Suchergebnisse

In many respects, Europe and Africa (particularly Southern Africa) represent two opposing examples in the study of intra-regional migration and social cohesion. The European Union (EU) has been a global pioneer in allowing freedom of movement and portability of social rights across member states. A centerpiece of the EU integration process has been the progressive establishment of a common market, in which goods, services, capital, and people can move freely. With regard to the la􀄴 er, the concept of free movement originally only targeted the economically active population (in other words, the free movement of workers) but was gradually extended by Treaty amendments to all citizens of the EU. This extension was further strengthened by the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, which introduced the concept of citizenship in the European Union thereby establishing the fundamental and personal right to move and reside freely within the EU.

AbstractThis article provides an insight into the status quo and functions of the European Parliament (EP) in the European Union (EU) multi‐level governance system in order to better locate the structural issues the EP is facing in terms of accountability and legitimacy in the EU. The study mainly finds that the EP's extension of powers by the treaties and non‐treaty‐based inter‐institutional agreements has led it to become a legislative powerhouse, the work of which is concentrated in the less visible committees. This development, however, comes at the cost of the EP's function as a public arena of debate and conflict, with the big party groups mainly voting like a singular bloc in the plenary because decisions had already been agreed in the committees. In sum, increasing competences and workloads do not lead to more legitimacy and accountability.

<p>El futuro de la Unión Europea (UE) a menudo se debate bajo la hipótesis de la construcción de una entidad política democrática sui generis, es decir, fuera de los estándares de las tipologías de los sistemas políticos convencionales. Dicho análisis suele inscribirse en visiones no estadocéntricas de la UE, principalmente en los análisis multinivel de la gobernanza. Al mismo tiempo, la teorización sobre el desarrollo de una comunidad política en la UE que pueda sostener su legitimidad democrática se basa, en gran medida, en los debates sobre democracia representativa y directa. El argumento de fondo de este texto es el de que los dos marcos teóricos (gobernanza multinivel y teoría democrática) contribuyen de manera importante a la comprensión del proceso de integración política europea, a saber en lo relativo a lo logrado hasta el presente y a los impactos de momentos de cambio como la «crisis».</p><p><strong>Recibido</strong>: 30.03.2013<br /> <strong>Aceptado</strong>: 17.06.2013</p>

With the growth of network governance, non‐electoral forms of representation are of increasing significance. The claims of non‐elected representatives are potentially more specific, explicit, and flexible than those of their elected counterparts. The quality of such claims can be assessed in relation to 'authenticity', rather than traditional criteria of authorization or accountability. These propositions are explored through first‐hand accounts of 'faith representatives' involved in a variety of English urban governance partnerships. Representatives' claims expressed an aspiration to authenticity (which was not necessarily realized) in the sense of seeking ongoing and substantive consent from constituents, rather than assuming consent via a formalized and symbolic moment of election. Network governance may be best served by a mix of elected and non‐elected representation, based upon an understanding of their complementary characteristics and of representation itself as a relational and emergent property.

AbstractBogota's public space policy is often credited with promoting inclusionary principles. In this article, I explore critically the content of Bogota's articulation of equality in public space policy. In so doing, I present a critical view of the work Bogota's insistence on equality does to mediate class relations in the city, relying on deeply held conceptions of both social extremes. This results in the construction of a version of social harmony in public space that at once depoliticizes the claims to public space of subjects such as street vendors and the homeless and claims a new role for the middle class in the city. The analysis focuses on two examples of community governance schemes, documenting the logics and methods used by communities to implement official visions of equality and justify the exclusion of street vendors and homeless people from the area. By looking at the articulation of these exclusions in local class politics through seemingly inclusionary rhetoric, the article accounts for 'post‐revanchist' turns in contemporary urban policy, while anchoring its production in local processes of community governance.