International audience ; The French National Carbon Strategy (SNBC) aims at reducing the CO2 emissions of the transport sector by 30% in 2030, when compared with 2013, and by 70% in 2050. This paper analyses the room for manoeuvre regarding daily mobility in order to contribute to this aim. The framework is a "reasonable" world, where local governments might bring pressure on residential location choices of new anticipated populations on the one hand, and mobility choices by favoring some travel modes on the other hand. In this reasonable world, policies such as moving house for existing population or restraining daily mobility intensity, whether destinations or out-of-home tours, are deliberately denied. Three contrasted areas are studied: two peri-urban areas around Lyon and Strasbourg on the one hand, one densely populated area, Lyon's conurbation, on the other hand. We show that scenarios combining control of vehicle unit emissions and new travel mode behaviors based on ridesharing and bike use including e-bike would arrive at SNBC targets. All levers don't have the same impact on emission reduction: various alternatives of the new population housing location have low stake regarding emissions from now to 2050. Moreover the social and political cost of "guiding" the new population residential location choices limits the relevance of such a policy. ; La Stratégie Nationale Bas Carbone (SNBC) vise pour le secteur du transport une réduction, par rapport à 2013, de 30 % des émissions de CO2eq en 2030 et de 70 % à l'horizon 2050. Cet article analyse les marges de manœuvre concernant la mobilité du quotidien pour contribuer à cet objectif. Le cadre d'analyse est celui d'un monde « raisonnable », où les collectivités locales pourraient agir d'une part sur les choix des lieux de résidence des populations nouvelles anticipées, d'autre part sur les choix de mobilité, en favorisant certains modes de déplacements plutôt que d'autres. Dans ce monde raisonnable, on s'interdit d'une part d'imposer des déménagements à la ...
This research originates because, poverty and extreme poverty is latent in Peru and Trujillo Province in particular, which is a negative legacy and a challenge to plan and propose solutions. In this regard, governments have developed social programs to provide food to low-income population, but they have not had adequate planning, organization or direction, so before solving the problems, in some cases they had contributed to worse. The targets proposed by the Government in the Charter of Social Policy and the Multiyear Macroeconomic Framework, no special importance is given to food and nutrition. Also, the above documents are those governing the country's social policy in the short, medium and long term in these documents, there are no precise goals and objectives, which aims to increase levels of food and nutrition that will lead to reduced levels of poverty in the country, with emphasis on the most vulnerable groups. For the development of this work we have applied the methodology, techniques and tools necessary for an adequate investigation oriented to the management of social programs and capacity building of beneficiaries. This research concludes that the food support social programs have not yet achieved its goals, objectives, institutional mission and vision, because they operate in the context of a management which prioritizes the development capacity of beneficiaries. ; La presente investigación, se suscita porque la pobreza y la extrema pobreza está latente en el Perú y en la Provincia de Trujillo en particular, lo que constituye un legado negativo y un reto para planificar y proponer alternativas de solución. Al respecto, los gobiernos han desarrollado programas sociales orientados a facilitar alimentación a la población con menores recursos; sin embargo, los mismos no han tenido una adecuada planeación, organización ni dirección, por lo que antes de solucionar los problemas, en algunos casos han contribuido a agravarlos. Los objetivos propuestos por el Gobierno en la Carta de Política Social y en el Marco Macroeconómico Multianual, no se brinda especial importancia a la alimentación y nutrición. Asimismo, los documentos antes mencionados, son los que rigen la política social del país en el corto, mediano y largo plazo; en dichos documentos, no existen objetivos y metas precisas, cuyo propósito es incrementar los niveles de alimentación y nutrición que conlleven a reducir los niveles de pobreza existentes en el país, con énfasis en los grupos de mayor vulnerabilidad. Para el desarrollo de este trabajo se han aplicado la metodología, técnicas e instrumentos necesarios para una adecuada investigación con orientación a la gestión de programas sociales y desarrollo de capacidades de los beneficiarios. Esta investigación concluye que los Programas Sociales de apoyo alimentario, aún no han alcanzado sus metas, objetivos, misión y visión institucional, porque no operan en el contexto de una gestión donde se priorice el Desarrollo de Capacidades de los Beneficiarios.
Until the last major recession, there was an approach in macroeconomics that income distribution was not significant for macroeconomic processes. However, the recent major recession has prompted policymakers and economists to take into account the phenomenon of income inequality, its economic and social causes and consequences related to poverty, social inclusion, social trust, support of democratic institutions, economic growth, financial and other issues.In recent years, income inequality has been rising in many countries, and the International Monetary Fund, the OECD and other organizations underline the importance of addressing this problem. It is important to choose the right measures to make the right decisions in order to address the issues of growing income inequality. Their choice is influenced by the identification of factors influencing the change of income inequality and the impact assessment.The scale and change of income inequality can be influenced by the factors related to the market economy (globalization, technological progress) and the institutional factors (setting the rules of the game on the market, creating a certain environment). According to the factors analysed in the research, three groups of authors can be distinguished. Some authors (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014, Cabral, García-Díaz, Mollick, 2016, Lim, McNelis, 2016, Sheng, 2015, Haan, Sturm, 2017, Wade, 2004, Alvarez, 2015, Elmawazini, Sharif, Manga, Drucker, 2013, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2013, Çelik, Basdas, 2010, Hermes, 2014, Richmond, Triplett, 2017, Franco, Gerussi, 2013, Stockhammer, Guschanski, Köhler, 2016, Soons, 2016, Jaumotte, Lall, Papageorgiou, 2008) investigate and assess the impact of market factors (globalization, financialization, technological progress) on income inequality, while other authors or the group of authors (IMF, 2014, Arestis, Gonzalez-Martinez, 2016, Checchi, Josifidis, Supic, Beker Pucar, 2017, Feld, Schnellenbach, 2014, Obadić, Šimurina, Sonora, 2014, Calderón, Chong, 2009, Checchi, García-Peñalosa, 2008, Saez, 2017, Jaumotte, Buitron, 2015, Bastagli, Coady, Gupta, 2012, Kenworthy, Pontusson, 2005) distinguish the impact of institutional factors (labour market institutions, welfare state) on income inequality. According to J. E. Stiglitz (2016), the market does not operate in a vacuum – it operates within an institutional setting. Therefore, the third group of authors can be identified that assess the impact of both market and institutional factors on inequality (Stiglitz, 2016, Atkinson, 2003, Josifidis, Supic, 2017, Josifidis, Mitrović, Supić, Glavaški, 2016, Huber, Stephens, 2014, Darcillon, 2015, Lin, Fu, 2016, Ghossoub, Reed, 2017, Kristal, Cohen, 2017, Alderson, Nielsen, 2002, Kus, 2012, Tridico, 2015, Dabla-Norris, Kochhar, Ricka, Suphaphiphat, Tsounta, 2015, Jain-Chandra, Kinda, Kochhar, Piao, Schauer, 2016). The results of empirical studies assessing the impact of different factors on income inequality are contradictory. There is a disagreement on the distinction between different factors influencing the change of inequality as well as the direction and strength of their impact. Therefore, it is relevant to determine what factors determine income inequality and what is their impact on income inequality.The aim of the research is on the basis of empirical research to analyse the impact of factors influencing the change of income inequality, to identify which factors have the greatest impact. Research methods are as follows: analysis, grouping and generalization of scientific articles.On the basis of the analysis of the studies, which evaluated the factors determining income inequality, five groups of factors determining income inequality have been identified: 1) globalization; 2) technological progress; 3) financialization; 4) labour market institutions; 5) welfare state. It is possible to state that some studies assess the impact of only one set of factors on the change of income inequality: globalization, financialization, labour market institutions or technological progress, while other studies assess more than two groups of factors. This reflects the authors' differing views on the factors and how they influence the change of income inequality.On the basis of the empirical results analysed in this research, it can be concluded that globalization tends to increase income inequality. However, the results of some studies show that globalization increases income inequality in both developed and developing countries, while the results of other studies show that globalization reduces income inequality in developing countries. The research assessing the impact of factors determining income inequality in EU countries (Asteriou, Dimelis, Moudatsou, 2014) found that in some countries (Austria, Belgium, Germany, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Greece, Italy, Ireland, Portugal, Spain) the globalization led to the decrease in income inequality and in other countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and the new EU countries) it led to the increase. It has been found that: 1) the impact of trade globalization on changes of income inequality is ambiguous: in some studies it reduces income inequality, in others it increases income inequality or the impact is insignificant; 2) the impact of financial globalization on changes of income inequality is usually positive.Summarizing the impact of technological progress on income inequality, it has been found that technological progress increases income inequality, but the use of information and communication technologies (Internet and mobile communication) reduces income inequality. The impact of the group of financialization factors on income inequality is also ambiguous: 1) financial deepening increases income inequality by investigating the impact in many countries of the world, but it decreases it in developed countries; 2) if the impact of some financial development indicators on inequality is insignificant, then the impact of ratio between bank credits and GDP increases income inequality; 3) financial liberalization increases income inequality; 4) banking crises increase income inequality; 5) the intensity of microfinance reduces income inequality. One of the indicators of labour market institutions (trade union membership) is mentioned in the studies as both reducing and increasing (through channels of wage differences and unemployment rate) income inequality. The results of empirical research show that income inequality is reduced by labour protection laws, bargaining power in wage setting, and it is increased by labour market flexibility, capital per worker (through part of work and unemployment channels) and the ratio of minimum and average wage (through the gap of pay and unemployment rate channels). The factors of welfare state have a positive impact and reduce income inequality.The results of the research do not provide an unambiguous answer, but most evidence shows that labour market institutions and welfare state factors reduce income inequality, while factors of technological progress and financialization increase income inequality. In summary, technological advances, labour market institutions and globalization have the greatest impact on changes of income inequality. ; Straipsnyje analizuojami moksliniai tyrimai, kuriuose buvo vertintas skirtingų veiksnių poveikis pajamų nelygybės kitimui. Išskirtos penkios pagrindinės veiksnių grupės: globalizacijos, technologinės pažangos, finansializacijos, darbo rinkos institucijų ir gerovės valstybės. Aptariami veiksnių grupes sudarantys veiksniai ir juos atspindintys rodikliai, vertinamas jų poveikis pajamų nelygybės kitimui atskirose šalyse ar jų grupėse skirtingais laikotarpiais. Taip pat straipsnyje išskirti svarbiausi veiksniai, darantys įtaką pajamų nelygybei, ir veiksniai, dėl kurių poveikio labiausiai sutariama.
The objective of this book is to take stock of the challenges faced by SMEs in the CAREC landlocked economies in terms of their access to finance. This includes identifying cultural, procedural, institutional, and regulatory incentives, disincentives, and barriers faced by SMEs to access finance, and the reasons for the lack of such access. The study also assesses opportunities for SMEs to link with both domestic and global value chains and the potential impact of this on their access to finance. Finally, the study proposes policy recommendations to improve SMEs' access to finance and trade finance, especially in the agri-business sector, in light of best global practices, including the People's Republic of China's (PRC) program to nurture and support SMEs. The recommendations address effective regulatory frameworks, access to finance (banks, capital markets, start-up finance, non-traditional micro-lending or community lending, risk capital), special programs funded by foreign donor institutions, guarantee schemes, improving skills (entrepreneurial training), encouraging networking among SMEs, and use of information and communication technology.
The COVID-19 pandemic restrictions introduced in 2020 in many countries on economic activity and gainful employment have in many cases, reduced the incomes of individual households. As a result, the actual ability to meet credit obligations has declined, particularly for those who have lost their jobs or livelihoods. The COVID-19 pandemic has become a significant challenge for economies, national authorities, and entrepreneurs, including borrowers. This article aims to analyse the legal regulations in Poland, and Vietnam, introducing instruments to support borrowers, consumers, and entrepreneurs, in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors will present the legal basis for the instruments to support borrowers provided in the studied countries, indicate their legal nature, forms, and conditions of using them. They also compare legal solutions introduced in connection with the pandemic aimed at mitigating its adverse effects on borrowers in Poland, and Vietnam, to indicate whether cultural differences and differences in legal systems, as well as individual approaches to the domestic credit market, affected the choice of legal instruments for supporting borrowers in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic, or not. ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska: edyta.rutkowska-tomaszewska@uwr.edu.pl ; Marta Stanisławska: mmstanislawska@gmail.com ; Hien Thuc Trinh: hientt@uel.edu.vn ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska is Associate Professor and the University of Wroclaw and the Head of the Department of Finance Management at the Institute of Economic Sciences, Faculty of Law, Administration and Economics, University of Wroclaw, Poland. ; Marta Stanisławska is Assistant Professor in the Department of Economy and Finance, Faculty of Technical and Economic Sciences, Witelon State University of Applied Sciences in Legnica, Poland. ; Hien Trinh, PhD in Law, Lecturer in the Institute of International and Comparative Law, University of Economics and Law, Vietnam National University, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. ; Edyta Rutkowska-Tomaszewska - University of Wroclaw, Poland ; Marta Stanisławska - Witelon State University of Applied Sciences in Legnica, Poland ; Hien Thuc Trinh - University of Economics and Law, Vietnam National University Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam ; Access to commercial finance for SMEs with the support of public institutions, https://alebank.pl/dostep-mmsp-do-fi nansowania-komercyjnego-ze-wsparciem-instytucji-publicznych/?id=376412&catid=22872&cat2id=25928. ; Acharya V.V., Engle III R.F., Steffen S., Why did bank stocks crash during COVID-19?, "National Bureau of Economic Research" 2021, https://www.nber.org/papers/w28559. ; Aji B.S., Warka M., Kongres E., Credit Dispute Resolution through Banking Mediation during Covid-19 Pandemic Situation, Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal, https://doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i2.1823. ; Baicu. 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In this paper, we bring to light the link between immigration in France and the appeal to its welfare system: familial assistance, retirement, health, housing assistance, unemployment benefits and RMI (the French Minimum Guaranteed Income). Our results show that when we control for differences in characteristics between natives and immigrants, the over representation of mi grants among the beneficiaries of social protection is noticed only for unemployment benefits and for the RMI (in addition to an over representation also on housing assistance, in particular for the populations born in North Africa.
The objective of this book is to take stock of the challenges faced by SMEs in the CAREC landlocked economies in terms of their access to finance in view of the above-mentioned constraints. This includes identifying cultural, procedural, institutional, and regulatory incentives, disincentives, and barriers faced by SMEs to access finance, and the reasons for the lack of such access. The study also assesses opportunities for SMEs to link with both domestic and global value chains and the potential impact of this on their access to finance. Finally, the study proposes policy recommendations to improve SMEs' access to finance and trade finance, especially in the agri-business sector, in light of best global practices, including the People's Republic of China's (PRC) program to nurture and support SMEs. The recommendations address effective regulatory frameworks, access to finance (banks, capital markets, start-up finance, non-traditional micro-lending or community lending, risk capital), special programs funded by foreign donor institutions, guarantee schemes, improving skills (entrepreneurial training), encouraging networking among SMEs, and use of information and communication technology.
Baranzini, Mauro (ed.): Advances in Economic Theory, Oxford: Basil Blackwell 1982. 321 pp. £19.50.Béteille, André: The Backward Classes and the New Social Order, Delhi: Oxford 1981. 51 pp. Rs. 12.–.Blattner, Niklaus; Maillat, Denis und Ratti, Remigio (eds.): Regionale Arbeitsmarktprozesse (Nationales Forschungsprogramm «Regionalprobleme» des Schweizerischen Nationalfonds), Diessenhofen: Rüegger 1981. 448 S. sFr. 45.00.Bray, Jeremy: Production Purpose and Structure. Towards a Socialist Theory of Production, London: Frances Pinter 1982. 173 pp. £8.95.Breton, Albert and Wintrobe, Ronald: The Logic of Bureaucratic Conduct. An Economic Analysis of Competition, Exchange, and Efficiency in Private and Public Organizations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1982. 195 pp. £15.00 (hard).Brinkmann, Gerhard: Ökonomik der Arbeit. Band I: Grundlagen; Band II: Die Allokation der Arbeit, Stuttgart: Klett‐Cotta 1981. 344 + 340 S. je DM 64.00.Casson, Mark: The Entrepreneur: An Economic Theory, Oxford: Martin Robertson 1982. 418 pp. £17.50.Domenghino, Claus‐Michael: Die Weiterentwicklung der postkeynesianischen Verteilungstheorie. Ein theoretischer und empirischer Beitrag zu den Verteilungsansätzen von N. Kaldor und L. Pasinetti (Europäische Hochschulschriften, V/342), Bern: Peter Lang 1981. 301 S. sFr. 52.00 (kart.).Ginsburgh, Victor A. and Waelbroeck, Jean L.: Activity Analysis and General Equilibrium Modelling (Contributions to Economic Analysis, 125), Amsterdam/New York/Oxford: North‐Holland 1981. 364 pp. $65.75.Gupta, Sanjeev: Black Market Exchange Rates (Kieler Studien, Institut für Weltwirtschaft an der Universität Kiel, Nr. 167), Tübingen: Mohr 1981. 100 pp. DM 49.00 (Ln.), DM 31.00 (brosch.).Häberle, Lothar: Wirtschaftspolitik bei rationalen Erwartungen. Konsequenzen einer kritischen Analyse der Theorie rationaler Erwartungen für die Wahl wirtschaftspolitischer Strategien (Untersuchungen des Instituts für Wirtschaftspolitik an der Universität zu Köln, 49), Köln 1982. 341 S. DM 38.00.Hirschman, Albert O.: Essays in Trespassing. Economics to Politics and Beyond, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1981. 310 pp. £20.00 (hard), £6.95 (paper).Hughes Hallett, Andrew and Rees, Hedley: Quantitative economic policies and interactive planning. A reconstruction of the theory of economic policy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1983. 374 pp. £30.00.Just, Richard E.; Hueth, Darrell L. and Schmitz, Andrew: Applied Welfare Economics and Public Policy, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice‐Hall 1982. 491 pp. $47.20 (hard).Klanberg, Frank und Krupp, Hans‐Jürgen (Hrsg.): Einkommensverteilung (Neue Wissenschaftliche Bibliothek. Wirtschaftswissenschaften, 92), Königstein/Ts.: Anton Hain 1981. 304 S. DM 54.00 (geb.), DM 39.80 (kart.).Lewin, Ralph: Arbeitsmarktsegmentierung und Lohnstruktur. Theoretische Ansätze und Hauptergebnisse einer Überprüfung am Beispiel der Schweiz (Basler sozialökonomische Studien, Band 17), Zürich: Schulthess 1982. 115 S. sFr. 21.00 (brosch.).McNeill, Desmond: The Contradictions of Foreign Aid, London: Croom Helm 1981. 115 pp. £10.95 (H/B).Nagatani, Keizo: Macroeconomic dynamics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1981. 245 pp. £20.00 (hard), £7.95 (paper).Nobel, Klaus: Aussenhandelseffekte in linearen Wachstumsmodellen. Eine Analyse der Beziehungen zwischen Wachstum, Verteilung und Aussenhandel bei internationaler Kapitalmobilität (Volkswirtschaftliche Schriften, Heft 324), Berlin: Duncker & Humblot 1982. 265 S. DM 128.00.Olson, Mancur: The Rise and Decline of Nations. Economic Growth, Stagflation, and Social Rigidities, New Haven/London: Yale University Press 1982. 273 pp. £8.95.Piesch, Walter und Förster, Wolfgang (Hrsg.): Angewandte Statistik und Wirtschaftsforschung heute. Ausgewählte Beiträge (Angewandte Statistik und Ökonometrie, Heft 21), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1982. 268 S. DM 64.00 (kart.).Ringwald, Karl: A Critique of Models in Linear Aggregation Structures (Athenaeum Economics, 1), Königstein/Ts.: Anton Hain/Oelgeschlager, Gunn & Hain 1981. 139 pp.Roemer, John E.: Analytical foundations of Marxian economic theory, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1981. 220 pp.Rugman, Alan M.: Inside the Multinationals. The Economics of Internal Markets, London: Croom Helm 1981. 179 pp. £11.95 (hard).Sauter‐Servaes, Florian: Über die Ablösung einer erschöpfbaren Ressource durch ihr Substitut (Mathematical systems in economics, No. 77), Königstein/Ts.: Athenäum/Hain/Scriptor/Hanstein 1982. 86 S. DM 29.80.Schiller, Christian: Staatsausgaben und crowding‐out‐Effekte. Zur Effizienz einer Finanzpolitik keynesianischer Provenienz (Finanzwissenschaftliche Schriften, Band 21), Frankfurt a.M./Bern: Peter Lang 1983. 204 S. sFr. 49.00.Sharkey, William W.: The theory of natural monopoly, Cambridge/London/New York: Cambridge University Press 1982. 229 pp. £17.50 (hard), £6.95 (paper).Stachowiak, Herbert; Ellwein, Thomas; Herrmann, Theo und Stapf, Kurt (Hrsg.): Bedürfnisse, Werte und Normen im Wandel. Band I: Grundlagen, Modelle und Prospektiven; Band II: Methoden und Analysen, München/Paderborn/Wien: Wilhelm Fink & Ferdinand Schöning. Band I: 473 S. DM 78.00, Band II: 351 S. DM 68.00.Stein, Jerome L.: Monetarist, Keynesian and New Classical Economics, Oxford: Basil Blackwell 1982. 228 pp. £15.00.Sugden, Robert: The Political Economy of Public Choice. An Introduction to Welfare Economics, Oxford: Martin Robertson 1981. 217 pp. £15.00 (hard), £5.95 (paper).Timmermann, Vincenz: Entwicklungstheorie und Entwicklungspolitik (Grundriss der Sozialwissenschaft, Band 30), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1982. 232 S. DM 36.00 (kart.).Weeks, John: Capital and Exploitation, Princeton: Princeton University Press 1981. 223 pp. $21.00 (cloth), $9.95 (paper).
In: Sijtsma , F J 2006 , ' Project evaluation, sustainability and accountability : combining cost-benefit analysis (CBA) and multi-criteria analysis (MCA) ' , Doctor of Philosophy , University of Groningen .
General abstract Decision-makers in governments and businesses must choose among different project alternatives which, in varying degrees, contribute to sustainability. Decision-makers also have to account for their choices to a large audience or a broad range of stakeholders. This thesis is about the positive and negative aspects of using the main judgement-oriented evaluation tools of Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) and Multi Criteria Analysis (MCA) together in the context of sustainability and accountability. An integration of CBA and MCA as a fruitful addition to the evaluator's toolbox within a sustainability context is presented in this thesis. A new tool, 'MCCBA', stands for 'multi criteria cost benefit analysis'. The acronym reveals that the approach is a new combination of existing elements of CBA and MCA, rather than something entirely new. The common ground between the two methods, which allows for the integration of CBA and MCA, is that full judgement is often impossible in a sustainability context, and that 'decision aid' is therefore the realistic aim for any evaluation tool; structuring and framing decision-making is central to the MCCBA approach. After presenting CBA and MCA and their integration into MCCBA, the thesis discusses three MCCBA case studies. The main aim of the case studies is to provide insight into the applicability of MCCBA. The selection of the cases was made because, taken altogether they highlight the crucial strengths of MCCBA, which are not normally tackled by either CBA or MCA. Practical essentials The main practical essentials of the MCCBA approach can be encapsulated as advice to two target groups, experts/practitioners and laymen/users. The main points of advice to the expert group are: 1. Do not give 'best' solutions to problems and do not accept preferences too easily as 'given.' 2. Sustainability should not be about everything, it should be economic development of the planet and its people in different places, but above that, only issues about which there is some consensus that global level outcomes are greatly worrying should matter: environmental degradation and extreme poverty are definitely cases in point. 3. Work with two evaluation scale levels: a decision-making and a global level. 4. Involve stakeholders, but focus on involving stakeholders with strongly different views, rather than on involving as many stakeholders as possible. 5. Starting from the impact matrix, use both CBA and MCA techniques for aggregation. Do not decide alone how to aggregate: try to achieve a consensus among your stakeholders on which aggregation is easiest to understand. 6. Take pride in interpretation of sub-aggregated outcomes. 7. In the final stage of your evaluation, address explicitly the question of whether increased problem understanding stipulates that new project alternatives should be considered or old alternatives should be combined. The second target group consists of decision-makers and stakeholders. To this laymen 'user' group, the main points of advice arising out of the MCCBA approach are: 1. If you think that expert evaluators can judge easily whether a project is sustainable or not, that is a wrong assumption. You will have to think together. 2. You might think that judging sustainability is about looking into the distant future. Perhaps. But be aware; sustainability surely requires that you scrutinize your project from a high international or even global level – next to examining it from your 'own' level, certainly. Good courses of action should preferably be good at both levels. 3. It is normal, even essential, that you understand how the evaluation results developed – although you need not understand every single detail. 4. You may think that it is best to involve as many stakeholders as possible in an evaluation. However, achieving a consensus on the evaluation outcomes with all stakeholders is illusory. A consensus about easily understood ways to measure the most significant impacts is, however, a realistic goal. To that purpose, the involvement of a small group of stakeholders with widely differing views on a project seems more fruitful. Complete Summary (original) Introduction Sustainability has become a high profile objective. Decision-makers in governments and businesses must choose among different project alternatives which, in varying degrees, contribute to sustainability. Decision-makers also have to account for their choices to a large audience or a broad range of stakeholders. This thesis is about the positive and negative aspects of using the main judgement-oriented evaluation tools of Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) and Multi Criteria Analysis (MCA) together in the context of sustainability and accountability. These evaluation tools are used for what might be called "accountable project evaluation in a sustainability context" or, put more simply, using them in the 'sustainability context'. Accountability presents a major challenge to the development of evaluation tools. If the demands of accountability are neglected in 'open' decision-making processes, the risk looms large that the evaluation will either be judged as irrelevant or unwarranted interpretation of results will occur. The main challenge of this thesis with regard to accountability is to improve the communicative quality of the judgement-oriented evaluation tools. Sustainability also requires unique qualities from evaluation tools. Sustainability has been defined in various – sometimes confusing and vague - ways. This thesis gives an operational content to sustainability by identifying key elements of the concept. Sustainability evaluation – which enhances accountability - requires: -Triple E assessment (that is, evaluation of impacts on Economic development, Extreme poverty and Environmental degradation); -evaluation at both global and decision-making levels; -evaluation over a (long period of) time; -evaluation which increases everyone's understanding (including awareness about limitations). After careful examination of CBA and MCA performance within the 'sustainability context', the thesis provides both a theoretical basis for a combination of CBA and MCA, and insight into the practical applicability of this combination. MCCBA An integration of CBA and MCA as a fruitful addition to the evaluator's toolbox within a sustainability context is presented in this thesis. A new tool, 'MCCBA', stands for 'multi criteria cost benefit analysis'. The acronym reveals that the approach is a new combination of existing elements of CBA and MCA, rather than something entirely new. The common ground between the two methods, which allows for the integration of CBA and MCA, is that full judgement is often impossible in a sustainability context, and that 'decision aid' is therefore the realistic aim for any evaluation tool; structuring and framing decision-making is central to the MCCBA approach. Three major building blocks are presented to further specify the style of integration. The first is that stakeholder involvement is useful (mainly) for incorporating a spectrum of views and for assessing consensus. The second is that standardisation along a global long-term Triple E criteria structure is needed. The third is the recognition that judgement and measurement in evaluation are closely related. We will discuss the major elements of the MCCBA approach that offer direction to the evaluation at each stage; MCCBA has eight stages indicated below in Table ES-1. Table ES-1 The eight stages of the MCCBA approach MCCBA Stage one: Identify function, project alternatives and scale of the evaluation Stage two: Involve a broad group of stakeholders Stage three: Organise judgement criteria on Triple E impacts Stage four: Quantify impacts physically Stage five: Aggregate monetary scores, consensus based Stage six: Aggregate non-monetary scores, consensus based Stage seven: Interpret trade-offs Stage eight: Perform sensitivity analysis and reconsider project alternatives Stage one: Identify function, project alternatives and scale of the evaluation As to the function of the evaluation, the most the analyst-evaluator can do is to clear as much ground as possible. To undertake this, the analyst works with judgement concepts that are necessarily partial, but are acceptable and clear to stakeholders of the evaluation. As to the definition of project alternatives, the specification of a null-alternative against which project alternatives are assessed would be very useful were it to be standardised. Furthermore, given its functional limitations, MCCBA should by itself be seen as important in finding new alternatives. The MCCBA approach is strict in the evaluation at different spatial levels, as it will help clarify impacts in the sustainability context and prevent unnecessary and unwarranted perceptions of complexity among stakeholders. The global level is standard in the MCCBA approach; it acts as insurance against any tendency to overlook impacts. However, in most evaluations there will be at least one other spatial level closer to the decision-making, such as the regional, national or organisation level. In order to remain practical, the second scale of the analysis should stick closely to that which the decision-makers think is the natural scale for the analysis. Stage two: Involve a broad group of stakeholders In the MCCBA approach involvement of stakeholders should focus primarily on achieving a broad range of perspectives; doing this may act as a mechanism for exploring consensus among stakeholders. Seeking consensus has to start from lower-order measurement and judgement issues and work upwards. The highest-order judgement issues will usually be beyond consensus. Stage three: Organise judgement criteria on Triple E impacts MCCBA in the sustainability context has two standardised requirements that give direction to the organisation of criteria: The first is to define separate Triple E criteria without redundancy and double counting. As judgement and measurement are closely related, one should try to use or develop standardised measurement of the criteria; this standardisation preferably holds on different spatial scales. The second is to analyse and present short and medium-term impacts separately from long-term impacts. For the short and medium-term impacts on economic development, the CBA practice of discounting can be applied, but the other Triple E impacts are shown in their own right. All long-term Triple E impacts (including long-term impacts on economic development) are also shown in their own right. Because of their long-term relevance, these impacts are conceptually on a more equal footing without discounting. Stage four: Quantify impacts physically In this stage the measurement of impacts in their natural dimensions occurs. This 'fact finding' phase is probably the most important phase in any evaluation. Stage four ends with the performance matrix, which shows the scores of the alternatives on different criteria. In the sustainability context this performance matrix will usually be too large and thus too complicated to warrant clear interpretations. Stages five and six are therefore crucial, as they reduce the information to a smaller number of dimensions. Stage five: Aggregate monetary scores, consensus based A CBA is performed in this stage of MCCBA for the impacts that fit well within it. The limitation to impacts that 'fit well' is the reason why it is 'consensus based'. What should be included in the CBA part? The legitimacy of the MCCBA approach rests on the notion that CBA is a powerful evaluation tool that relates to everyday economic notions such as efficiency and monetary measurement, thus staying close to market-related valuation. Only those impacts that broad groups of stakeholders regard as well captured within the monetary measurement possibilities of CBA should be fit into CBA. In order to clarify how MCCBA differs from mainstream CBA, the MCCBA approach uses the phrase 'limited CBA', which underlines the limited scope of this type of CBA. Nevertheless, this type of CBA has a robust quality. A pure MCA approach often lacks the crucial economic realism that is well captured in CBA. MCCBA's consensus based valuation with CBA can to some extent use the straightforward but labour-intensive procedure of asking for willingness to pay or willingness to accept monetary values. The further the decision-maker is removed from common everyday economic valuations (e.g., consumer preferences), the less reliable WTP or WTA valuations will be, and the more that MCA-like measurement techniques should be preferred. Stage six: Aggregate non-monetary scores, consensus based In stage six a consensus based MCA is performed on the remaining impacts. The results of the CBA can be seen as a separate MCA branch to be combined with the other branches of remaining impacts. The MCCBA challenge here is twofold: 1) to reduce the number of criteria to a minimum – in a CBA style and 2) to use consensus based judgement criteria and measurement. Ad 1) In the sustainability context the clarity of the judgement concept will be easily blurred when stakeholder involvement leads to huge value trees. To reduce the number of criteria, the MCCBA approach above all derives inspiration from the CBA practice of avoiding double counting and incorporating causality. As with CBA practice, the MCCBA approach uses indicators situated at the end (or at one point) of a causal chain and avoids using intermediate indicators, which would easily lead to double counting. As a final method of reducing criteria, MCCBA captures the most important criteria or criterion and ignores criteria with low weight or unclear or small impacts. Naturally completeness suffers from this procedure but the gain is an increased likelihood of understanding for many stakeholders – including the grasp of the limitations. At this stage the selection of the most important criteria should certainly be contingent on the increased problem understanding brought forward by the evaluation. Ad 2) The second challenge of MCCBA at this stage is to perform an MCA which incorporates use of judgement concepts and measurements that have achieved consensus among broad groups of stakeholders, or about which consensus can be developed. Compared to the performance matrix, what happens here is that several sub-criteria can be aggregated to comprise an overall criterion. Because the higher order valuations are most often disputed, further aggregation is avoided as much as possible in the MCCBA approach. The end best result of the MCCBA is an aggregation of the performance matrix, based on a broad consensus among stakeholders. Stage seven: Interpret trade-offs The major difference between the end result of stages five and six of MCCBA and that of CBA and MCA, is that insufficient judgement is provided. This thesis argues that although this is regrettable, in many instances it will be the optimum and realistically feasible result, because accountability is best served with MCCBA, and the provision of more judgement is likely to become uncertain, thus subjective and contestable. However, although ultimately one may be unable to pass full judgement on the various project alternatives, there are more possibilities for judgement, while one also remains within the confines of an objective and accountable approach. Proceeding in small steps is recommended, as non-involved stakeholders need to understand the process, and the limitations of the analysis should remain clear to all. The goal of stage seven is to interpret the consensus based aggregation of the performance matrix with the aim to analyse trade-offs. Generally, an important method for analysing trade-offs is by means of ratio-analysis on the basis of the aggregated performance matrix. Thus one examines, for instance, net-CBA outcomes per outcome on another criterion (Stewart, 2003). This type of analysis may closely resemble cost-effectiveness analysis. Ratio-analysis may gain in strength if comparisons across projects can be made. Perhaps ratio-analysis standardisation of measurement in project evaluation enhances the possibility for comparison across projects. A clear noteworthy example of this standardised measurement is the Quality Adjusted Life Years (QALY) from health economics. A related type of analysis is stakeholder perspectives analysis, which is to explicitly adopt the perspectives of specific stakeholders in order to assess the importance of different criteria to them – (what if priority were given to this criterion rather than that one or to those?) – and to present a preferred option from the perspectives. Several elements from the MCA toolbox are useful in this analysis; one will sometimes realise that despite choice of perspective, – from a logical set – the result remains the same. Stage eight: Perform sensitivity analysis and reconsider project alternatives The overall aim of stage eight of MCCBA is to share the increased problem understanding developed during the evaluation through an application of sensitivity analysis. The sensitivity analysis may have an important function for accountability; stakeholders can assess how several individual assumptions and estimates work out on the overall outcomes. However, practical experience with sensitivity analysis shows that it can only have a limited role in sharing problem understanding. Therefore, MCCBA uses another powerful tool for sharing the increased problem understanding: it explicitly requests a reconsideration of the project alternatives. The following (types of) questions should be posed: Does the increased problem understanding show that new alternatives should be considered or that existing alternatives should be combined? Questions about the consistency and feasibility of the selected goals in relation to the different project alternatives are relevant: increased problem understanding may also shed light on this. Three MCCBA case studies After presenting CBA and MCA and their integration into MCCBA, the thesis discusses three MCCBA case studies. The main aim of the case studies is to provide insight into the applicability of MCCBA. The selection of the cases was made because, taken altogether they highlight the crucial strengths of MCCBA, which are not normally tackled by either CBA or MCA. Evaluation of the Dutch Ecologische Hoofdstructuur (EHS): The value of combining monetary and non-monetary measurement. This study, conducted in 1995, evaluated the implementation of the EHS (literally: Ecological Main Structure) in the Netherlands within the time period 1990-2020. The EHS implied that 244,000 hectares of new nature were to be developed on what was until then mainly conventional farmland. Evaluation of the German Emssperrwerk: The value of more scale levels The evaluation of this case study was carried out in 1998, a few months before the German government decided to build the Emssperrwerk. The Emsperrwerk had two official purposes, first as a (movable) dam in the event of extremely high water, thus preventing water from the sea threatening the hinterland in the EmsDollard region. Its second function was to facilitate large cruise ships built at the Meyer shipyard in Papenburg (approximately 30 kilometers upstream the river Ems) in order to reach the deep waters of the North Sea. Design and evaluation of Sustainable Corporate Performance (SCP) policy: The value of causal analysis. The final case study of this thesis performed in 2001-2002 discusses Corporate Social Responsibility and sustainability, the combination of which is called Sustainable Corporate Performance (SCP). The Ahold Company, a leading Dutch multinational, was then in the process of formulating its SCP policy. Two closely connected concerns were particularly challenging to this group of quality supermarket and foodservice companies: first, the confusion about what SCP was or should be, and second, the lack of standardisation in measurement of SCP. Lessons from the case studies (per stage) The case studies revealed that in stage one the most important key word is acceptance; that is, acceptance of a change in function and acceptance of the different regional or organisational scales of the evaluation. This acceptance need not be 'automatic'; stakeholders may have to be persuaded to accept certain points and success is not guaranteed. As for the involvement of stakeholders in stage two, despite a 'solution' proposed in chapter 5 to focus merely on a broad group of stakeholders, case studies illustrate that even this type of involvement may remain difficult for various reasons. The Triple E structure, which is proposed as a standardised element of MCCBA in stage three, is only preliminary. If no significant impacts can be found, the structure should be changed and criteria skipped. The global level assessment needed in MCCBA in many cases requires existing expertise and data; otherwise, too much time may be required to estimate impacts. The case studies clearly and concretely acknowledge that stage four is indeed critical in many respects. One especially noteworthy aspect is the role of stakeholders in facilitating access to information and data. Much has been learnt from the case studies about the aggregation of impacts and how it can be made 'consensus based'. They clearly show that potential consensus only concerns the minimum importance of criteria and ease of understanding measurements. This conclusion relates to stages five and six – to both monetary and non-monetary aggregation. From stage six alone it has become clear that simplicity of the analysis should/may overrule the demand of completeness. Stage seven proved to be very rewarding in the case studies and its value is difficult to overestimate. It may turn out that the the main results of the evaluation are generated during this stage, as it could strongly increase the judgement value of the results from stages five and six. The main conclusion from stage eight is that although the sensitivity analysis can show increased problem understanding – a stumbling block may be the attention it receives when presenting main results. The explicit demand to reconsider project alternatives can potentially remove this stumbling block, but was not yet practiced in the case studies. The main building blocks of the MCCBA approach as identified above are that: 1) stakeholder involvement is useful for obtaining broad views and for checking on consensus; 2) standardisation of a global and long-term Triple E criteria structure is necessary; 3) judgement and measurement are closely related, and in an MCCBA both should be understandable to broad groups of stakeholders. Having discussed the case studies, a general conclusion is that mainly the aspect of the stakeholders is in need of 'qualification': stakeholder involvement may also be important for acquiring relevant data, but difficulties remain around fruitful involvement. The other building blocks have proven to be valid in practice. In conclusion, we return to the title of this thesis: 'Project evaluation, sustainability and accountability – Combining cost-benefit analysis (CBA) and multi-criteria analysis (MCA)'. The MCCBA combination developed in this thesis has proven to be a useful project evaluation tool in the sustainability context. Through its consensus based aggregation, MCCBA improves the communicative quality of the evaluation, thereby enhancing accountability. Through its decision aid style and its emphasis on standardisation, tracking causality, and allowance for simplicity to (here and there) overrule completeness, MCCBA acts as a safeguard against over-ambition, and is a facilitator for clarity, utility and practicality in a sustainability evaluation. To end this summary we will give an overview of the main practical essentials of MCCBA. Main practical essentials of MCCBA How does the MCCBA approach evaluate whether a project is sustainable? How does it assure that accountability is well served? The main practical essentials of the MCCBA approach can be encapsulated as advice to two target groups, experts/practitioners and laymen/users. The first target group comprises the analysts/evaluators, and it is to them that this thesis is primarily aimed. The main points of advice to this expert group are: 1. Do not give 'best' solutions to problems and do not accept preferences too easily as 'given.' Be keen towards finding 'possibly better' solutions; be content to only frame and structure decision-making and remember that in sustainability matters most people will be 'learning how to think.' 2. Sustainability should not be about everything. Surely sustainability entails the economic development of the planet and its people in different places, but above that, only issues about which there is some consensus that global level outcomes are greatly worrying should matter: environmental degradation and extreme poverty are definitely cases in point. 3. Work with two evaluation scale levels: a decision-making and a global level. Evaluate the project at both levels (of thinking). In practice you may work with a lower than global level; the global level is merely an indication – to be on the safe side – of that highest level where economic, environmental, or extreme poverty impacts can be found. 4. Involve stakeholders, but focus on involving stakeholders with strongly different views, rather than on involving as many stakeholders as possible. 5. Starting from the impact matrix, use both CBA and MCA techniques for aggregation. Do not decide alone how to aggregate: try to achieve a consensus among your stakeholders on which aggregation is easiest to understand. Furthermore, when aggregating: - Use the consumer-citizen divide of preferences, the first are usually well-captured in CBA, the second best delineated in MCA. - Very reluctantly discount long-term impacts, even if they are economic. Long-term economic impacts are matters of deliberation and learning how to think; they are not matters of mechanical discounting. Preferably use discounting only for short and medium-term economic impacts. - Use MCA scaling and weighing techniques to your benefit, but only in as much as they can be assured of wide consensus. This will often mean not scaling and weighing the highest order criteria. - Unless 'not-all-that-important impacts' can be easily aggregated, in the final stages of the evaluation focus only on the most important impacts. 6. Take pride in interpretation of sub-aggregated outcomes. You can: - Calculate various ratios (e.g., cost-effectiveness ratios), - Compare standardized impact scores with other projects (e.g., QualityAdjusted Life Year [QALY]; or GlobalWarmingPotential [GWP] or Naturescores [as in this thesis]) - Analyze outcomes from different stakeholder perspectives (e.g., winners/losers, environmentalists-entrepreneurs). 7. In the final stage of your evaluation, address explicitly the question of whether increased problem understanding stipulates that new project alternatives should be considered or old alternatives should be combined. The second target group consists of decision-makers and stakeholders. To this laymen 'user' group, the main points of advice arising out of the MCCBA approach are: 1. If you think that expert evaluators can judge easily whether a project is sustainable or not, that is a wrong assumption. You will have to think together. You may be certain what to do afterwards, but it is likely that the evaluator will not. However, you should all definitively possess greater understanding of the problem situation. 2. You might think that judging sustainability is about looking into the distant future. Perhaps. But be aware; sustainability surely requires that you scrutinize your project from a high international or even global level – next to examining it from your 'own' level, certainly. Good courses of action should preferably be good at both levels. 3. It is normal, even essential, that you understand how the evaluation results developed – although you need not understand every single detail. If you do not comprehend the process which has yielded the results, something has gone wrong. 4. You may think that it is best to involve as many stakeholders as possible in an evaluation. However, achieving a consensus on the evaluation outcomes with all stakeholders is illusory, as it is impossible to structure the evaluation by involving everyone. A consensus about easily understood ways to measure the most significant impacts is, however, a realistic goal. To that purpose, the involvement of a small group of stakeholders with widely differing views on a project seems more fruitful.
Non-communicable chronic diseases (NCDs) are amongst the principal burdens of disease in both developed and underdeveloped countries. The main causes of these illnesses are well known. They are tobacco use, unhealthy diet, physical inactivity and the harmful use of alcohol. The prevalence of these risk factors is directly related to the activities of transnational corporations. To begin with, just the budgets dedicated to advertising for risky consumption is larger than the budget of the World Health Organization. NCDs have many complex links with the economy whose study is almost completely absent for the Americas. They have important economic microeconomic and macroeconomic impacts and affect economic performance in the long-term. Yet the detailed evaluation of their economic impact, which is essential for establishing the importance of alternative policies, has only just begun in some regions of the world and is almost completely absent for the Americas. The sheer burden on the working and aged population implies that strong impacts on labor, saving and investment, as well as an increased human capital depreciation can be expected. These will all impact long-term economic growth. It is a research priority to quantify these impacts. However, in the context of globalization many changes are occurring at a very fast pace, often faster than their rigorous analysis. It is urgent to develop a global institutional framework capable of promoting the control of NCD risk factors, as well as health and economic growth in general. For example, developing legal mechanisms to slow the negative impact of the deficient nutrition transition could be a step in that direction. In the context of globalization, an international institutional framework is urgently needed to balance markets with governance, to hold TNCs responsible for their impact, and to tax them so they carry their fair share of social weight. ; Las enfermedades crónicas no transmisibles se encuentran entre las principales cargas de enfermedad en los países desarrollados y subdesarrollados. Sus principales causas son bien conocidas: el tabaquismo, dietas deficientes, inactividad física y el uso nocivo del alcohol. La prevalencia de estos factores de riesgo se relaciona directamente con las actividades de las empresas transnacionales. Para empezar, los presupuestos que varias transnacionales dedican a la publicidad de consumos riesgosos es mayor que el de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. Las enfermedades crónicas no transmisibles tienen vínculos complejos con la economía, cuyo estudio es casi inexistente en las Américas. Éstas tienen importantes repercusiones microeconómicas y macroeconómicas que afectan el desempeño económico de largo plazo. Sin embargo, la evaluación detallada de su impacto económico, que es esencial para establecer la importancia de políticas alternativas, apenas comienza en algunas regiones del mundo. Simplemente el peso de la enfermedad sobre la población activa y los ancianos implica que pueden esperarse fuertes impactos sobre fuerza de trabajo, ahorro e inversión, así como una mayor depreciación del capital humano. Todas éstas tendrán un impacto sobre el crecimiento económico a largo plazo. Es una prioridad de investigación cuantificar estos impactos. Sin embargo, en el contexto de la globalización muchos cambios están ocurriendo a un ritmo muy rápido, a menudo más rápido que su análisis riguroso. Es urgente desarrollar un marco institucional global capaz de controlar los factores de riesgo de las enfermedades crónicas no transmisibles, así como la salud y el crecimiento económico en general. El desarrollo de mecanismos legales para frenar el impacto negativo de la transición hacia la nutrición deficiente podría ser un paso en esa dirección. En el contexto de la globalización, es urgente un marco institucional internacional que equilibre el mercado con la gobernanza, que responsabilice a las empresas transnacionales por su impacto, y que las sujete a la tasación de impuestos, de modo que cumplan con su porción justa del peso social.
After the Second World War, Hungary adopted the so-called Soviet model, which gave rise to significant changes in the state organisation. "Centralisation" and "democratic centralism" are the keywords which described the operation of government and local bodies in the four decades between 1945 and 1990. Through the change of the townscape of one settlement, this study throws light on how the change in administrative status and the centrally determined settlement policy affected urban development in Hungary, similarly to other former socialist states. Our highlighted example is Berettyóújfalu, whose administrative status changed from period to period in its 19–20th century history. Today, Berettyóújfalu's townscape is basically determined by three architectural periods: the era of the Austro–Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918), the period between the two world wars (1918–1944) and the age of state socialism (1949–1989). Out of these periods, the third one was the most significant, as the most important interventions into the townscape occurred at that time. It seems that in Berettyóújfalu, the appearance of urban buildings has not been brought about by economic forces, but expressly by the change in the settlement's administrative status. It was this change that influenced the town's architectural character, which consists of two components: the official buildings and the residential building stock. In the era of socialism, the construction of housing estates also falls into the category of public developments, as after the Second World War, the system of state organisation changed fundamentally. Local governments ceased to exist, their role was taken over by hierarchical councils. Consequently, urban policy and urban construction became central duties according to the socialist state concept. The centrally developed industry and the resulting increase in the population was served by building housing blocks with system-building technology. These panel apartment blocks occupied the urban fabric that had been an integral part of the former townscape. In this way, this changed townscape could become a kind of architectural reader on Central and Eastern European history and urban development of the 19–20th centuries. A második világháború után Magyarország átvette az úgynevezett szovjet modellt, amely jelentős változásokhoz vezetett az államszervezetben. A "központosítás" és a "demokratikus centralizmus" azok a kulcsszavak, amelyek az állami szervek, s mellettük a helyi szervek működését jellemezték az 1945 és 1990 közötti négy évtizedben. Jelen tanulmány egy település városképének változásán keresztül arra világít rá, hogy Magyarországon – hasonlóan a többi volt szocialista államhoz – miként hatott a közigazgatási státus változása és a központilag meghatározott településpolitika a városépítészetre. A mai Berettyóújfalu településképét alapvetően három építési periódus határozza meg: az Osztrák–Magyar Monarchia kora (1867–1918), a két világháború közötti időszak (1918–1944) és az államszocializmus periódusa (1949–1989). Ezek közül a legmarkánsabb a harmadik, ugyanis ekkor történtek a legjelentősebb beavatkozások a településképben. E korszakokat és a mai városképet tekintve úgy tűnik, hogy a városias épületek megjelenése Berettyóújfaluban nem a gazdasági erő hozadéka volt, hanem kifejezetten a közigazgatási helyzetének megváltozásáé. Ez befolyásolta igazán a mai építészeti karaktert, amelynek két összetevője van: egyrészt a hivatali, másrészt a lakóépület-állomány. Az államszocializmusban a lakótelepek építése is a középítkezések körébe esik, miután a második világháború után alapvetően megváltozott az államszervezet rendszere. Az önkormányzatok megszűntek, helyüket a hierarchikusan működő tanácsok vették át. Ennek velejárója volt, hogy a településpolitika, a városépítés központi feladattá vált a szocialista államfelfogásnak megfelelően. A központilag meghatározott módon telepített ipart, a hozzá kapcsolódó lakosságnövekedést házgyári lakások felépítésével szolgálták ki. Ezek a paneles lakóházak épp azt a városszövetet foglalták el, amely egyébként a maga módján szervesen illeszkedett a korábbi városképbe. Ilyen módon ez a megváltozott településkép egyfajta építészeti olvasókönyvévé vált a 19-20. század közép-kelet-európai történelmének és városépítészetének.
In spite of the United States' recovery, most Caribbean nations are still struggling in the aftermath of the 2007–08 global financial crisis. This paper examines this slow growth recovery through the analysis of how the Caribbean's growth relates to that of key drivers of the global economy. The paper explores whether the region's links with some important global partners could be behind the sluggish post-crisis recovery. The paper analyzes the economic growth of Caribbean countries as a function of the growth in key global partners and of country-specific characteristics. The findings attribute an important role to the European Union and the United States in the outcomes for the region, especially in services-oriented economies. The findings show that when these nations grow, or when they are in an expansionary cycle, the Caribbean's growth responds positively but less than proportionally. Consequently, the slow recovery in the Caribbean region is attributed to the persistent sluggishness in the European Union and the fact that the U.S. recovery is still nascent and not quite robust.
ازجمله راهبرد¬های رشد و توسعه اقتصادی، دستیابی به آزادی اقتصادی مطلوب است. عوامل متعددی بر شاخص آزادی اقتصادی تأثیرگذار هستند؛ لذا به نظر می¬رسد دستیابی به آزادی اقتصادی مطلوب، در گرو شناخت دقیق عوامل تعیین¬کننده و مؤثر بر آن است. بهبود آزادی اقتصادی ارتباط تنگاتنگی با بهبود عملکرد شاخص¬های نهادی ازجمله شاخص حکمرانی خوب دارد. لذا هدف این مطالعه تجزیهوتحلیل شاخص آزادی اقتصادی و بررسی تأثیر شاخص حکمرانی خوب بر شاخص آزادی اقتصادی کشورهای منتخب منطقه منا طی دوره زمانی 2010-1996 با استفاده از تحلیل عاملی اکتشافی و تأییدی است. نتایج تحلیل نشان می¬دهد¬¬ شاخص آزادی اقتصادی تحت تأثیر شاخص حکمرانی خوب است تا جایی که شاخص سیستم قانونی و حقوق مالکیت که ازجمله شاخص¬های آزادی اقتصادی است، ارتباط نزدیک¬تری با حکمرانی خوب دارد و در حد گسترده¬ای توسط شاخص¬های حکمرانی خوب تعیین می¬گردد. همچنین ارتباط متقابل بین شاخص آزادی اقتصادی و شاخص حکمرانی خوب نیز تأیید می¬گردد. کلیدواژه¬ها: آزادی اقتصادی، حکمرانی خوب، تحلیل عاملی اکتشافی و تأییدی، منطقه منا. طبقه بندی :JEL P16, O11, H11 ; One strategy for economic development is Achieve desired economic freedom. Several factors have an impact on the economic freedom index, Therefore, it seems achieve to favorable economic freedom depends on an accurate understanding of the determinants and factors affecting economic freedom. The index published in economic freedom of the world measures the degree to which the policies and institutions of countries are supportive of economic freedom. The cornerstones of economic freedom are personal choice, voluntary exchange, freedom to compete, and security of privately owned property. Forty-two variables are used to construct a summary index and to measure the degree of economic freedom in five broad areas: Size of government; legal system and property rights, sound money, freedom to trade internationally, regulation. The cornerstones of economic freedom are (1) personal choice, (2) voluntary exchange coordinated by markets, (3) freedom to enter and compete in markets, and (4) protection of persons and their property from aggression by others. Economic freedom is present when individuals are permitted to choose for themselves and engage in voluntary transactions as long as they do not harm the person or property of others. While individuals have a right to their own time, talents, and resources, they do not have a right to those of others. Thus, individuals do not have a right to take things from others or demand that others provide things for them. The use of violence, theft, fraud, and physical invasions are not permissible in an economically free society, but otherwise, individuals are free to choose, trade, and cooperate with others, and compete as they see fit. To a large degree, the EFW measure is an effort to identify how closely the institutions and policies of a country correspond with the ideal of a limited government, where the government protects property rights and arranges for the provision of a limited set of “public goods” such as national defense and access to money of sound value, but little beyond these core functions. In order to receive a high EFW rating, a country must provide secure protection of privately owned property, even-handed enforcement of contracts, and a stable monetary environment. It also must keep taxes low, refrain from creating barriers to both domestic and international trade, and rely more fully on markets rather than government spending and regulation to allocate goods and resources. In many ways, a country’s EFW summary rating is a measure of how closely its institutions and policies compare with the idealized structure implied by standard textbook analysis of microeconomics. Improvement in Economic Freedom closely related to institutional indicators performance such as Good Governance index. So the aim of this study is an analysis of the Economic Freedom index and examines the impact of good governance on economic freedom index in MENA countries over the period 1996-2010 using exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. Theoretical frame work The EFW’s annual reports emphasize the fact that the world’s richest countries are also its most liberal ones. This relationship is presented as a reason for encouraging developing countries to liberalize. The basic idea underlying this prescription is that poor countries can become wealthy by emulating rich ones, a contestable proposition that has been criticized by many scholars. Conceptually, economic freedom covers a wide range of economic indicators, so obviously many factors are involved to improve or weaken the index of economic freedom. Index of economic freedom is not only influenced their components, but on the other hand, strongly influenced by other institutional components as good governance index. Improving good governance index affects economic environment through various means such as political stability, increase government efficiency, curb inflation. Improving good governance indicators also will improve the economic freedom index as regulation, legal structure, property rights and market regulation recovery. Methodology In this study we have used factor analysis method. The purpose of exploratory factor analysis is to reduce a larger set of variables into a smaller range of factors denoting common underlying concepts. With complete-linkage hierarchical cluster analysis, MENA countries are divided into the same category in accordance with farthest euclidian (L2) distances between groups. Factor Analysis, includes exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. Exploratory factor analysis is approach to reduce variables and identify the factors that are not empirically. Confirmatory factor analysis confirms or denies grouping data. Results & Discussion The analysis shows that economic freedom index is heavily influenced by the good governance index to the extent that legal system and property rights index is one of the indicators of economic freedom, is more closely associated with the good governance. A wide range of legal system and property rights index is defined by good governance indicators. The relationship between economic freedom index and the index of good governance is also confirmed. Conclusions & Suggestions Economic freedom and good governance are strongly connected. This means that indicators of good governance to pave the way to improve the economic freedom index. So the policy recommendations for policy makers that systematic review of institutional indicators is essential to improve economic outcomes. Good governance should considering as a prerequisite for improving other macroeconomic indicators. Resolve conflict and rectify the institutional indicators like economic freedom and good governance approved in developing countries. Keywords: Economic Freedom, Good Governance, Exploratory and Confirmatory Factor Analysis, MENA Region JEL Classification: P16, O11, H11
The rise of visual representation in economics textbooks after WWII is one of the main features of contemporary economics. In this paper, we argue that this development has been preceded by a no less significant rise of visual representation in the larger literature devoted to social and scientific issues, including economic textbooks for non-economists as well as newspapers and magazines. During the interwar era, editors, propagandists and social scientists altogether encouraged the use of visual language as the main vehicle to spread information and opinions about the economy to a larger audience. These new ways of visualizing social facts, which most notably helped shape the understanding of economic issues by various audiences during the years of the Great Depression, were also conceived by their inventors as alternative ways of practicing economics: in opposition to the abstraction of "neoclassical" economics, these authors wanted to use visual representation as a way to emphasize the human character of the discipline and did not accept the strict distinction between the creation and the diffusion of economic knowledge. We explore different yet related aspects of these developments by studying the use of visual language in economics textbooks intended for non-specialists, in periodicals such as the Survey, a monthly magazine intended for an audience of social workers, the Americanization of Otto Neurath's pictorial statistics and finally the use of those visual representations by various state departments and administrations under Roosevelt's legislature (including the much-commented Historical Section of the Farm Security Administration). We show how visualizations that have been created in opposition to neoclassical economics have lost most of their theoretical content when used widely for policy purposes while being simultaneously integrated into the larger American culture. It is our claim that those issues, which are familiar to those involved in cultural and visual studies, are also of crucial ...
Devastating earthquakes in April and May of 2015 took a huge human toll, destroyed homes, businesses, irreplaceable cultural heritage sites, and slowed economic growth. The Government of Nepal (GoN), through a post disaster needs assessment (PDNA), estimated the value of losses at United States dollar (USD) 7.1 billion (physical damage of USD 5.2 billion and economic losses, spanning several years, of USD 1.9 billion). Nepal's political parties intensified their efforts to adopt a new constitution, after eight years of deliberations, spurred on by the shift in political priorities following the April and May earthquakes. A normalization was envisaged whereby the faster budget implementation and sustained reconstruction activities can lead to a surge in imports, which will have tipped the current account balance into deficit over the forecast period, despite large remittances. Similarly, increased government spending on capital expenditure, as national reconstruction authority speeds up reconstruction activities, will lead to a larger budget deficit. The aim of this report is to report on key economic developments over the preceding months, placing them in a longer term and global perspective and to examine topics of particular policy significance.
