, or the slow starvation of the sweater's slave; but only those who must bear the brunt of these industrial tragedies can realize to the full the horrors of the black waves, the poison of the fire-damp, and the howls of the hungry wolf at the door. Sometimes it is a tyrant, forgetful of this brunt, who oppresses; sometimes it is an aristocracy which gathers in the fruits of power and throws upon the masses the burdens of government; sometimes it is a plutocracy which openly exalts money and debases flesh and blood; but everywhere it is the same brutal spirit which ig-nores the brotherhood of man. He was a veritable Columbus in the world of sociology who made the discovery that there is a good deal of human nature among men. The man with the hoe may justly claim to possess his modicum of human nature. With Shakespeare's usurer, he may exclaim: "If you prick us, do we not bleed? If you tickle THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 49 us, do we not laugh? If you poison us, do we not die?" The laborer is a man, claiming a man's share of life; and the questions which most directly affect him can be best considered from the standpoint of manhood rather than from that of classhood. But it is this very breadth of vision that is the most difficult of attainment. The increase of the class sense is rapid. Even the constant attrition going on under democratic institutions does not serve to keep it in check. Plato's saying that "every city holds two nations, the rich and the poor," has in it only too much truth. The Optimist, however, sees thatthe standards of humanity are being more and more upheld by the masses, who occupy that social stratum which lies between the dark despair of the Sub-merged Tenth and the gilded idleness of the Elevated Four Hundred. The literary sycophants who strew rhetorical flowers in the pathway of the successful, without inquiring into the methods employed for procuring success, complacently throw the respon-sibility for the present condition of the man with the hoe upon God, or Nature, or the man himself. Is it the fault of God or Nature that children are driven into factories at so early an age that their bodies are stunted, their minds dwarfed and the strength and usefulness of future generations impaired? Is God or Nature responsible for the laws which permit this impairment of the man-power and the woman-power of the nation? The indolent cannot expect plenty under any just form of government; neither can the vicious expect happiness. But, let us see whether something can not be done to alleviate effectually the painful inequalities of the conscientious employee as compared with his employer, and whether philosophy can not be led from the closet and religion from the altar, and made to exert a united, a practical, and an all-powerful influence upon the affairs of men. Give justice to everyone—justice in the making of the laws, justice in the interpretation of the laws, justice in the execution of the laws,—justice first and charity afterward. But questions of detail and method constitute, after all, but a comparatively unimportant part of our problem. The great thing is, that the mass of the community shall be capable of self-govern-ment. Theologies and governments alike are but the replica of the human minds back of them. Michael Augelo may conceive SO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY heaven-reaching lines of grace; but to erect the stately edifice there must be suitable material. So, the question of the industrial welfare of the American laborer merges into the broader question of the triumph or the failures of the democratic idea upon which the American Republic is founded. Political equality and industrial inequality can not long co-exist. In our republican institutions work the ferment of the ages and the leaven of all nations. Kings may prop up their thrones with bayonets; but democracy must rest upon in-telligence. The greatest danger which confronts our republic is the grow-ing antagonism between classes. The poor will never again be the passive sufferers of bygone ages. Their indictment of social injustice is drawn and presented. "Bitter voices say it," writes Ruskin, "voices of battle and famine throughout all the world, which must be heard." The test is at hand which is to prove whether the sneers of Macaulay and Carlyle against the republic were false or founded upon truth. It is easier by far to preach the gospel of rights than to teach the law of the comprehension of duty; for the latter demands a well-disciplined and well-devel-oped intellect. We know that it is said, iu palliation of the restrictive influence of plutocracy, that the condition of the man with the hoe is as good as he deserves. We know that it would be useless and per-nicious to call upon the half-savage and brutalized peasantry by electing them to Congress or the State Legislature. We know that the man with the hoe is unfit for it, that is the very curse of the system. What is it that unfits him? What is it that makes slavish labor, and slavish ignorance, and slavish stupidity his necessary heritage? Does not the same Aryan blood course through his veins? Has he not five senses, the same faculties, the same passions? When every true American realizes that the Almighty knows no class distinctions; when the lessons of truth and purity which have been inculcated in our Christian homes, will be applied to the man with the hoe; when religion and labor will go hand in hand; when none but the bravest and most loyal citizens dare sway the employer's sceptre, all signs of decay will be buried into oblivion and we shall have a nation too noble to crumble, too great to be conquered. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 51 WAR IN THE LIGHT OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY EDWARD E. KELLEY, of Ursinus '-pHE military power of Europe has become a matter ot vital *■ importance. She is virtually arm-crushed. Her armies are devouring her very substance, depleting the national treas-uries, and changing the established social and political con-ditions. With the unsettled state of China, the increase of arma ments and navies and the attitude of a people cursed by taxation and conscription, Europe cannot remain forever a vast, hostile camp. The rivalries of England and Russia and the antipathies of the Frank and the German threaten to "turn loose the dogs of war'' to prey upon humanity for their self aggrandizement. Under existing conditions war must come. Such is the verdict of history as she points the finger of warning to Rome and Carthage. A condition of affairs like this, however, has no place in the midst of the liberty, the intelligence, the happiness and the morality of our age. When war thus threatens to rush the nations headlong into a "roaring conflagration of anarchies," then war disdains the spirit of the age, mocks the God-like reason within man, and becomes "the living and triumphant relic of barbarism." Not only Europe but the civilized world demands that this in-stitution, by which so few rights have been gained, which could not have been achieved without it, be brought before the bar of reason. For this institution has committed the greatest crimes recorded on the pages of history in blasphemy of that which is holiest; in the name of liberty, fraternity and equality, the French Revolution raised a gigantic monument whose brick was the flesh of Frenchmen and whose mortar was the heart's blood ot France. True, some wars have been productive of a lasting good. Europe purchased liberty of mind by the death of six million crusaders; religious liberty was the outgrowth of the Thirty Years' War; the French Revolution broke the iron chains of despotism; this, our own glorious union, had its birth in war. It were a grievous pity, however, if such a blasting institution had not done some good. The most lasting benefit may be the result of the worst evil, and on the other hand, "the purest, holiest and noblest virtue may be devoted to a useless cause." But the blighting and accursed results of war everywhere predominate. Civiliza-tion was retarded one hundred years, as a consequence of the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Thirty Years' war. The civil wars in England and France delayed it for similar periods. Above all, man is to be governed not by material but by moral standards. There is no doctrine more abusive to the human understanding than that we ma}' do evil that good may come. There is another sentiment—"sublime, sacred, insurmountable, indestructible, eternal—the sentiment of right." Let no advocate of war presume on the dead past as a criterion for the breathing, ever living present. Political and economic conditions have changed since George the III; absolutism is a thing of the past; the object of the crusades is now the noble mission of the press. Oh! how incompatible with the age is this institution of war. We, the heirs of all the ages, look with sympathy on the barbaric past, and still we train legions of men to the profession of murder; we speak of a higher civilization amidst the ruin of our home, the shriek of the widow and the cry of the orphan which our cruelty has made. We boast of a common brotherhood of man, and yet we grasp our fellow by the throat and stifle the very life that God gave him! The fact that our own nation recently drove despotism from the shores of this west-ern continent and broke the shackles of an oppressed people is no justification of war. It was a glorious work. And she but made use of a recognized agent which is maintained by the interests and prejudices of powerful nations. The stigma lies not on the noble work of the Republic; but upon the age which upholds this bloody relic of the past in domination over reason; for this age, while it makes the individual abide by a trial of reason, is so inconsistent as to allow the nations, groups of individuals, to be ruled merely by their lust for conquest. Let us not, I beseech you, deceive our-selves. For this institution of war to have a mission, our religion, which teaches love to one's neighbor, must be false; philosophy, which teaches the irrationality of brute force, belies itself, and man, who professes to acknowledge standards of morality and justice, is a base and unworthy hypocrite. Vain and delusive is the theory of the survival of the strongest —of the right of one civilization to crush another out of existence. Our universe is a natural one, and its units can only grow from step to step through the continuous process of natural law. Where-ever nations have attempted to usurp the place of nature by in. troducing untimely changes, inevitable and dreadful reaction has THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 53 followed. History is replete with the baneful results of coercion. Such a theory binds only the jungle. When applied to man, fash-ioned in the Divine image and sweeping onward, ever onward to the realization of his ideal, it prostrates the native dignity of his manhood in the dust. The triumph of the stronger is not the triumph of justice. O, strange Justice, which is ever on the stronger side. "Truth forever on the scaffold, wrong forever on the throne." Tell me, when Poland, noble and heroic Poland, lay crushed and bleeding at the foot of the Muscovite, was the triumph of the stronger the better? Who of us is certain in his heart that force is accomplishing a purpose in South Africa? Read in the history of Ireland another living witness against the iniquity and injustice of war. Truly, justice depends upon reason and not upon the sword, and man, "the sovereign animal of crea-tion," cannot be molded like clay. We have reached that stage in the world's progress when the restriction of force will be conducive to the advancement of civ-ilization; when co-operation must replace destructive competition. Before this growing love of humanity man must acknowledge his fellow as a natural as well as a social and political unit. Before this growing love of humanity war becomes a crime. From amongst the ruin, bloodshed, and carnage of the battle-field, the soul, startled, shrinks from its shattered body to wing its flight heavenward ':o record its destruction. Do you not think that God, the great sovereign of nature, will demand the right of its deviation from that purpose for which the laws of nature and of nature's God created it? By what right do we rush this being, its heart fermenting with evil passions, with curses upon its lips, un-called into the presence of an offended deity? How will we in judgment before the tribunal of the Most High, free ourselves from our responsibility for its condemnation? How will we an-swer the shivered, wrecked and ruined legions—the once glorious and God-like representatives of a mighty universe standing hand to hand .witnesses before the Eternal King against us? Is it through the plea that we desired the territory belonging to another? Is it through the false argument that we wished to substitute our higher civilization for a lower? The rise and fall- of nations means less to God than the loss of this one soul—this soul, which, as Cato says, "secured in her existence, smiles at the drawn dagger and defies its point. The stars shall fade away, the sun himself grow dim S4 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY with age, and nature sink in years, but thou shalt flourish in im-mortal youth, unhurt amidst the war of elements, the wrecks of matter and the crush of worlds." When all is considered we find that man is bound to his fellow not through mere ties of blood, but by the sacred ties of his own divine nature. A condition of affairs like the present which ig-nores this hallowed link of a common Fatherhood strikes at the very vitals of Christian idealism. The maintenance of war, this relic of primitive man, on the plea of its antiquity is unjustifiable. History is a mute witness to the fact that all human institutions have their day, that once they have ceased to be of utility they must either be forgotten or destroyed. "There is no question without an answer; no problem without a solution." War and "man's inhumanity to man has made countless thousands mourn." Man introduced inequalities and wrongs upon this earth; honor de-mands that by him they must be righted. Duty calls to everyone of us to array himself on the side of humanity. Let others sing of the flag and country, I plead for this growing love of humanity which will elevate and purify patriotism. Let others chant the martial music of war, I hear the cries which have risen midst the ruins of the world's battle fields; from the homes of those who have shed the rich, ripe blood of their manhood in behalf of military glory; from the millions who have been robbed of their liberties; from the millions throughout the broad universe who have been ruthlessly sacrificed to the cause of nations. Oh, we have had enough,of bloodshed! Let us blot it from our lives, and I appeal to you, representatives of our civilization, to cast your in-fluence wherever you can, against this hideous relic of barbarism. Remembrance implores you by the sorrow-tensioned chords of memory; from every blood-stained battle-field the commingled ashes of the dead entreat you; humanity cries out to you in the mute persuasion of her fallen greatness, and heaven adjures you in the dying agonizing voice of a crucified God: Thou shalt not plant the brand of Cain upon the brow of man! >*> ««£> " Eloquence is the appropriate organ of the highest personal energy.''—Emerson. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURi 55 ■ INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION TO SATISFY NATIONAL HONOR JAMHS N. DOWNEY, of Lehig-h HPHE establishment of an international tribunal to which all * disputes between nations, that cannot otherwise be adjusted, should be referred has been the dream of philosophers and states-men for ages. That this has not been accomplished, proves that civilization has not advanced sufficiently to enable nations to set-tle their differences except by resort to arms. In the dawn of civilization we find, even in judicial processes, a mixture of forcible contention, showing the transition from a period when rights were regulated by the strong hand. In later years, however, there has been some progress in settling disputes between nations and the principle that human reason is capable of settling differences as well as creating them has been established. The past century was ushered in in the midst of a period of destructive wars and its history contains the records of many bloody conflicts. Nevertheless, it has witnessed the growth of the practice of international arbitration to satisfy '' National Honor." This method has been shown to be broad and far-reach-ing, and while in some instances the award has been set aside or not enforced, in no case have two nations gone to war after hav-ing agreed to arbitrate a difference. The first experience of this nation in settling disputes was the Jay Treaty with Great Britain in 1794. While this treaty was not satisfactory and by no means popular with the American people it is our initial step in the paths of arbitration. Washing-ton alone, while not approving of the treaty, stood up for it and signed it. In so doing he exhibited his firmness of character, good judgment, and foresight. And when he said "My objects are to prevent war, if justice can be obtained by fair and strong representations of the injuries which this country has sustained at the hands of Great Britain," he at once struck the key-note of arbitration. Since the Jay Treaty there have been twenty distinct arbitrations between the two great English speaking nations of the world, Great Britain and the United States, of which the Behring Sea dispute is the latest example. The greatest settle-ment was that of the "Geneva Award" in regard to the Alabama claims and it demonstrated that arbitration between nations was possible. This was a grave question and involved the honor 01 S6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY England and the United States, yet by temperate and wise dis-cussion, it was brought to a peaceful adjustment, and, as has wisely been said, "Two great and powerful nations, gaining in wisdom and self-control and losing nothing in patriotism and self-respect, taught the world that the magnitude of a controversy need not be a bar to its peaceful solution and the maintenance of national honor." When the conference at the Hague was called by the Czar in 1899, the suggestion was greeted with sneers and suspicion on the part of many, with enthusiasm by a few and by most with a shrug of the shoulders. The majority of the delegates attending had vague ideas concerning arbitration and its extent. Russia, the leader of the movement, was the greatest surprise of all. She thought arbitration should be made obligatory except where honor and vital interests were involved. Honor and vital interests are always shadowy things in the hands of the statesmen, and, more-over, can be shown to exist in any dispute that may arise. The conference found the idea of disarmament too fanciful and the limitation of armament to its present strength premature. Dis-armament should follow and not precede arbitration. The real obstacle in the way of arbitration is not so much the lack of efficiency in method as the lack of disposition to try it, and the system of arbitration presupposes that nations desire an amicable adjustment of their differences. Such settlement may be prevented, either by wilful opposition to it, by claims that render argument impossible, or by some covert act on the part of one of those concerned. It is difficult, if not impossible, to con-tend against a situation like this, since the direct tendency and effect is to bring on a collision before arbitrators can intervene. History affords many examples of aggressive wars or wars of ambition where national honor was not concerned; but happily they are now becoming less frequent. The remedy against such wars was suggested in the unratified treaty of arbitration adopted in 1890 by the Pan-American Conference. It was proposed to adopt a principle of international law, and to make it imperative that diplomatic and consular controversies and any disputes what-soever between nations, except cases in which, in the judgment of one of the parties concerned, its independence was at stake, should be settled by arbitration. The object of this was to leave each nation the right of self defense, while forbidding any to - THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 57 commit aggression. Again, at the conference at Hague, these resolutions were revived and vigorously pushed by Great Britain and the United States. Great generals have shown their abhorrence of war. Well-ington said, "Nothing except a battle won can be half so melan-choly as a battle lost." General Grant, speaking of arbitration and national honor, said, "Though I have been trained as a soldier and have taken part in many battles, there was never a time, when in my estimation some way could not have been found to prevent the drawing of the sword." The characters of the men who govern nations and to whom the honor of their country is entrusted, shape the events that fol-low. If they are wise and honorable, then their country will be peaceful and prosperous. If they are impulsive, self-seeking, and unreasonable, then their country will suffer. Our republic, guided and directed by this spirit, has done more for the cause of international arbitration than any other country in the world. Its purpose has been the enlargement of the individual, the advancement of his interests and liberties, and finally, to administer justice to all. The question of peace and the satisfaction of national honor is one which may not be settled for generations. It is one, how-ever, which this and every coming generation will have to deal with, and whatever is done the world looks to the United States as a leader. Appreciating this we may close our minds to our ingenious fault-finding and turning our eyes away to the far horizon, we there see the shadowy images of international law and justice and morality dimly visible among the clouds. k "The prodigies which eloquence often works, in the hands of a single man, upon an entire nation, are perhaps the most shining testimony of the superiority of one man over another." —D''Alemberi. 58 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY JOHN RUSKIN—THE MAN ' WM. L. HESS, of Swarthmore JOHN RUSKIN has said, 'All my theories are summed up in *-* the line of Wordsworth, 'We live by admiration, hope and love.' Not admiration of ourselves, nor hope for ourselves. Love can be only of others; self-love is a contradiction of terms." Truly, a noble utterance from a man of intense earnest-ness and commanding sincerit3r. Search where you will, there can be found no character who commands more genuine respect and whose personality has been more general than that of the practical thinker, the late John Ruskin. His was a life of genius, enthusiasm and self-devotion. To read him is to admire him; and to admire him is to admire that which is sincere, pure and poetic. John Ruskin was born in London, England. Unlike the fathers of many of our celebrities, his father was a man of affluence, his shrewdness in business, that of a wine merchant, being the means of his acquiring a fortune early in life. We are told that the elder Ruskin was of a visionary nature when away from his shop, and that he spent his evenings in reading Shakespeare and in singing. The mother was a woman of great severity. One of the tasks which she imposed upon her son until he was fourteen years of age was that of committing many and long passages from the Bible. The influence of this early teaching was manifold. His writings teem with Biblical quotations and imagery. We do not find in Ruskin's early life any of those amusements which are so common to boyhood. He was not in any way in-dulged, and if he committed a fault the usual penalty was sure to follow. These restrictions made his boyhood unattractive and uninteresting. Yet there was developing in this quiet and reserved child a genius which was destined to astound the world. At the age of eleven years he is discovered successfully copy-ing the etched illustrations by George Cruikshank, to Grimm's '' Fairy Tales." It is true that as an etcher he showed slight pro-ficiency, but this early performance is evidence that he had the power to become mighty in something although it happened not to be in etching. After having received a preparatory training under the direc-tion of tutors, Ruskin was sent to Oxford, where he was graduated at Christ Church College. His college life was uneventful, and of his life at Oxford he relates, "It seemed to me all that was re- I THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 59 quired of me was to say my prayers, go to church, learn my les-sons, obey my parents and enjoy my dinner." Like the unfolding of a beautiful, delicately perfumed flower which gradually opens its petals to God's genial sunshine was the unfolding of the life and character of the nineteenth century prophet, John Ruskin. The tempest of criticism beat about him; the fierce winds of doubt, greed and envy tried by their piercing blasts to cast him to the dust; but, like the flower, he remained steadfast and pure—beautiful in his constancy. He held that 'his mission in life was to proclaim the beauties in the works of others—not his own." Did he fulfill his mission? Ask that stu-dent of art who received his first impressions from Ruskin ! Did he fulfill his mission ? Turn to that student of architecture who owes to Ruskin what skill he possesses, and ask if his master ful-filled his mission ! Ask that lecturer or preacher who uses such choice rhetoric in his discourses, that lecturer or preacher who has read Ruskin ! Ask that social reformer who has studied Rus-kin's ideas and method of reform as he saw them in others but which he idealized and made his own; yes, ask that question of all, and the artist, the architect, the lecturer and preacher, and the social reformer will candidly answer, John Ruskin did fulfill his mission, he did perform those duties which he claimed he would perform; and, sir, the world to-day is better because there has lived in it a man who not only promised, but one who also acted out his promises in word and in deed. Ah! a great and good man has gone out from our midst. The physical form of our lamented Ruskin has left us, but the influence of his Christian life remains. And this influence will remain as long as the world endures, and future generations will appreciate Ruskin as we have failed to do. Criticism will be heard no more; but the melody of his language; his grand prophetic visions will be enjoyed by all! Pre-eminently was Ruskin a nature-worshipper. He loved the flowers, the brook, the mountains, and the fleecy clouds. To him the wayside rose preached more eloquently than words the lessons of purity and simplicity, and to sit for hours watching the fitful changing of the skies was to him a perfect delight. His soul stirred within him, he could exclaim with Shakespeare: 60 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY "Full many a glorious morning have I seen Flatter the mountain-tops with sovereign eye, Kissing with golden face the meadow green, Gilding pale streams with heavenly alchemy." We should study Ruskin, for, by so doing, our faculty of appreciation for nature will be opened. We will more deeply value the small things which lie about us on life's pilgrimage. The tiny blade of grass will arouse new thoughts within us. The dainty Quaker-lady will teach us the lesson of humility as it has never before been taught; even the seemingly unsightly stones which are strewn along our path possess a language too deep for words. An editor of note has lately said, "Work is for the worker." To no one does this more aptly apply than to John Ruskin. Many of his well-defined theories for the betterment of the working classes, and for the uplifting of humanity in general may appear to have been as seed sown by the wayside, but the time spent in working out his theories only strengthened him for the practical tasks which he so well performed day by day. That which is put into work is surely that which shall be reaped. Put in envy, and discontent and misery shall be the reward, whereas power is the reward of love and patience! Thus it was a practical test of our teacher when he gathered around him that promiscuous band of workmen and children to teach .them the right way of living. After his arduous labor of thirty long years to undertake such a stupendous work was noth-ing less than heroic. Again must we pay honor to this fearless spirit, who needed only to speak, and the intelligence of the world listened with awe! L,eft a fortune by his father, he lavished it upon his chosen people, ignorant and poverty stricken. The quintessence of art, literature, and science was offered to them; and costly museums were founded for their instruction. And this cost him more than his wealth! He paid the price; they reaped the material reward! His was the loss of peace; theirs was the gain of a new life and happiness! But the enterprise was a failure! Failure, did I say? Yes, but a glorious failure; not shorn of any of its benefits, its fame still lives as a blessing to humanity! In its character this enterprise might seem Utopian, but after all deductions have been made there is no discredit to be cast THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 61 upon the memory of John Ruskin, for, bear in mind, he was merely living what he wrote. With his Bible as his lexicon he followed its teachings; followed them although the whole Christian world laughed him to scorn; aye, followed them even after his project had failed! He wrote, "Religion is a submission, not an aspira-tion; an obedience, not an ambition, of the soul," and he lived that religion. His life was a constant submission, a holy obedi-ence to the will of his God, and our God. In his declining years he was rejected; thrust aside by the busy world; but from out his confinement we still heard him proclaim against the evils of the times. In poor health, yet while life lasted he continued to attack the most alluring vices, and preach those "inner virtues" which he held so sacred. There was something awaiting him beyond which was no vanity; all was radiant before him; and on the twentieth of January of the last year of the nine-teenth century the soul of John Ruskin serenely took its flight. . The character of this great benefactor of the whole human race, what is its message to thinking men and women? Simply this, that truth, knowledge, right living, are the basis of growth in man. But there is a sadness in truth! Knowledge has its sorrow! Right living still continues to have its tragedy! The martyred Lincoln wrote the truth in his Proclamation which freed millions in bondage, and his life was the price! The Seeker after knowledge, a Newton or a Darwin, must drink to the dregs the cup of sorrow! A Christ must be led to a Calvary, and there pay the penalty for his spotless life! Upon the monument of Time one more name should be en-graved, that of John Ruskin, and underneath, I would have traced the words, "Prince of Peace." "Those who speak in public are better heard when they dis-course by a lively genius and ready memory than when they read all they would communicate to their hearers."—Watts. "The business of oratory is to persuade people." —Lord Chesterfield. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Kntertdat the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. X GETTYSBURG, PA., APRIL, 1901 No. 2 K. C. RUBY, '02, Editor-in- Chief R. ST. CLAIR POFFENBARGER,' 02, Business Manager J. F. NEWMAN, '02, Exchange Editor AAssi■s,tant. E»dji,tors Advisor'y Board " , ., 0 ,"" PROF. J. A. HIMES, A. M., LIT. D. MISS ANNIE M. SWARTZ, '02 _ " " " ' "' * . " " ,", PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. A. B. RICHARD,'02 _ . _. _ ' _ PROF. J. W. RICHARD. D. D. Assistant Business Manager CURTIS E. 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This case study examines contemporary experiences of conflict in four contexts: Papua New Guinea, with particular reference to the island of Bougainville and the Highlands region; Solomon Islands; and Vanuatu. We find common themes in these experiences, despite the regions famous sociolinguistic diversity, fragmented geography and varied experience of globalization. Melanesia offers distinctive lessons about how conflict may be understood, promoted and avoided. The paper is organized in two broad parts. The first part is contextual. It provides a brief account of conflict and violence in social life before and after colonization. It then tracks, largely chronologically, through the local, national and transnational dimensions of contemporary conflict, how it was avoided, how it has changed, and how it has been managed in different contexts. Particular attention is given to global and regional influences, and to how governments, local people, and external security, development and commercial actors, have worked to mitigate and, at times, exacerbate conflict. The second part of the case study is more analytical. It steps back from the particulars to address themes and propositions in the overall conceptual framing of World Development Report (WDR) 2011 about the nature of conflict, and the underlying stresses and interests that may render it more likely. Part two draws lessons from the histories and contexts discussed in part one. The report organizes these around three themes that reflect views shared with us by people during consultations. The first highlights the need to recognize conflict as an inherent part of social change and thus the need to distinguish between socially generative social contest, and forms of conflict that are corrosive and destructive. The second examines how the ways people 'see' and understand the world directly shapes systems of regulation and 'the rules of the game' and thus directly affect responses to conflict. The third theme argues that capable and legitimate institutions to regulate social contest requires not just capable state institutions, but as much, relationships with local and international agents and organizations operating below and above the state.

Public Policy and Ageing in Northern Ireland: Identifying Levers for Change Judith Cross, Policy Officer with the Centre for Ageing Research Development in Ireland (CARDI)��������Introduction Identifying a broad range of key public policy initiatives as they relate to age can facilitate discussion and create new knowledge within and across government to maximise the opportunities afforded by an ageing population. This article looks at how examining the current public policy frameworks in Northern Ireland can present opportunities for those working in this field for the benefit of older people. Good policy formulation needs to be evidence-based, flexible, innovative and look beyond institutional boundaries. Bringing together architects and occupational therapists, for example, has the potential to create better and more effective ways relevant to health, housing, social services and government departments. Traditional assumptions of social policy towards older people have tended to be medically focused with an emphasis on care and dependency. This in turn has consequences for the design and delivery of services for older people. It is important that these assumptions are challenged as changes in thinking and attitudes can lead to a redefinition of ageing, resulting in policies and practices that benefit older people now and in the future. Older people, their voices and experiences, need to be central to these developments. The Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland The Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland (CARDI) (1) is a not for profit organisation developed by leaders from the ageing field across Ireland (North and South) including age sector focused researchers and academics, statutory and voluntary, and is co-chaired by Professor Robert Stout and Professor Davis Coakley. CARDI has been established to provide a mechanism for greater collaboration among age researchers, for wider dissemination of ageing research information and to advance a research agenda relevant to the needs of older people in Ireland, North and South. Operating at a strategic level and in an advisory capacity, CARDI�۪s work focuses on promoting research co-operation across sectors and disciplines and concentrates on influencing the strategic direction of research into older people and ageing in Ireland. It has been strategically positioned around the following four areas: Identifying and establishing ageing research priorities relevant to policy and practice in Ireland, North and South;Promoting greater collaboration and co-operation on ageing research in order to build an ageing research community in Ireland, North and South;Stimulating research in priority areas that can inform policy and practice relating to ageing and older people in Ireland, North and South;Communicating strategic research issues on ageing to raise the profile of ageing research in Ireland, North and South, and its role in informing policy and practice. Context of Ageing in Ireland Ireland �۪s population is ageing. One million people aged 60 and over now live on the island of Ireland. By 2031, it is expected that Northern Ireland�۪s percentage of older people will increase to 28% and the Republic of Ireland�۪s to 23%. The largest increase will be in the older old; the number aged 80+ is expected to triple by the same date. However while life expectancy has increased, it is not clear that life without disability and ill health has increased to the same extent. A growing number of older people may face the combined effects of a decline in physical and mental function, isolation and poverty. Policymakers, service providers and older people alike recognise the need to create a high quality of life for our ageing population. This challenge can be meet by addressing the problems relating to healthy ageing, reducing inequalities in later life and creating services that are shaped by, and appropriate for, older people. Devolution and Structures of Government in Northern Ireland The Agreement (2) reached in the Multi-Party Negotiations in Belfast 1998 established the Northern Ireland Assembly which has full legislative authority for all transferred matters. The majority of social and economic public policy such as; agriculture, arts, education, health, environment and planning is determined by the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont. There are 11 Government Departments covering the main areas of responsibility with 108 elected Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLA�۪s). The powers of the Northern Ireland Assembly do not cover ��� reserved�۪ matters or ��� excepted�۪ matters . These are the responsibility of Westminster and include issues such as, tax, social security, policing, justice, defence, immigration and foreign affairs. Northern Ireland has 18 elected Members of Parliament (MP�۪s) to the House of Commons. Public Policy Context in Northern Ireland The economic, social and political consequence of an ageing population is a challenge for policy makers across government. Considering the complex and diverse causal factors that contribute to ageing in Northern Ireland, there are a number of areas of government policy at regional, national and international levels that are likely to impact in this area. International The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing (3) and the Research Agenda on Ageing for the 21st Century (4) provide important mechanisms for furthering research into ageing. The United Kingdom has signed up to these. The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing commits member states to a systematic review of the Plan of Action through Regional Implementation Strategies. The United Kingdom�۪s Regional Implementation Strategy covers Northern Ireland. National At National level, pension and social security are high on the agenda. The Pensions Act (5) became law in 2007 and links pensions increases with earnings as opposed to prices from 2012. Additional credits for people raising children and caring for older people to boost their pensions were introduced. Some protections are included for those who lost occupational pensions as a result of underfunded schemes being wound up before April 2005. In relation to State Pensions and benefits, this Act will bring changes to state pensions in future. The Act now places the Pension Credit element which is up-rated in line with or above earnings, on a permanent, statutory footing. Regional At regional level there are a number of age related public policy initiatives that have the potential to impact positively on the lives of older people in Northern Ireland. Some are specific to ageing such as the Ageing in an Inclusive Society (6) and others by their nature are cross-cutting such as Lifetime Opportunities: Governments Anti-Poverty Strategy for Northern Ireland (7). The main public policy framework in Northern Ireland is the Programme for Government: Building a Better Future, 2008-2011(PfG) (8) . The PfG, is the overarching high level policy framework for Northern Ireland and provides useful principles for ageing research and public policy in Northern Ireland. The PfG vision is to build a peaceful, fair and prosperous society in Northern Ireland, with respect for the rule of law. A number of Public Service Agreements (PSA) aligned to the PfG confirm key actions that will be taken to support the priorities that the Government aim to achieve over the next three years. For example objective 2 of PSA 7: Making Peoples�۪ Lives Better: Drive a programme across Government to reduce poverty and address inequality and disadvantage, refers to taking forward strategic action to promote social inclusion for older people; and to deliver a strong independent voice for older people. The Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) have recently appointed an Interim Older People�۪s Advocate, Dame Joan Harbison to provide a focus for older peoples issues across Government. Ageing in an Inclusive Society is the cross-departmental strategy for older people in Northern Ireland and was launched in March 2005. It sets out the approach to be taken across Government to promote and support the inclusion of older people. The vision coupled with six strategic objectives form the basis of the action plans accompanying the strategy. The vision is: ���To ensure that age related policies and practices create an enabling environment, which offers everyone the opportunity to make informed choices so that they may pursue healthy, active and positive ageing.�۝ (Ageing in an Inclusive Society, Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, 2005) Action planning and maintaining momentum across government in relation to this strategy has proved to be slower than anticipated. It is proposed to refresh this Strategy in line with Opportunity Age ��� meeting the challenges of ageing in the 21st Century (9). There are a number of policy levers elsewhere which can also be used to promote the positive aspects of an ageing society. The Investing for Health (10) and A Healthier Future:A 20 Year Vision for Health and Well-being in Northern Ireland (11), seek to ensure that the overall vision for health and wellbeing is achievable and provides a useful framework for ageing policy and research in the health area. These health initiatives have the potential to positively impact on the quality of life of older people and provide a useful framework for improving current policy and practice. In addition to public policy initiatives, the anti-discrimination frameworks in terms of employment in Northern Ireland cover age as well as a range of other grounds. Goods facilitates and services are currently excluded from the Employment Equality (age) Regulations (NI) 2006 (12). Supplementing the anti-discrimination measures, Section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 (13), unique to Northern Ireland, places a statutory obligation on public authorities in fulfilling their functions to promote equality of opportunity across nine grounds, one of which is age(14). This positive duty has the potential to make a real difference to the lives of older people in Northern Ireland. Those affected by policy decisions must be consulted and their interests taken into account. This provides an opportunity for older people and their representatives to participate in public policy-making, right from the start of the process. Policy and Research Interface ���Ageing research is vital as decisions in relation to policy and practice and resource allocation will be made on the best available information�۝. (CARDI�۪s Strategic Plan 2008-2011) As outlined earlier, CARDI has been established to bridge the gap to ensure that research reaches those involved in making policy decisions. CARDI is stimulating the ageing research agenda in Ireland through a specific research fund that has a policy and practice focus. My work is presently focusing on helping to build a greater awareness of the key policy levers and providing opportunities for those within research and policy to develop closer links. The development of this shared understanding by establishing these links between researchers and policy makers is seen as the best predictor for research utilization. It is important to acknowledge and recognise that researchers and policy makers operate in different institutional, political and cultural contexts. Research however needs to ���resonate�۪ with the contextual factors in which policy makers operate. Conclusions Those working within the public policy field recognise all too often that the development of government policies and initiatives in respect of age does not guarantee that they will result in changes in actual provision of services, despite Government recommendations and commitments. The identification of public policy initiatives as they relate to age has the potential to highlight persistent and entrenched difficulties that social policy has previously failed to address. Furthermore, the identification of these difficulties can maximise the opportunities for progressing these across government. A focus on developing effective and meaningful targets to ensure measurable outcomes in public policy for older people can assist in this. Access to sound, credible and up-to-date evidence will be vital in this respect. As well as a commitment to working across departmental boundaries to effect change. Further details: If you would like to discuss this paper or for further information about CARDI please contact: Judith Cross, Policy Officer, Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland CARDI). t: +44 (0) 28 9069 0066; m: +353 (0) 867 904 171; e: judith@cardi.ie ; or visit our website at: www.cardi.ie References 1) Centre for Ageing Research and Development in Ireland (2008) Strategic Plan 2008-2011. Belfast. CARDI 2) The Agreement: Agreement Reached in the Multi-Party Negotiations. Belfast 1998 3) Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing. http://www.un.org/ageing/ 4) UN Programme on Ageing (2007) Research Agenda on Ageing for the 21st Century: 2007 Update. New York. New York. UN Programme on Ageing and the International Association of Gerontology and Geriatrics. 5) The Pensions Act 2007 Chapter 22 6) Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister (2005). Ageing in an Inclusive Society. Belfast. OFMDFM Central Anti-Poverty Unit. 7) Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister (2005). Lifetime Opportunities: Government�۪s Anti-Poverty and Social Inclusion Strategy for Northern Ireland. Belfast. OFMDFM Central Anti-Poverty Unit. 8) Northern Ireland Executive (2008) Building a Better Future: Programme for Government 2008-2011. Belfast. OFMDFM Economic Policy Unit. 9) Department for Work and Pensions, (2005) Opportunity Age: Meeting the Challenges of Ageing in the 21 st Century. London. DWP. 10) Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (DHSS&PS) (2002) Investing for Health. Belfast. DHSS&PS. 11) Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (DHSS&PS) (2005) A Healthier Future:A 20 Year Vision for Health and Well-being in Northern Ireland Belfast. DHSS&PS. �� 12) The Employment Equality (Age) Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2006 SR2006 No.261 13) The Northern Ireland Act 1998, Part VII, S75 14) The nine grounds covered under S75 of the Northern Ireland Act are: gender, religion, race, sexual orientation, those with dependents, disability, political opinion, marital status and age.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky came to the United States last month bearing a powerful moral message: Ukraine's cause in fighting back against Russia is an unusually clear case of good versus evil.
Like Churchill rallying his people against Hitler's forces in World War II, he urged continued American resolve in ensuring that the war ends in Ukrainian victory, and he warned that any compromise with Moscow will only invite more aggression. America, he argued, faces a stark choice between right and wrong. If only things were that clear. In fact, the lengthening and increasingly bloody conflict in Ukraine is forcing the United States to grapple with a moral dilemma: a choice not between right and wrong, but between right and right. It is right to help Ukraine defend itself against Russia's invasion. After all, Ukraine did not attack Russia, and under the terms of the United Nations Charter, Russia had no legal basis for waging war on its neighbor absent authorization by the UN Security Council. And it is right to oppose Russia's brutal conduct in the war, which includes strikes on civilian facilities and numerous instances of rape, murder, and abuse of individual Ukrainians, all violations of international law. But these elements tell only part of the moral tale in Ukraine. German theorist Max Weber contrasted an "ethics of conviction" that battles against all injustice with an "ethics of responsibility" that calls for considering the potential results of such battles when weighing moral choices. An ethics of conviction argued that Western military intervention in Libya in 2011, intended to prevent mass atrocities by the barbarous Qadhafi regime, was the morally correct policy. An ethics of responsibility points out that America's good intentions resulted in disastrous instability that continues to radiate into Africa, the Middle East, and Europe to this day. These contrasting approaches complicate our calculations in Ukraine. Viewed through the lens of conviction, the correct response to Putin's invasion seems clear: one does not indulge evil; one fights and defeats it. Viewed through the lens of results, the case for such an uncompromising approach is far less certain. For now, the balance sheet in Ukraine features more assets than liabilities. Western aid has been instrumental in preventing Russian forces from capturing the vast bulk of Ukrainian territory and rendering Kyiv a Kremlin puppet, and the United States has so far managed to defend Ukraine while avoiding the escalatory dangers of a direct clash with the Russian military. But the conviction that any compromise with evil is wrong prompted Ukraine (with Western encouragement) to break off settlement talks that were progressing with Russia in April of last year, opting instead for a "counteroffensive" aimed at driving Russian forces off all Ukrainian territory, while so weakening Russia that it could never again contemplate such aggression. That counteroffensive has gone poorly. If Ukraine continues attacking into the teeth of formidable Russian defenses, it risks depleting its increasingly scarce supplies of men and munitions to such an extent that it could become vulnerable to new Russian advances. Should Russia threaten to overrun Ukrainian forces, could the Biden administration refrain from some form of direct involvement in the war, if that seemed to be the only way to prevent a Russian victory? Having ruled out compromise with Putin, Biden's political room for maneuver in such a scenario would be perilously narrow. Yet the consequences of a military clash between the world's preeminent nuclear powers could be horrific for everyone. Short of a Russian battlefield breakthrough, we must also consider the potential impact on Ukraine of a prolonged stalemate. Zelensky himself has also warned that a long war of attrition would mean "a fork in the road for Ukraine" and a "totally militarized economy." Having already lost millions fleeing to Europe and Russia, Ukraine would lose even more people, both on the front lines and to emigration. A demographic study published last year indicated that by 2040, Ukraine's working age population could fall by a third of its present size, with the number of children declining to half its pre-war level. A shrinking Ukraine would grow ever more dependent on the United States and Europe just to support its aging and war-crippled population's needs for social services. A prolonged war also threatens to reshape the world order in dangerous ways. The loss of cheap Russian energy supplies is damaging the German economy and fueling the rise of Germany's leading far right party, Alternative for Deutschland. Western economic sanctions are also driving increased Russian trade and military cooperation with China, Iran, and North Korea, compounding America's geostrategic challenges. Is helping Ukraine recover Crimea and Russian-controlled portions of the Donbass worth a radicalized Germany, a threatening entente between Russia and China, an accelerated North Korean ICBM program, and robust Russian-Iranian military cooperation? These are not questions that those favoring an ethics of conviction in Ukraine want to answer. But they are questions that our elected representatives, as agents entrusted with safeguarding the interests of the American people, are duty-bound to consider. It is right to help Ukraine defend itself against Russian aggression. And it is right to consider the potential fallout from the war on American and world security. Our challenge is to strike a pragmatic balance between these contending interests in justice and order. We will not achieve it through moral grandstanding, but through a judicious blending of military strength with diplomatic skill.

En Colombia el mecanismo de la Extensión de la jurisprudencia del Consejo de Estado a terceros, tal como es denominado por los artículos 102 de la Ley 1437 de 2011, por medio de la cual se expide el Código de Procedimiento Administrativo y de lo Contencioso Administrativo, en adelante CPACA, y 17 de la Ley 2080 del año 2021, con la cual se reformó dicho Código y se dictaron otras disposiciones en materia de descongestión en los procesos que se tramitan ante la jurisdicción, tiene como finalidad precisamente descongestionar la jurisdicción de lo Contencioso Administrativo estableciendo como deber para las Autoridades Administrativas extender en su sede los efectos de una sentencia de unificación jurisprudencial dictada por el Consejo de Estado, en la que se haya reconocido un derecho, a quienes lo soliciten y acrediten los mismos supuestos fácticos y jurídicos, y con esto optimizar el servicio de la administración de justicia a la luz de los principios orientadores de la función pública consagrados en el artículo 209 de la Constitución Política, artículo 3 del CPACA y en las leyes especiales. Pese a ser ésta una herramienta de larga trayectoria en otros países como España y Costa Rica, además de ofrecer grandes y prometedores beneficios para cualquier ordenamiento jurídico, en Colombia, la jurisprudencia conforme al Decreto 01 de 1984 tenía un carácter auxiliar y los jueces eran autónomos en sus decisiones, pero como mecanismo solo fue incorporado en la Legislación Colombiana hasta el año 2011, y puesto en vigencia a partir del 2 de julio de 2012, fecha desde la cual se han presentado una serie de obstáculos que han impedido que al día de hoy cumpla con el propósito para el cual ha sido creado, se encuentran diferentes causas atribuibles a esta situación, quizá la más importante sea la falta de una legislación especial que dé solución a los vacíos que se presentan al ponerlo en práctica tal y como está regulado, lo cierto es que es necesario rescatar lo valioso de esta herramienta estudiándola a profundidad. Mediante esta monografía se pretende realizar un análisis detallado donde se describan los antecedentes internacionales y nacionales del mecanismo, las Autoridades Administrativas que están llamadas a implementarlo, así como los principios, finalidades y trámite procesal, para definir los aspectos que se consideraron no fueron contemplados en el procedimiento del mecanismo en sede administrativa, los cuales impiden su efectiva aplicación, y con ello entregar una investigación que ofrecerá una propuesta para complementar la regulación existente del dispositivo o instrumento jurídico de la extensión de jurisprudencia en sede administrativa. ; In Colombia, the Council of State jurisprudence Extension mechanism to thirds by the Authorities, as is named by the article 102 of the Law 1437/2011, whereby the Code of Administrative Procedure and the Administrative Disputed is issued, and 17 of the Law 2080/2021, wherewith this Code was reformed and other provisions in the relieving congestion field in the proceedings which are handled before the jurisdiction were dictated, aims precisely to relieve the jurisdiction from the Administrative Disputed which establishes the duty for the Administrative Authorities of extending the effects of a jurisprudence unification judgment dictated by the Council of State at its headquarters, in which a right had been recognized, to those who request it and accredit the same factual and legal assumptions, and therewith to optimize the administration of justice service in light of the public function guiding principles which are enshrined in article 209 of the Political Constitution, article 3 of the Law 1437/2011 and in the special laws. Although this is a long history mechanism in other countries such as Spain and Costa Rica, as well as offering high and promising benefits for any legal system, In Colombia the jurisprudence according to Decree 01 of 1984 had an auxiliary character and the judges were autonomous in their decisions, but as a tool only it was incorporated in the Colombian legislation until the year 2011, and it was put in force from 2 July 2012, date from which a series of obstacles have been encountered which have prevented to the present day that fulfills the purpose for which has been created, different causes attributable to this situation, perhaps the most important thing is the lack of special legislation that remedies the gaps that are encountered in bringing this into effect and this is regulated, the truth is that is necessary to recover the value of this implement studying it deeply. By means of this monograph it is intended to carry out a detail analysis where the international and national background information of the mechanism are described, Administrative Authorities which are called upon to implement it as well as the principles, aims and procedural step, to define the aspects not covered by the mechanism procedure in the administrative headquarters, which prevent effective application, and by this to hand over a research which is going to offer a proposal to complement the existing regulation of the jurisprudence extension legal instrument in the administrative headquarters device. ; Magister en Derecho Administrativo ; Maestría

Problem setting. Building a quality management system requires considerable effort from the staff of the executive branch. It will be easier to make these efforts if their purpose is clear. The purpose of the introduction of quality assessment of administrative services is to improve their quality and, as a consequence, to improve the mechanism of relations between citizens and the government.Recent research and publications analysis. Researches of such scientists as O. Babinova, S. Dubenko, A. Kirmach, V. Melnychenko, N. Plakhotniuk, V. Soroko, V. Tymoschuk, and others are devoted to the problem of forming of quality assessing system of administrative services. However, despite the focused attention of scientists to the process of forming a quality assessing system of administrative services, some unresolved aspects remains. One of them is systematization and generalization of the approach to the formation of a quality assessing system of their provision.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The current practice of providing administrative services in Ukraine has a number of significant shortcomings. Among them: process of responsibility transfer of administrative authorities for collecting certificates, process of document approval, unreasonable collection of fees or its excessive amounts for usual services, setting of an inconvenient reception schedule, improper legal regulation of procedural issues services, etc.Paper main body. Administrative services are a very important element in the relationship between administrative authorities and individuals and legal entities. We face this phenomenon almost every day, so it is very important that administrative services are provided in a quality and timely manner. Administrative services are public authorities aimed to provide conditions for the exercise of the rights of citizens.Relations between administrative institutions and individuals should be based on such principles as the rule of law, legality, proportionality, responsibility, openness, procedural justice, accountability. With this in mind, an assessment of the quality of administrative services is necessary to check the performance of administrative institutions, how well and quickly they perform their duties.In modern practice, we understand that comprehensive quality indicator should be presented as a set of indicators of service quality and service quality. The quality assessment system forms a set of criteria that covers all possible aspects. These criteria are indicators that are the basis for standards setting for the provision of administrative services and which can determine how well the needs and interests of the citizen are met in the provision of a particular service and how professional is the activity of the administrative authority. The latest models of public administration are focused primarily on creating a flexible and effective system, strategically aimed at the client – the citizen. The purpose of assessing the quality of administrative services is to improve the quality of the services themselves. Administration should be replaced by management with its ideology, methodology, best practices and techniques. General approaches to the formation of the quality management system in the authorities include definition of all services provided by this authority. The quality of administrative services should be assessed on the basis of established criteria to be able to evaluate and standardize the processes of providing these services.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Today, the administrative services provision in Ukraine should become a pilot process, the effectiveness of which would finally be recognized by the whole society. The prestige of administrative services would significantly increase confidence in the authorities. International experience shows that an important prerequisite for improving the services quality, provided by state executive authorities and executive authorities of local self-government, should be the formation of an assessing system and maintaining the level of quality of services provided to citizens. Such an approach leads to the analysis and identification of bottlenecks in the existing methodology for forming a system for assessing the quality of administrative services.European standards for quality assessing of administrative services includes a set of principles, norms of formation and implementation, requirements for civil servants. This set creates the basis for approaching certain, recognized by the world, standard for the implementation of modern level of quality assessing of administrative services. Adherence to the standards will bring Ukraine to a new level of interaction between the state and citizens, as well as the provision of quality administrative services. ; Зазначено, що у сучасній практиці найчастіше використовують розуміння того, що комплексний показник якості має бути представлений як сукупність показників якості послуг і якості обслуговування. Зауважено, що система оцінки якості формує комплекс критеріїв, що охоплює всі можливі сторони, а критеріями є показники, які є підставою для встановлення стандартів надання адміністративних послуг, і за якими можна визначати, наскільки при наданні конкретної послуги є задоволеними потреби та інтереси громадянина та наскільки адекватною і професійною є діяльність адміністративного органу. Визначено, що новітні моделі публічного управління орієнтовані передусім на те, щоб створити гнучку й результативну ринково орієнтовну систему, стратегічно спрямовану на клієнта – громадянина. Відомо, що призначення оцінки якості адміністративних послуг – це підвищення якості самих послуг. Підсумовано, що на зміну адмініструванню має прийти менеджмент із його ідеологією, методологією, передовими підходами та технікою, а оцінка якості надання адміністративних послуг повинна здійснюватися на основі сформованих критеріїв, щоб мати змогу оцінювати та стандартизувати процеси надання цих послуг.

ABSTRACTIslamic economics views that the market, the state and the individual are in balance (iqtishad), there can be no sub-ordinates, so that one of them becomes dominant over the other. The market is guaranteed freedom in Islam. The free market determines the methods of production and prices, there should be no disturbances that result in the disruption of the market balance. However, because it is difficult to find a market that runs on its own fairly (fairly) and market distortions often occur, so that it can harm the parties, Islam allows for market internevsi by the state to restore the market back to normal. The market, which is allowed to run alone (laissez faire), without anyone controlling it, has actually led to unilateral market control by the capitalist, the infrastructure authority and the information owner. Information asymmetry is also a problem that cannot be solved by the market. The state in Islam has the same role as the market, its job is to regulate and supervise the economy, ensure perfect competition in the market, equitable information and economic justice.The concept of market foodism in Islam can be referred to in the hadith of Rasululllah Saw. Thus, Islam is far ahead of the West in formulating the concept of market mechanisms. The concept of market mechanisms in Islam was further developed scientifically by scholars throughout history, starting from Abu Yusuf, Al-Ghazali, Ibn Taymiyah, Ibn Khaldun, etc. These scholars have discussed the concept of market mechanisms in a comprehensive manner. They have discussed the power of supply and demand. Their study has also reached the factors that influence the market. In an Islamic economy, prices are determined by the forces of supply and demand. If there is a market distortion, the government may intervene in the market. However, Islamic economics is opposed to government intervention with excessive regulations when market forces are free to work to determine competitive prices. Keywords: Mechanism, Market, Economy, Islam ABSTRAKEkonomi Islam memandang bahwa pasar, negara, dan individu berada dalam keseimbangan (iqtishad), tidak boleh ada sub-ordinat, sehingga salah satunya menjadi dominan dari yang lain. Pasar dijamin kebebasannya dalam Islam. Pasar bebas menentukan cara-cara produksi dan harga, tidak boleh ada gangguan yang mengakibatkan rusaknya keseimbangan pasar.Tetapi oleh karena sulitnya ditemukan pasar yang berjalan sendiri secara adil (fair) dan distorasi pasar sering terjadi, sehingga dapat merugikan para pihak, maka Islam membolehkan adanya internevsi pasar oleh negara untuk mengembalikan agar pasar kembali normal. Pasar yang dibiarkan berjalan sendiri (laissez faire), tanpa ada yang mengontrol, ternyata telah menyebabkan penguasaan pasar sepihak oleh pemilik modal (capitalist) penguasa infrastruktur dan pemilik informasi. Asymetrik informasi juga menjadi permasalahan yang tidak bisa diselesaikan oleh pasar. Negara dalam Islam mempunyai peran yang sama dengan dengan pasar, tugasnya adalah mengatur dan mengawasi ekonomi, memastikan kompetisi di pasar berlangsung dengan sempurna, informasi yang merata dan keadilan ekonomi.Konsep makanisme pasar dalam Islam dapat dirujuk kepada hadits Rasululllah Saw . Dengan demikian, Islam jauh mendahului Barat dalam merumuskan konsep mekanisme pasar. Konsep mekanisme pasar dalam Islam selanjutnya dikembangkan secara ilmiah oleh ulama sepanjang sejarah, mulai dari Abu Yusuf, Al-Ghazali, Ibnu Taymiyah, Ibnu Khaldun, dsb. Para ulama tersebut telah membahas konsep mekanisme pasar secara konprehensif. Mereka telah membahas kekuatan supply and demand. Kajian mereka juga telah sampai pada faktar-faktor yang mempengaruhi pasar. Dalam ekonomi Islam harga ditentukan oleh kekuatan supply and demand.Jika terjadi distorsi pasar maka pemerintah boleh intervensi pasar Namun, ekonomi Islam menentang adanya intervensi pemerintah dengan peraturan yang berlebihan saat kekuatan pasar secara bebas bekerja untuk menentukan harga yang kompetitif. Kata Kunci : Mekanisme, Pasar, Ekonomi, IslamDAFTAR PUSTAKAAbu Daud, Sunan No Hadits 3450, jilid III, Dar al-Hadits Syuriah,tt. Al-Assal, A.Muh. dan Abd.Karim,Fathi, "Hukum Ekonomi Islam" Jakarta:Pustaka Firdaus,1999 Ad-Darimy, Sunan Ad-Darimy, Darul Fikri Beirut , tt. Al-Ghazali, Ihya Ulumuddin, Jilid III. Ash, Shiddiqy,Muhammad Nejatullah, Economic Though of Abu Yusuf, Aligarh, In Fikri wa Najjar, vol. 5 No 1, Januari 1964 At-Tirmizy, Al-Jami Shahih Sunan At-Tirmizy, No Hadits 1310, Juz III, Beirut: Dar al-Fikri ,tt, Frank, Robert Frank, Microeconomics and Behavior, 2 nd. 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