Suchergebnisse

This dissertation investigates how well political parties, especially those holding executive positions, achieve policy congruence by translating voters' redistributive preferences into consistent social policy outcomes. It addresses this topic by conducting large-N studies with the aid of quantitative techniques. It is made up of six chapters. Chapter I provides the theoretical background. In detail, it defines the meaning of the elusive concept of political representation; it discusses the expressive and the instrumental functions that political parties are expected to perform in contemporary representative democracies and recalls party government theories formulated from the 1970s. This literature review allows reorganizing the core stipulations for party government to emerge in a unified theoretical framework. Chapter II begins the journey along the ideal chain of responsiveness from voters' redistributive preferences to actual social policy outcomes. In detail, it focuses on the first link of this ideal chain by verifying whether and to what extent the economic conditions people experience in their everyday life, which are largely given by the position they occupy in the labor market, determine their redistributive preferences and political behaviors. Combining individual level data from the European Social Surveys for 23 OECD countries with party level information from the Comparative Manifesto Project Database, this chapter demonstrates that individuals tend to feel closer to political parties which express in their electoral manifestos social policy supplies consistent with their redistributive preferences. These results are obtained trough discrete choice models, instrumental variables and matching statistical techniques. Chapter III deals with the second link of the chain of responsiveness, addressing a perennial question for students of parliamentary democracy, namely how do coalition governments build their policy proposals. In detail, chapter III explores the degree of correspondence between declared cabinet position and the weighted position of cabinet parties as expressed in their electoral manifestos on two separate issues: the traditionally employed left-right scale and a more policy based welfare scale. Results obtained through a time-series cross-section methodology suggest that "the owners of the agenda setting power" over the two scales are different. In particular, on the traditional left-right scale, declared cabinet position is strongly driven by the weighted position of cabinet parties and by that of the formateur party. Conversely, on the welfare scale, declared cabinet position is also affected by the position of the party holding the median legislator in Parliament and by those of the parties expressing the labor and social affairs ministers. In addition, declared cabinet position on the welfare dimension shows a marked tendency to drift rightward with adverse economic conditions. Chapter IV investigates the last link of the chain of responsiveness between governing parties' long lasting ideological preferences and actual social policy outcomes. In particular, it employs panel data on 19 OECD countries from 1985 to 2011 and tests alternative hypotheses on cabinets' ability to shape social policy outcomes through an Error Correction Model. Results demonstrate that the ideological position of the executive on the left-right scale is unable to affect social policy outcomes in the short run, when economic control variables prevail. However, governing parties acquire relevance on the long run. Specifically, when the government coalition moves to the right, there is a negative impact on social expenditure as a whole, on public spending in active (ALMP) and passive (PLMP) labor market policies and on the net unemployment replacement rate. Chapter V zooms in on the last link of the chain of responsiveness. In detail, it develops a single country study on the Italian case over le last 70 years to address two shortcomings affecting comparative works on this issue. The first limitation comes at the empirical level and concerns the ways in which governments' partisanship uses to be operationalized. The second limitation, instead, is rooted at the theoretical level and refers to the over-simplified idea of political parties as unitary actors. In particular, chapter V takes advantage of two datasets: the first one provides data on the positions of Italian Prime Ministers and parties; the second one reports the policy positions expressed by factions inside Italian parties. Results demonstrates that declared cabinets' positions on welfare state expansion as expressed in Prime Ministers' investiture and confidence speeches are strong determinants of social expenditure. However, results prove also that the "agenda setting power" enjoyed by the cabinet is strongly weaken by party politics dynamics (the majority the governing coalition enjoys in the lower chamber and the ideological distance between the actual and the previous government) and, more interestingly, by intra-party dynamics. In particular, the ability to shape social expenditure according to the content of the coalition agreement proves to be strongly undermined by the degree of internal polarization inside the major party of the governing coalition. Finally, the last chapter reviews and discusses the main findings of the thesis. It underlines how the doomsday scenario according to which democracy at the national level has been hollowed out has yet to come. Of course, exogenous socio-economic processes and the complexities of politics weaken parties' responsiveness toward their voters. However, this thesis reveals that parties still play a role, at least in the social policy domain. Moreover, this chapter has a last look on the overall chain of responsiveness, from voters' redistributive preferences directly to governmental social policy outcomes, to understand whether citizens' preferences manage to overcome all the obstacles identified in the previous chapters so that they can be translated into consistent spending choices. In particular, controlling for a complete set of potential external confounders and, more interestingly, for the position of the median legislator in Parliament and for that of the ruling coalition, this last chapter demonstrates that median voter's preferences in the year t-1 are related to the change in social expenditure in the subsequent year. Finally, to contrast popular frustration with political parties, this chapter proposes a learning model of party government, which sees both voters and parties as able to alter, respectively, their policy preferences and their electoral promises according to the contingent constraints imposed by external reality.

Our thesis concerns the study of the penal colonization of the French Guiana by one relegated interned in the penal colony of Saint-Jean-du-Maroni. The law on the banishment of the recidivists voted May 27th, 1885 entails the exile for life within a colony of delinquents and criminal recidivists. From 1887 till 1953, Guyana is so going to receive more than 17 000 condemned persons intended to become colonists and to become integrated in economic and social structures of the colony. The targets of this law are essentially delinquents recidivists condemned for offences of common theft, swindle and wandering and their " social elimination " bases on a unique mechanics in the history of the French criminal law. The banishment indeed fits out a " irrefragable assumption of incorrigibility " which bases on a quantum, that is on a number of punishments which, if they are quite registered on the police record of a condemned person recidivist, entail the compulsory pronouncement for the magistrate of the punishment of the banishment. This law so determines a positive threshold which dedicates the existence of criminals and delinquents said incorrigible. Our work thus bases on one hand on the analysis of the construction of the penal category of incorrigible criminals whom the banishment comes to dedicate in law from 1885 and articulates on the other hand on the modalities of application of this measure on the ground of the metropolis then on that of the colony. The process of elaboration of the banishment is made within a political configuration which leads the legislators to undergo multiple pressures and to take into account conclusions brought out by actors' large number outer the parliamentary sphere. The origin of this law is so strongly packaged by experts of the crime and the punishments, by magistrates and by statisticians who are going to build in their respective fields of activity a representation of the criminality which bases on a fundamental distinction from the second half of the XIXth century: the sharing between criminals of accident either second-hand and criminal usually or incorrigible. These last ones correspond to all those whom the classic penalty, that is the detention, does not any more succeed in "correcting" and the multiple second offenses of which they are guilty show to the eyes of the legislators their turned out dangerousness. In this plan, the banishment allows to guarantee in the metropolis its security by exiling them beside herself and allows to hope their recovery thanks to a change of saving "environment". But the banishment, by labelling as incorrigible all the condemned persons whom it affects, does not miss to indicate them as such on the ground of the colony. The stigma of the incorrigibility so pursues the relegated in Guyana and, shared by the actors to condemn them in mainland France, it is also shared in Guyana by the actors to facilitate and to organize their reintegration. Far from facilitating their spot installation, the banishment is so similar to a condemnation to the hard labor and the relegated remain a workforce essentially employed on the needs of a penal colony. ; Notre thèse porte sur l'étude de la colonisation pénale de la Guyane française par des relégués internés au bagne colonial de Saint-Jean-du-Maroni. La loi sur la relégation des récidivistes votée le 27 mai 1885 entraîne l'exil à perpétuité au sein d'une colonie de délinquants et de criminels récidivistes. De 1887 à 1953, la Guyane va ainsi recevoir plus de 17 000 condamnés destinés à devenir des colons et à s'intégrer au tissus économique et social de la colonie. Les cibles de cette loi sont essentiellement des délinquants récidivistes condamnés pour des délits de vol simple, d'escroquerie et de vagabondage et leur "élimination sociale" repose sur une mécanique unique dans l'histoire du droit pénal français. La relégation aménage en effet une "présomption irréfragable d'incorrigibilité" qui repose sur un quantum, c'est-à-dire sur un nombre de peines qui, si elles sont toutes inscrites au casier judiciaire d'un condamné récidiviste, entraînent le prononcé obligatoire pour le magistrat de la peine de la relégation. Cette loi détermine ainsi un seuil positif qui consacre l'existence de criminels et de délinquants dits incorrigibles. Notre travail repose donc d'une part sur l'analyse de la construction de la catégorie pénale de criminels incorrigibles que la relégation vient consacrer en droit à partir de 1885 et s'articule d'autre part sur les modalités d'application de cette mesure sur le sol de la métropole puis sur celui de la colonie. Le processus d'élaboration de la relégation s'effectue au sein d'une configuration politique qui conduit les législateurs à subir de multiples pressions et à tenir compte des conclusions dégagées par un grand nombre d'acteurs extérieurs à la sphère parlementaire. L'origine de cette loi est ainsi fortement conditionnée par des experts du crime et des peines, par des magistrats et par des statisticiens qui vont construire dans leurs domaines d'activité respectifs une représentation de la criminalité qui repose sur une distinction fondamentale à partir de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle : le partage entre criminels d'accident ou d'occasion et criminels d'habitude ou incorrigibles. Ces derniers correspondent à tous ceux que la pénalité classique, c'est-à-dire l'emprisonnement, ne parvient plus à "corriger" et les multiples récidives dont ils sont coupables manifestent aux yeux des législateurs leur dangerosité avérée. Dans ce schéma, la relégation permet de garantir à la métropole sa sécurité en les exilant hors d'elle et permet d'espérer leur relèvement grâce à un changement de "milieu" salvateur. Mais la relégation, en étiquetant comme incorrigibles tous les condamnés qu'elle atteint, ne manque pas de les signaler comme tels sur le sol de la colonie. Le stigmate de l'incorrigibilité poursuit ainsi les relégués en Guyane et, partagé par les acteurs en charge de les condamner en métropole, il est également partagé en Guyane par les acteurs en charge de faciliter et d'organiser leur réinsertion. Loin de faciliter leur installation sur place, la relégation s'apparente ainsi à une condamnation aux travaux forcés et les relégués demeurent une main-d'œuvre essentiellement employée aux besoins d'un bagne colonial.

The objective of our paper is to analyse the political activity of Polish, and Slovak, women in EP elections; we aim to determine, among other things: whether gender quotas are a decisive factor for women's electoral success, or do other factors result in an increase/decrease in the number of female candidates and the number of women MEPs? What are the particular characteristics of women representing Poland, and Slovakia, in the EP? What was their path to the EP? Which (conservative, liberal) parties are more willing to put women forward in EP elections? Poland introduced the socalled gender quotas into the electoral system, while Slovakia does not have such legal solutions in place. However, when comparing Slovakia to the situation in Poland, it can be stated that although there is a system of election quotas in Poland, its practical implementation may be purely theoretical. In percentage terms, the number of Slovak women elected to the European Parliament (except 2019) was signifi cantly higher than in Poland, even though there is no quota system in the Slovak Republic. Th e success of Polish, and Slovak, women in the elections to the EP of the 9th term is the result of many factors, which include so-called electoral engineering (quotas, gender balance, fi rst and second places on lists), electoral strategy of a party, but above all, political and social activity of the women themselves. We consider the last factor to be determinant in this respect. ; Dorota Lis-Staranowicz: staran@uwm.edu.pl ; Róbert Jáger: robert.jager@umb.sk ; Dorota Lis-Staranowicz - is an Assistant Professor and the Head of Department of Constitutional Law and State Science in the Faculty of Law and Administration, Warmia and Mazury University in Olsztyn, Poland. ; Róbert Jáger - is an Associate Professor in Faculty of Law, Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica, Slovakia. ; Dorota Lis-Staranowicz - University Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn, Poland ; Róbert Jáger - Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica, Slovakia ; Adamiec D., Wąsowicz R., Wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego 2014. Nowe regulacje, debaty, kampania informacyjna, Warszawa 2014. ; Aldrich S.A., Daniel W.T., Th e Consequences of Quotas: Assessing the Eff ect of Varied Gender Quotas on Legislator Experience in the European Parliament, "Politics & Gender" 2020, vol. 16 ; Blažo O., Kováčiková H., Right for Equal Opportunity for Fair Public Contract? Human Rights in Public Procurement, "Bialystok Legal Studies", vol. 24. ; Bodnar A., Śledzińska-Simon A., Between symbolism and incrementalism: Moving forward with the gender equality project in Poland, "EUI Working Paper Law" 2015, vol. 30. ; Bodnar A., Sledzińska-Simon A., Gender Equality from Beneath: Electoral Gender Quotas in Poland, "Canadian Journal of Law and Society" 2013, vol. 28. ; Breczko A., Andruszkiewicz M., The Question of the Value of Human Life in Theoretical Discussions and in Practice. A Legal Philosophical and Theory of Law Perspective, "Bialystok Legal Studies", vol. 23. ; Chiva C., Gender, European Integration and Candidate Recruitment: The European Parliament Elections in the New EU Member States, "Parliamentary Affairs" 2012, vol. 67. ; Dahlerup D., Freidenvall L., Judging gender quotas: predictions and results, "Policy & Politics", 2010, vol 38. ; Day M., Gay atheist politician launches movement to take on Poland's conservative and religious establishment, "The Telegraph", https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2019/02/03/gay-atheist-politician-launches-movement-take-polands-conservative/. ; Druciarek M., Łaciak B., Kobiety w Parlamencie Europejskim Strategie partii politycznych w wyborach w 2019 roku w Polsce, Warsaw 2019. ; Falkner G., Plattner G., Populist radical right parties and EU policies: how coherent are their claims?, "EUI Working Paper RSCAS" 2018, vol. 38. ; Farrell M.D., Scully R., Electing the European Parliament: How Uniform are 'Uniform' Electoral Systems?, "Journal of Common Market Studies" 2005, vol. 43. ; Filadelfiová J., O ženách, moci a politike: úvahy, fakty, súvislosti, (in:) J. Cviková, J. Juráňowá (eds.), Hlasy žien. Aspekty ženskej politiky, Aspekt Bratislava 2002. ; Filadelfiová J., Radičová I., Puliš P., Ženy v politike – dôsledok tranzície verejnej politiky?, Bratislava 2000. ; Fuszara M., Poland – a success story? Political History of Introducing Gender Quota in Post-Communist Poland, "Teorija in Praksa" 2017, no. 2. ; Gyarfasova O., Public's perception of the EU and turnout in the EP election, (in:) N. Bolin, K. Falasca, M. Grusell, L. Nord (eds.), Euroflections. Leading academics on the European elections 2019, Mittuniversitetet, Demicom, Sundsvall, Sverige 2019. ; Hix S., Marsh M., Second-Order Effects Plus Pan-European Political Swings: An Analysis of European Parliament Elections Across Time, "Electoral Studies" 2011, vol. 30. ; Jackiewicz A., Wpływ terminu wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego na frekwencję wyborczą-zarys problematyki, (in:) M. Dąbrowski, J. Juchniewicz (eds.), Problemy Konstytucyjne, Olsztyn 2015. ; Kobová L., The Contexts of National and Gender Belonging: The History of Female Suffrage in Slovakia, (in:) B. Rodríquez-Ruiz, Ruth Ribino-Marín (eds.), The Struggle for Female Suffrage in Europe: Voting to Become Citizens, Brill 2012. ; Krook, M.L., Quotas for Women in Politics: Gender and Candidate Selection Reform Worldwide, Oxford 2009. ; Lühiste M., Kenny M., Pathways to Power: Women's Representation in the 2014 European Parliament Elections, "European Journal of Political Research" 2016, vol. 55. ; Matland R.E., Montgomery, K.A., Women's Access to Political Power in Post-Communist Europe, Oxford Scholarship Online, 2003. ; Mccracken K., Fitzsimons A., Marquez S., Druciarek M., Women in political decision-making in view of the next European elections, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/supporting-analyses. ; Piekutowska A., Kużelewska E., Participation of V4 Women in the European Parliament, and its institutions, (in:) M. Musiał-Karg, E. Lesiewicz (eds.), Women's role and their participation in public life of the Visegrad Countries, Poznañ–Ústí nad Labem 2016. ; Porubanova S., Gender equality policies in Slovakia, Study, European Union 2017. ; Półtorak N, Gender Quotas in the Elections to the European Parliament, (in:) E. Kużelewska, D. Kloza (eds.), Elections to the European Parliament as a Challenge for Democracy, Białystok 2013. ; Rakowska-Trela A., 100 years of women suffrage in Poland. From the fight for political rights to gender quotas, "Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego" 2018, vol. 46. ; Rogulska B., 15 lat członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej, "Komunikat z Badań" 2019, vol. 59. ; Teutsch T., Kvótový systém', Aspektin – feministický webzin (2009), http://www.aspekt.sk/aspekt_in.php?content=clanok&rubrika=19&IDclanok=79. ; Uziębło P., Parytety płci i kwoty na listach wyborczych – za i przeciw, "Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego" 2010, vol. 1. ; Walker S., Slovakia's first female president hails victory for progressive values, "The Guardian", https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/31/slovakia-elects-zuzana-caputova-first-female-president. ; Zemko M., Volebný zákon do Poslaneckej snemovne Národného zhromaždenia za prvej Československej republiky a strany národnostných menšín, "Historický Časopis" 2008, vol. 56 ; 26 ; 5 ; 119 ; 140

In democracies, innovative political institutions have opened up scope for direct public participation often in the form of talk: citizens talking to the state and mutual talk among citizens on matters concerning community development. A prominent example is the Indian gram sabha, or village assembly, which occurs in a highly stratified context. This paper undertakes a talk-centered analysis of the gram sabha with a focus on examining the oral participation of women in general and women affiliated with microcredit self-help groups who have access to an associational life. The qualitative analysis of 255 gram sabha transcripts from four South Indian states finds that women associated with microcredit self-help groups employ a wider variety of narrative styles and utilize a more multilayered structure to convey their messages compared with all women taken together. Thus, the difference is not so much in the numerical instances of talking or in the types of issues raised, but rather in the quality of participation. The paper makes an important theoretical contribution by proposing the concept of oral democracy as an alternative to deliberative democracy, and urges an analytical focus on the oral or oratory competency of subordinated groups as they participate in these important institutions.

Strengthening the rule of law is widely regarded among traditional donors, multilateral institutions, and a growing number of middle income and fragile states as a necessary precondition for sustainable peace, poverty alleviation, and development. Crime and violence deter investment and lower employment, undermine social institutions, and divert resources through direct and indirect costs, all of which hinder development. It is likely to disproportionately affect poor and marginalized populations by limiting access to basic services. The formal criminal justice system is seen in many environments as failing to deliver justice. Most states experiencing fragility do not have the capacity to effectively prevent crime, enforce laws, or peacefully resolve disputes across the whole of their territories. There is another powerful deterrent for communities to seek redress through state criminal justice institutions: they are frequently a primary instrument for the government and elites to maintain power and control through the perpetration of injustice. The informal system, however, is alone insufficient to handle the pressing justice requirements of fragile states, not least for preventing and responding to inter-communal conflict, to serious organized and cross-border crime, and to public corruption and other 'white collar' crime.

Quotes from Josep Colomer:Constitutional Polarization. A Critical Review of the U.S. Political SystemRoutledge, 2023.  CLICK to purchaseA collection of 6 posts. 1 - Why a Federation? The aim of the Convention in Philadelphia was not to experiment with democracy in a large territory, but to create a "stronger", "firmer" government able to defend the new independent states from the British and other foreign troops still over the continent. The priority was to create a standing army, to pay the debt for the War for Independence, and to introduce the subsequent federal taxes. The basic institutions were the states-appointed Senate and the mighty President with war powers.Some delegates warned that in the new and independent United States, people would not accept, again, taxation without representation. That's why the House of Representatives was embodied as the democratic component of the government. Then, the delegates responded to its perils by designing a series of "filters" and "checks" to prevent the House from prevailing over the other components. The separation of powers and their institutional checks were a cap, intended to tame and temper democracy. NOT A DEMOCRACYMadison warned against "the amazing violence and turbulence of the democratic spirit," and stated, "democratic communities may be unsteady, and be led to action by the impulse of the moment." Later, in the campaign to ratify the Constitution in New York, he would hold that, in the past, democracies "have ever been found spectacles of turbulence and contention … and as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths."Alexander Hamilton would allege that "the zeal for the rights of the people has been a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government." In his view, democracies are manipulated by people who "commence as demagogues and end being tyrants."Gouverneur Morris was an influential delegate from Pennsylvania who is credited as the main redactor of the final text of the Constitution. He also cautioned against "the turbulence, the precipitation, changeableness, and excess" of democratic assemblies.Other delegates in the Convention referred to "the fury" and "the folly" of democracy. One confessed, "It's the anarchy, or rather worse than anarchy of a pure democracy, which I fear." Another simply stated, "democracy, the worst of all political evils." DIVINE HANDAbout the divine hand guiding the constituents, see, for example:     "America felt that the hand of providence was on the young republic … There can be little question that the hand of providence has been on a nation which finds a Washington, a Lincoln or a Roosevelt when it needs him," Seymour M. Lipset, American Exceptionalism, W. W. Norton, 1997, pp. 13–14.    "I can't wait to go to Heaven and meet the Framers and tell them the work that you did in putting together our Constitution is a work of genius. Thank you. It was divinely inspired," Mike Pence, Vice-President of the United States in December 2020. Reported by Gregory Jacob, Counselor of the Vice-President, to the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6 Attack on the United States Capitol, June 16, 2022. 2- An elected MonarchyMONTESQUIEUIn the imaginary Constitution of England described by Montesquieu, the powers of the three institutions were so challenged and limited by mutual checks that the most likely result would be governmental paralysis. He held that in order to prevent abuses, "Power should stop ["arrête" in French] power"; brake, not just "check" as it was sloppily translated. In Montesquieu's words, with these rules, "these three powers should naturally form a state of repose or inaction." In the perhaps unlikely or infrequent case that public affairs required some action, he conceded that the three powers should be "forced to move, but still in concert." Madison would only ambiguously paraphrase, "Ambition must be made to counteract ambition."   There was a problem: Montesquieu had misunderstood how the British system actually worked. What he described was closer to an old-fashioned, outdated model that, in the best of cases, could be identified with a transitory, provisional past period in England's history. It did not correspond with the political system in motion when he visited London, and even less with practices contemporary to the Framers gathered in Philadelphia several decades later. By following Montesquieu's obsolete account, the authors of the US Constitution misunderstood the source.MONARCHYThe monarchical proposal was most explicitly presented by Alexander Hamilton. He did not attend most of the Convention sessions, but on June 18, he showed up, took the floor, and delivered a prepared speech for more than five hours, no break for lunch, that left the delegates flabbergasted. Hamilton proposed a president that would be chosen by electors and serve for life. Such an "elective Monarch" would appoint the state governors and could veto state laws. At the federal level, the president would also be the arbiter for expected regular conflict between the Senate also appointed for life and the popular House: "This check is a Monarch," he suggested, "capable of resisting the popular current." The president, with absolute veto over congressional legislation, would be "a salutary check upon the legislative body." According to Ron Chernow, his biographer, Hamilton had written in his personal notes for his Convention speech that the president would not only be appointed for life but also "ought to be hereditary and to have so much power that it will not be his interest to risk much to acquire more." Yet, probably sensing the audience's reluctance to his already delivered proposals, he skipped that part.    Adams, who would become the US' first vice president and the second president, was suspected of having monarchist leanings. He would propose calling George Washington "His Majesty the President," thought hereditary rule inevitable, and, after Washington's childless tenure prevented it, he would be the first to make his son run for president.3-The Founders' Portraits in WashingtonWhat one can see and guess about these characters by looking at eight portraits,  the first five by Gilbert Stuart and the next two by John Trumbull at the National Gallery of Art, and the eighth by Joseph Siffred Duplessis at the National Portrait Gallery.             4- How the System Actually Works CHECKS AND GRIEVANCESAlexander Hamilton clearly lay on the side of scant congressional legislation. He said, "The injury that may possibly be done by defecting a few good laws will be amply compensated by the advantages of preventing a number of bad ones." It was like fasting for the sake of not being poisoned; the result is anemia, not good political health.In practice, there are checks but no balances. The existing blockingmechanisms in the US constitutional system do not produce balances in favor of a few good laws. They are largely unbalanced in favor of the Presidency and its powers, which is aggravated by the biases of the presidential elections.The US constitutional plan, instead of relying upon positive institutionalincentives, such as the expectation of sharing power in the Cabinet, countedon politicians' virtuous behavior. Yet, absent our better angels' motivations, the system of negative checks becomes a machine for sustained conflict. PRESIDENTIALISMThe greatest increase in presidential power has derived from wars. From General George Washington, leader of the Revolutionary War for Independence, through Theodore Roosevelt, a high-level combatant in the Spanish-American War in the Caribbean, eleven of the first twenty-five presidents were war men. Whether as generals, national heroes, or upper-echelon military officers, Andrew Jackson, William Harrison, Zachary Taylor, Franklin Pierce, Ulysses Grant, Rutherford Hayes, James Garfield, Benjamin Harrison, and William McKinley fought in the wars against the British, the Indians, the Mexicans, or, in the Civil War, other Americans, and their military feats helped them to be elected.Alexander Hamilton had already identified the management of foreign affairs as the main way to expand executive powers: "It is of the nature of war to increase the executive, at the expense of the legislative authority." Discussing rates of presidents, historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. observed that war "made it easier for a president to achieve greatness.            5- No Parties, But PolarizationNO PARTIESThe Framers were confident about the future of the republic because they miscalculated that in a great, expanding, and diverse Union with multiple institutional checks, it would be unlikely that nationwide parties could be created. They expected that the best individuals with "enlightened views and virtuous sentiments" would lead the new politics against "the pestilential influence of party animosities" and "the pestilential breath of faction," as scorned by both James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, respectively. Currently, the two major political parties in the US encompass a range of policy proposals and ideological orientations comparable to the typical European system with multiple parties: There are liberals and socialists within the Democratic Party, and conservatives and populists within the Republican Party, with the minor Greens and Libertarians flanking each side. However, the political competition is polarized by two parties or candidates because of the electoral system and the election of the president.POLITICAL, NO SOCIAL POLARIZATION The polarization of parties and candidates is more politically consequential than the polarization of voters. Generally, parties can lead and carry voters in their direction, either to closeness or to distance from each other, but to a limited extent. That is because it is less difficult to coordinate and mobilize a few thousand politicians than millions of voters. If parties and political leaders move to radicalize their positions and provoke polarization, voters may follow and become more polarized in their preferences, but usually less than the politicians and parties come to be. If, conversely, parties moderate and converge in their positions, voters may also moderate themselves but less than the partisan politicians do.FEAR AND NATIONAL FERVOR During the Cold War, many citizens developed a sense of unity, love of patriotic values, and pride in the American way of life. They trusted the rulers, who appeared as their protectors and providers of security. Challenging the government in the middle of a war would have been regarded as treason. In parallel, the ruling officials were able to keep many state secrets, their policy performances were not seriously evaluated, they enjoyed discrete privacy from the media, and gained support and devotion from the public.After the Cold War, without the threat of a nuclear war, the public lost their fear. There was a new openness to indiscretion and transgression. The new political atmosphere became the opposite of the previous period: a general mistrust of government, close scrutiny of corrupt practices, leaks of confidential plans and messages, frequent scandals about politicians' business or private affairs, and loud calls for more transparency and accountability. After the Cold War with the Soviet Union, the "peace dividend" that appeared to be a potential source of domestic progress led instead to domestic mayhem. With just a little exaggeration, one could say that, over the years, the international Cold War was replaced with a domestic cold war.          6- Towards the 2024 ElectionPRIMARIESThe primaries mechanism is a substitute for the formation of multiple parties. To build a majority, in Europe and other democracies, a coalition of multiple parties must be formed after the election; in the US, a coalition of multiple factions within a party must be formed before the election. In European parliamentary systems with multiple parties, the mess comes after the election; sometimes, the formation of a coalition in parliament for the choice of a prime minister takes months. In the US, the mess is before the election; the process of simplifying the pluralistic setting to only two major presidential candidates starts more than a year before Election Day. These alternative experiences both confirm that, in the absence of a traditional monarch, simplifying a complex society to one single executive leader is always a challenging endeavor.The main drawback of the system of partisan primaries is that it may not produce a majority in support for the winning candidate but it can result in the nomination of an extreme or unqualified demagogue who would be rejected by a majority of voters.The turnout in the presidential primaries has increased to nearly 50% of the party voters in the general election since the 2010s. However, the number of primary candidates within each party has also increased, up to double digits in recent seasons, which reduced the support for the winner. In 2016, Donald Trump was voted in the primaries by only 22% of his voters in the general election; Hillary Clinton, by 26% of her votes in the general election; and in 2020, Joe Biden by only 23%.SPLITTING CANDIDATESIf popular participation increases, partisanship becomes more compact, and the potential political pluralism of the country is not well articulated by the party system, third and further candidates reappear. They indirectly made a winner by splitting partisan support in at least four of the first eight presidential elections after the Cold War. The independent Ross Perot split Republican voters twice, in 1992 and 1996, and twice produced a Democratic winner with a minority of popular votes. The other way around, the Green Party's Ralph Nader split Democratic voters in 2000 and produced a Republican winner with a minority of popular votes. Also, the Greens and other candidacies absorbed potential Democratic voters in 2016 and helped make a Republican candidate the winner with a minority of popular votes.CAN TRUMP RETURN?There are also precedents of traitors who persisted in politics, ran for office, were elected, and provoked further turmoil. At least two former presidents joined the Confederacy during the Civil War. Former Whig President John Tyler, who had replaced William Harrison at his death one month after entering office, was first elected to and chaired the Virginia Secession Convention, and during the Civil War, he was elected first to the Provisional Confederation Congress and then to the Confederate House of Representatives. Former Democratic President Franklin Pierce collaborated closely with Confederacy President Jefferson Davis. Also, former President Andrew Johnson was elected senator on an anti-Reconstruction platform.Collection:1- Why a Federation2- An Elected Monarchy3- Psychological Portraits of the Founders and Framers4– How the System Actually Works5- No Parties, But Polarization6- Towards the 2024 Election

Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastala je u početcima otvorene velikosrpske agresije na Hrvatsku, ali i usred krize strateško-obrambene koncepcije. Tuđmanova politika čekanja i kupovanja vremena te izbjegavanja frontalnog i općeg sukoba s JNA, doveli su do javnog kritiziranja njegove obrambene politike od strane oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. U okolnostima sveobuhvatne agresije i, prema nekim navodima, očekivanja raskola u hrvatskoj politici, sredinom srpnja počela je rekonstrukcija postojeće Vlade. Novi mandatar Franjo Gregurić okupljao je kadrove za sastavljanje Vlade, a u tom razdoblju javila se ideja o potrebi proširenja Vlade i nekim nestranačkim kandidatima pa i predstavnicima oporbe. U samo dva-tri dana pregovora postignut je nacionalni konsenzus i potpisan Sporazum saborskih stranaka, čime je stvorena Vlada demokratskog jedinstva. Vlada se sastojala od devet parlamentarnih stranaka, od kojih je osam imalo svoje predstavnike u Vladi. Unatoč činjenici da je 1990-ih godina u Hrvatskoj na snazi bio polupredsjednički sustav koji je predsjedniku Republike davao prilično široke ovlasti, Vlada je na području obrambene i vanjske politike pokazivala određeni stupanj samostalnosti. Prema nekim tvrdnjama Vrhovno državno vijeće je ograničavalo slobodu djelovanja Vlade tako da se za svog jednogodišnjeg mandata Vlada trebala često boriti za veću samostalnost i slobodu djelovanja. S druge strane, Vlada je imala potpunu slobodu u unutarnjim poslovima, primjerice u njezinoj politici prema prognanicima i izbjeglicama, kao i u gospodarskoj politici. Unatoč tvrdnjama o "nestanku" oporbe u vrijeme te višestranačke vlade, s obzirom na to da su potpisivanjem Sporazuma o Vladi demokratskog jedinstva saborske stranke od oporbenih formalno postale koalicijske, dostupni izvori navode na drukčiji zaključak. Naime, predstavnici pojedinih oporbenih i ujedno koalicijskih stranaka od listopada 1991. godine često su kritizirali neke odluke vlasti, koje su se posebno odnosile na vanjsku politiku. Predmet njihovih kritika bile su ujedno Vladine i Tuđmanove uredbe sa zakonskom snagom. Vlada je posljednjih šest mjeseci svog mandata bila izložena pritiscima oporbe i dijela HDZ-a. Međunarodno priznanje Hrvatske i priprema za nove parlamentarne i predsjedničke izbore uzrokovali su pritiske na Vladu demokratskog jedinstva, što se prije svega očitovalo u odlascima određenih nestranačkih i oporbenih ministara, a kasnije dovelo i do velike travanjske rekonstrukcije Vlade u kojoj je u znatnoj mjeri promijenjen njezin sastav u korist HDZ-a. Vlada demokratskog jedinstva nastavila je djelovati do kolovoza, kad je nakon novih parlamentarnih izbora formirana nova, jednostranačka HDZ-ova vlada. ; After the democratic elections in Croatia in the spring of 1990 and the victory of Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the new Croatian Government faced the Serbian insurgency which expressed approval for the Milošević's Greater-Serbian policy. The insurgency was supported by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) that had disarmed Croatia just after the elections in May 1990. In the summer of 1991, the Yugoslav crisis aggravated. Previous occasional and sporadic conflicts between Croatian police forces and the Serbian insurgents escalated into the open aggression of Serbia, Montenegro and JNA against Croatia. In such conditions, Croatian leadership was conflicted about the defense policy. The disagreement caused the appearance of some fractions in the parliament parties, especially in HDZ. Some participants of Croatian politics in the early 1990s today assert that there were at least two main fractions in HDZ – the "moderate" one that supported Tuđman's policy based on avoiding head-on conflict with JNA, and the "radical" one that wanted to declare JNA and Serbia the aggressors on Croatia and to fight back. Some claim that the "radical" fraction even wanted to bring down Tuđman and replace him with someone else. There isn't enough evidence to verify such statements. It probably was the case of dissatisfaction with the situation on the battlefield. Some write about wide discontent and criticism of Tuđman regarding his defense policy, which was evident at the meetings of the main Board of HDZ in the middle of July, Supreme State Council in the end of July and parliamentary session in the beginning of August 1991. Regarding the attitude towards Tuđman, there is a widespread and simplified opinion that his party turned its back on him and that the opposition expressed him support. Exactly the opposite, the opposition, especially heads of the parties Croatian Social-Liberal Party (HSLS), Croatian democratic party (HDS), and Croatian People's party (HNS) expressed equal, or even more severe, criticism of Tuđman's defense policy. In that kind of atmosphere, the reconstruction of the Government resulted in the national consensus – Democratic Unity Government was formed. It was the third democratic Government and the first multiparty Government after the democratic elections. It is an example of a Grand coalition formed during the war in many countries. The main goal of the new Government was to create more effective defense policy that would gather all the necessary political and military structures and establish the unified command structure. That resulted in entering of the Crisis Staff into the Government and forming of the General Staff of the Croatian Army. In the first two months of its mandate, the Government proposed and adopted measures for emergency readiness in order to organize life in the crisis areas. One of those measures included the blockade of the JNA barracks which Tuđman approved September 13 1991. With the blockade, the previous measured and careful attitude of the Croatian leadership towards JNA shifted from passive to active. One part of the research discussed the role of the Government in defense of the cities of Vukovar and Dubrovnik. Regarding Vukovar, there are some controversies embodied in widespread claims that Croatian leadership "betrayed" and "sacrificed" Vukovar by not sending enough weaponry and ammunition. However, available sources, primarily transcripts and records of the Government sessions, suggest that Vukovar was the priority in the supply of weaponry and ammunition. Furthermore, some members of the Government and other representatives of the Croatian leadership visited Vukovar and Eastern-Slavonian battlefield. In the context of all the crisis areas on the Croatian battlefield, Vukovar was the most dominant topic at the Government sessions. At the session held November 17, the Government adopted a series of decisions pertaining to the protection of Vukovar civilians. In the appeals to the international organizations, Vukovar and Dubrovnik were the two most mentioned cities. As was the case with Vukovar, the Government sent weaponry and other military equipment, transported humanitarian aid to Dubrovnik and appealed for help. It is worth mentioning convoy "Libertas" which supplied humanitarian aid to the surrounded Dubrovnik and broke the naval blockade. Also, some Government members came by the convoy to Dubrovnik to show their support. At the end of November 1991, Government sent three of its ministers to Dubrovnik where they had to represent the Government and facilitate its operation in Southern Dalmatia, maintain contacts with the international organizations, negotiate with the JNA representatives and maintain communication with the Croatian Army. The three ministers Davorin Rudolf, Petar Kriste and Ivan Cifrić were situated in Dubrovnik during its heaviest attack and the day after they agreed to a truce with the JNA representatives. The Government supported the negotiations between the city military and civil representatives and JNA because it wanted to procrastinate with the attacks and buy some time to strengthen the military and international position of Croatia. On the other hand, the Government and Tuđman strongly opposed to intentions of "demilitarization" of Dubrovnik which would surrender its arms to the JNA under the supervision of representatives of the international community, i.e. surrender of the city to the aggressor. Second most important task of the Government was the struggle for international recognition. The establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs showed all the problems of the political structures that young democratic state had to face. Such problems refer to lack of experience as well as technical and financial resources. The Government cooperated with the European Community and the United Nations. Although, Tuđman was the designer of the Forreign Affairs and the Government often had to put into action his decisions, during the Conference of peace in Hague it showed some differentiation, such as declaring it would abort the attending of the Conference unless JNA left Croatia. After the arms embargo in September 1991, the Croatian Government deprived of the right of representation of Croatia in the UN Budimir Lončar and Darko Šilović, due to their role in instigating the decision of the UN regarding embargo. The Government Memorandum, addressed to ministerial Council of the EC in November 22, stated that economic sanctions of the Roman declaration of November 8 would affect mostly Croatia. Such view showed a certain degree of independence of the Democratic Unity Government. The Government accepted the Vance plan but argued the methods of its implementation. The activity of the Government in Forreign Affairs reflects in numerous official and unofficial meetings and encounters with various politicians and statesmen. The main task of the Government members was to appeal to stop the war and recognize Croatia, but they also had to struggle against Serbian propaganda which spread lies about rehabilitation of Ustasha and Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and portrayed president Tuđman and the Croatian Government as anti-Semitic. In that context, some think that the Croatian Government and leadership in general, provided insufficient to the international public. In this research, I also analyzed social politics of the Democratic Unity Government, that is, politics towards Croatian displaced persons and refugees as well as Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees during 1991 and 1992. At the very beginning of the aggression against Croatia, new Croatian Government had to face refugee crisis. Forcible relocations of the Croatian civilians, among which some moved into safe areas in Croatia, while others left the country, induced Government to, with the term "refugee", which refers to those persons who had to emigrate their own country, introduce another one – "displaced persons", which referred to those civilians who hadn't left Croatia, only were displaced to some other territory within the country. Government also adopted some measures to secure accommodation for the displaced persons and refugees by emptying hotels and resorts and founding of the Office for the displaced persons and refugees in November 1991. Funds for the displaced persons and refugees Government secured mostly from the state budget, while all requests for financial help from the international community were unsuccessful. Consequently, in that period Croatia funded also Bosnian-Herzegovinian refugees from its budget, while the international community helped only with humanitarian help. In this chapter the Government activity in prevention of persecution of the civilian population was discussed through several examples. In that aspect, its activities were mostly limited to addressing the international community. In the case of Ilok, from where in October 1991 approximately 10.000 people were banished, Government founded the Commission of the Parliament and Government to try to stop the persecution, but it failed to achieve its goal, since the persecution had already begun. After the fall and occupation of Vukovar in November 1991, the Government organized evacuation of approximately 15.000 people, but it was carried out only partially. The Government didn't have control over the war zone, which means that its opportunities for safe and efficient evacuation were highly limited. One of the main plans for the displaced persons and refugees was Government's Return Program, which began its realization only after the end of the war and peaceful reintegration of Podunavlje in 1998. Economic politics of the Democratic Unity Government was reflected in its independence from Serbia. Following measures and decisions of the previous Croatian Government, on the day of its establishment, Democratic Unity Government broke off economic relations with Serbia, however only partially. Those companies with strong business ties with some companies in Serbia, had liberty to continue their cooperation. The export to Serbia and Montenegro was limited only to some "strategic" raw materials and products, such as petroleum. The Government also introduced its own currency, hrvatski dinar (HRD). One of the main achievements of the Government was that it avoided the transit to "war economy", in spite of the increased military spending. Since priority of the Croatian Government was determined by war, its activities gravitated towards repair of the enormous war damage in transport, utility and residential infrastructure. In the end of 1991 the Government established the Ministry of Reconstruction, while in the first half of 1992 the Government composed the Reconstruction Program and its Financial Plan that was adopted by the Croatian Parliament in June 1992. Nevertheless, because of the status quo imposed by the UNPROFOR, located on the occupied territories in Croatia, the reconstruction of the country began after the war had ended in 1995. Analyzed activities of the Government in the Defense policy, Foreign Affairs, as well as its Social and Economic policy raise the question of the Government's independence regarding Tuđman and Croatian Parliament. Considering the semi-presidential system, the Government was the executive authority of the president of the Republic and Croatian Parliament. Government also had legislative powers authorized by the Parliament, because in the wartime a great number of important decisions had to be made in a very short amount of time. The Government was not only the executive body of the President, but it also functioned as his close associate. That manifests mostly through the measures for emergency readiness in August and September 1991. Sometimes, the Government had to step out of its Constitutional powers if developments on the battlefield required it to, for example regarding the decisions about Vukovar, November 17 1991. Regarding activities of the Government in the researched areas, it can be concluded that Democratic Unity Government had a high level of autonomy, taking into account the existing semi-presidential system. Nevertheless, the powers of the Government were limited in the Defense policy and Forregin Affairs, while on the other hand, it had complete autonomy in Internal Affairs, in this case, in its Social and Economic politics. An issue that requires special consideration in this research regards the opposition in Croatia during the mandate of the Democratic Unity Government. Some claim that with forming of the multiparty Government, the opposition in Croatia "disappeared". The remark is understandable considering that all the parliament parties signed the Agreement of Democratic Unity Government, which marked their transition from the opposition to coalition partners. But, did the opposition really "disappeared" form Croatian political life? Numerous public appearances of various representatives of opposition parties and parties in general, indicate otherwise. Activity of the opposition at the Parliament sessions from October 1991 to May and June 1992 shows agility of the opposition life in Croatia. From the beginning of the Democratic Unity Government in August till October, the opposition parties didn't raise any questions in public about some decisions of the Croatian leadership, but from October began severe criticism towards Tuđman and the Government. Discontent was expressed primarily to the acceptance of the Carrington's arrangement in Hague. Criticism of Foreign Affairs arose also after the acceptance of the Vance plan. In the last six months of its mandate, the Government was exposed to various pressures from the opposition and from one part of the HDZ, which reinforced especially after the international recognition at the beginning of 1992. Some opposition and nonpartisan ministers left the Government, whereas in April 1992 there was the reconstruction of the Government which changed significantly the personnel composition of the Government, resulting in the increase of the HDZ members. It was obvious that it was not the exact same Government from the beginning of August 1991 and that its end was near. In the new elections held August 2 1992, the HDZ defeated its opponents and ten days later, new, One-party Government was formed. Establishment and presented activities of the Democratic Unity Government is the proof of the democratic system in Republic of Croatia at the beginning of 1990s and counter-argument for theses about Tuđman's authoritarian style of rule. A multiparty Government, whose prominent members were opposition representatives, couldn't have been formed in an undemocratic or authoritarian system. Forming of the Grand Coalition merely one year after HDZ had won the elections, provides a valuable contribution to the study of Tuđman's policy, shows larger picture of the Croatian leadership and opens the door for further research of Croatian political life in the early 1990s.

The European Council, during its meeting on 17-18 October, addressed numerous pressing challenges facing the Union, including the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, as well as European Union policies regarding competitiveness and migration. The conclusions reiterated EU support for a "rules-based international order". As the document states in paragraph 27, "In a time of heightened conflict and tension, alongside an alarming trend of disregard for international law, the European Council reaffirms its unwavering commitment to effective multilateralism and to the rules-based international order with the United Nations at its core, steadfastly upholding the UN Charter and the rules and principles enshrined in the UN Charter, including those of sovereignty and territorial integrity, political independence and self-determination".[1]
Holding true to this fundamental commitment is however very challenging for the EU, as illustrated by two recent rulings by the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU), on 4 October (C-779/21 and 799/21 P; C-778/21 P and C-798/21 P).[2] In these decisions, the Court ruled that the Union's trade agreements with Morocco violated international law, for what concerns their applicability to Western Sahara.[3] This issue is highly sensitive both politically and institutionally, as Morocco is a key partner for the EU in North Africa, and the subject involves an overlap between trade policy (an exclusive competence of the EU) and foreign policy (primarily the domain of member states).The Western Sahara question
Western Sahara is a very sparsely populated territory, largely composed of desert flatlands. Long a Spanish colony, in 1963 Western Sahara was included by the UN General Assembly in the list of "non-self-governing territories", a status it retains today. In 1973 the Polisario Front was constituted, beginning its struggle for independence of the land. In 1974, Spain announced plans to hold a referendum on the territory's future, but the following year it withdrew from it, transferring control to Morocco and Mauritania. In 1976, the Polisario Front proclaimed the establishment of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, and was subsequently recognised by the UN General Assembly as the legitimate representative of the people of Western Sahara (1980). Mauritania renounced its claims in 1979, but Morocco soon occupied the territory evacuated by Nouakchott. The status of Western Sahara remains the subject of a long-stalled United Nations-mediated peace process.
Over the years, various UN bodies, such as the General Assembly, the Security Council and the International Court of Justice, have recognised and reaffirmed the inalienable right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination. Meanwhile, Morocco's occupation and the ongoing conflict with the Polisario Front have caused a large exodus of civilians, most of whom fleeing to refugee camps in Algeria. In 1984, Western Sahara was admitted as a full member of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), a move that led Morocco to withdraw (Rabat joined the successor of OAU, the African Union, only in 2017).
In 1991, Morocco and the Polisario Front agreed "in principle" to a UN-mediated Settlement Plan, which included a ceasefire agreement and a proposed referendum on the future status of the land. However, despite the deployment of a dedicated UN mission (MINURSO), the referendum has never materialised, mainly due to disagreements over voters' eligibility, exacerbated by Rabat's policy of resettling large numbers of Moroccans in the territory. After the failure of two UN-proposed draft agreements in 2001 and 2003 (Baker Plan I and II), the Security Council shifted its approach, encouraging the parties to reach a mutually agreed plan.[4] This move proved to be short-sighted, as Morocco's new king Mohammed VI publicly ruled out independence for Western Sahara. In 2007, Morocco and the Polisario Front (the latter through South Africa) submitted their proposal to the UN: the Polisario Front advocated for a referendum that would include independence as one of the options, while Morocco proposed a plan for autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty.[5]
In the following years, Morocco has increased its grip and administrative control over almost three quarters of the region, also thanks to the separation wall built to isolate Western Sahara from Mauritania and Algeria. In November 2020 the ceasefire broke down, as the government tried to open a road in the buffer zone near the border with Mauritania.
Meanwhile the diplomatic impasse was altered, when the United States recognised Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, in exchange for Rabat's normalisation of relations with Israel under the Abraham Accords. Since then, some other States have made similar moves in favour of Rabat's claims, even if without a formal recognition of its sovereignty, including certain EU member states such as Germany, the Netherlands, Malta, Finland, Spain and, most recently, France. In the meantime, the armed conflict has resumed, although at low intensity.EU-Morocco agreements and their implications
Under their Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement (2000), the EU and Morocco have established several sectoral agreements, including those on sustainable fishing in 2006,[6] and the liberalisation of agricultural and fisheries products in 2010.[7] Despite being formally limited to the "territory of the Kingdom of Morocco", these agreements have been applied in practice to Western Sahara as well. The CJEU ruled this extension unlawful in 2016 and 2018 (cases C-104/16 P and C-266/16), asserting that, under Article 73 of the UN Charter, Western Sahara is a "non-self-governing territory" with a "separate and distinct" status from Morocco.[8]
In light of these rulings, the EU and Morocco negotiated new agreements in 2019, which explicitly included Western Sahara and its adjacent waters.[9] These agreements were justified by the EU as: (a) they do not constitute EU recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara; (b) they are expected to yield socioeconomic benefits for Western Sahara, particularly in terms of employment and investment; and (c) they were agreed after the European Commission undertook extensive consultations in both Western Sahara and Morocco to ensure the involvement of the local population.
However, the Polisario Front challenged Council decisions, leading the Court to rule in September 2021 that they were unlawful (Joined Cases T-344/19 and T-356/19 and Case T-272/19), a decision which the Commission and the Council appealed.Gran Chamber's 4 October ruling
On 4 October 2024, the Grand Chamber upheld the 2021 decision, reaffirming and expanding its previous jurisprudence. The ruling's primary focus was on the issue of "consent". The Court concluded that, under international law, the "people of Western Sahara" should be considered a "third party" in agreements between the EU and Morocco.[10] As such, any such agreement could only be applied to the territory with the explicit or implied consent of the Sahrawi people. The Court emphasised that consent could only be implied if the agreement conferred "precise, tangible, substantial and verifiable" advantages to the people of Western Sahara, which, in this case, it found was not true.[11] Moreover, it clarified that the current population of Western Sahara could not give consent, as many of them are not part of the Sahrawi people, who are entitled to self-determination, but are largely displaced abroad. Therefore, the consultations conducted by the Commission, not involving the Polisario Front, are insufficient to claim the consent of the Sahrawi people.
This leads us to the second point: the role of the Polisario Front. While not being the "exclusive representative" of the Saharawi people, according to the Court, the Polisario Front has "sufficient legal existence" to contest, before the EU judicature, the legality of an act of the Union which directly affects the legal situation of the people of Western Sahara in its capacity as holder of the right to self-determination.[12] The Court not only reaffirms the Polisario Front's legal standing, but likewise its international and domestic role, also in the exploitation of Western Sahara's natural resources.
The third point is about international law. The Court underlines that it must consider international law comprehensively (both treaty and customary law) in its decisions, going beyond the mere assessment of "manifest errors" in EU acts, as argued in the appeal by the Commission and Council.The political fallout
Following the Court's decision, EU officials, including President Ursula von der Leyen and High Representative Josep Borrell, reaffirmed the EU's commitment to strengthening its partnership with Morocco.[13] The aforementioned European Council's conclusions from 17-18 October echoed this sentiment.[14]
The EU is Morocco's leading trade partner, and Morocco is among the EU's top trading partners in the Southern Neighbourhood. The EU-Morocco trade agreements provide mutual benefits, including to European fishermen and consumers. They also benefit the inhabitants of Western Sahara, including the remaining Sahrawis, as the European Commission reported in 2021.[15] For sure, the agreements strengthen political ties between Brussels and Rabat, a strategic asset, not only for cooperation in counterterrorism and migration control. Notwithstanding, EU policies are required to respect international law, as mandated by Article 7 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). While this legal obligation may seem burdensome in certain contexts, it is a distinctive feature of the EU's identity on the global stage and a source of its appeal beyond its borders. It is thus surprising that the Commission and the Council relied on a shift in the Court's well-established position, despite the absence of any substantive change on the ground.Looking ahead
The EU faces a complex challenge in navigating its trade relations with Morocco, balancing strategic and economic interests with its legal obligations. As Spanish Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries, Luis Planas, recently summarised: "We will respect the ruling, but we are politically very interested in deepening strategic relations with Morocco".[16] As the Court's decision, the liberalisation agreement remains provisionally in effect for 12 months, to avoid serious negative consequences for EU external relations and to ensure stability in its international commitments. There is a temporary framework to maintain stability in EU-Morocco relations, tough, but there is no time to waste.
Rabat has successfully consolidated its control over Western Sahara and garnered international recognition for its claims, leveraging various strategic interests (exploitation of natural resources, migration control, relations with Israel, etc.). By a global point of view, the Gran Chamber's decision is probably not enough to restore the balance with the Polisario Front. For EU legal order, though, the Court's decision offers a framework for renewing negotiations. The only legal basis for the UE to have trade relation with Western Sahara is obtaining the consent of the Saharawi people, represented by the Polisario Front. The Court's ruling binds EU institutions but also member states, including those that supported the Commission and the Council in the judgment before the Court, led either by economic interests (Portugal), political support to Rabat (France and Spain) or to its American ally (Hungary and Slovakia). Now that the Court has had the last word, the member states should also be bound, together with the Commission and the Council, to leverage the Court's position to facilitate renewed negotiations between the parties. The path forward may involve finding a middle ground between autonomy and independence, as the "free association" scheme scholars have recently outlined.[17] Morocco should be convinced it can no longer pretend to be unconstrained by international law. Conversely, Polisario Front should be advised to seize the moment to secure the best representation and protection for the Sahrawi people. They both need to adjust their positions within the framework of international law, with a dose of Realpolitik.Federico Petrangeli is Senior Parliamentary Official of the Italian Senate.[1] European Council Conclusions, 17 October 2024, https://europa.eu/!jvPyB3.[2] CJEU, Judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 4 October 2024 in Joined Cases C-779/21 P and C-799/21 P: Commission v Front Polisario, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:62021CJ0779; and Joined Cases C-778/21 P and C-798/21 P, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:62021CJ0778.[3] According to Jed Odermatt, "is the first time the CJEU has annulled an EU agreement for violating international law binding on the Union". See Jed Odermatt, "Whose Consent? On the Joined Cases C-779/21 P. Commission v Front Polisario and C-799/21 P, Council v Front Polisario", in Verfassungsblog, 5 October 2024, https://verfassungsblog.de/?p=85773.[4] Hugh Lovatt and Jacob Mundy, "Free to Choose: A New Plan for Peace in Western Sahara", in ECFR Policy Briefs, May 2021, https://ecfr.eu/?p=72863.[5] See the two plans in the UN Digital Library: Letter dated 16 April 2007 from the Permanent Representatives of South Africa to the United Nations addressed to the President of the General Assembly, https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/598213; and Letter dated 11 April 2007 from the Permanent Representative of Morocco to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council, https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/597424.[6] European Community and Morocco, Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Communities and the Kingdom of Morocco – Protocol, 26 July 2006, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:22006A0529(01).[7] Council of the European Union, Council Decision 2012/496/EU of 2 December 2010 on the Signature of the Agreement in the Form of an Exchange of Letters between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco Concerning Reciprocal Liberalisation Measures on Agricultural Products, Processed Agricultural Products, Fish and Fishery Products…, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/dec/2012/496/oj.[8] CJEU, Judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 21 December 2016 in Case C-104/16 P: Council v Front Polisario, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:62016CJ0104; and Judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 27 February 2018 in Case C-266/16: Western Sahara Campaign UK, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:62016CJ0266.[9] Council of the EU, Council Decision (EU) 2019/441 of 4 March 2019 on the Conclusion of the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership Agreement between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco, the Implementation Protocol thereto and the Exchange of Letters Accompanying the Agreement, http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/2019/441/oj; and Council Decision (EU) 2019/217 of 28 January 2019 on the Conclusion of the Agreement in the Form of an Exchange of Letters between the European Union and the Kingdom of Morocco on the Amendment of Protocols 1 and 4 to the Euro-Mediterranean Agreement establishing an Association between the European Communities and their Member States, of the one part, and the Kingdom of Morocco, of the other part, http://data.europa.eu/eli/dec/2019/217/oj.[10] CJEU, Judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 4 October 2024 in Joined Cases C-779/21 P and C-799/21 P, cit.[11] Unlike its previous judgments, the Court conceded that this consent may be implied. This position will not be warmly welcomed by international law scholars, for it may likely weaken the right of self-determination.[12] On the procedural aspects, see Katarzyna Szepelak, according to whom, with this decision the Court paved the way for non-State entities to access the EU's justice system. Katarzyna Szepelak, "Taking Locus Standi of International Actors Seriously. Joined Cases C-779/21 P and C-799/21 P (Front Polisario II)", in Verfassungsblog, 15 October 2024, https://verfassungsblog.de/?p=86162.[13] European Commission and HR/VP, Joint Statement by President von der Leyen and High Representative/Vice-President Borrell on the European Court of Justice Judgements relating to Morocco, 4 October 2024, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/statement_24_5044.[14] See European Council Conclusions, 17 October 2024, cit., paragraph 51: "The European Council takes note of the European Court of Justice's recent judgments relating to the 2019 EU-Morocco agreements. The European Council and the Council will continue to define foreign policy in accordance with the Treaties. The European Council reaffirms the high value the European Union attaches to its strategic partnership with Morocco and reiterates the need to preserve and continue strengthening close relations with Morocco in all areas of the Morocco-EU partnership."[15] European Commission, 2021 Report on the Benefits for the People of Western Sahara on Extending Tariff Preferences to Products from Western Sahara (SWD/2021/431), 22 December 2021, p. 11, https://taxation-customs.ec.europa.eu/node/1629_en.[16] Khadija Tachfine, "Spain's Agriculture Minister Advocates Strengthening Ties with Morocco Despite ECJ Ruling", in HESPRESS English, 22 October 2024, https://en.hespress.com/?p=93768; Council of the EU, Agriculture and Fisheries Council - October 2024: Arrival and doorstep ES (Planas Puchades) - Part 3 (video), 21 October 2024, https://newsroom.consilium.europa.eu/videos/shotlist/146361-3-arrival-and-doorstep-es-planas-puchades-part-3-20241021.[17] Hugh Lovatt and Jacob Mundy, "Free to Choose", cit.

В этой книге предпринимается попытка хотя бы частично воссоздать многосложную картину взаимоотношений Франции и Германии в первые годы после окончания франко-прусской войны 1870-1871 гг. В это время роль ближайшего соседа в жизни каждой из двух указанных стран, начиная с внешней и внутренней политики и заканчивая общественным сознанием и культурой, была исключительно велика. Американский историк Алан Митчелл не сильно преувеличивал, когда писал в одной из своих блестящих книг, что «национальная история Франции закончилась в конце XIX в. вместе с франко-прусской войной. Отныне исторический опыт французского народа был столь тесно и неразрывно связан с опытом своего ближайшего соседа, что двусторонний ракурс становится неизбежным». Однако итоги франко-прусской войны, запечатленные в положениях Франкфуртского мирного договора, коснулись не только победителя и побежденного, сковав оба народа незримой цепью. По общему признанию, они открыли также новую главу в истории международных отношений последней трети XIX в.: локальная война в сердце Европы неожиданно резко изменила расклад сил на дипломатической арене. Военное поражение привело к падению режима Второй империи и к краху всех претензий Франции на доминирующее положение в Европе. На смену ей в этой ипостаси поднималась спаянная войной с «вековым врагом» Германская империя. Отзыв французского корпуса из Рима на защиту Парижа позволил Итальянскому королевству присоединить город к себе и завершить, наконец, объединение страны. АвстроВенгрия предыдущая жертва прусского оружия после разгрома Франции потеряла надежды на реванш и, стремительно развернувшись на 180 градусов, начала сближение с Германией. Именно в этом значении Франкфуртского мирного договора как кардинального изменения европейского равновесия сохраняет свою актуальность рассмотрение и анализ внешнеполитической деятельности великих держав в 1870-е гг. Именно в эти годы вырабатывались приоритеты и основные направления их политики, оценка которых постоянно уточняется с учетом все новых фактор и документальных свидетельств. Неизменно актуальной, к сожалению, остается также проблема выхода государств из военных конфликтов и нормализации отношений вчерашних противников. Рассмотрение франко-германских отношений в первые годы после Франкфуртского мира приобретает в этой связи тем большую наглядность, поскольку охватывает этап более широкого отрезка с логическим завершением в 1914 г. С учетом этого финала взаимоотношения Франции и Германии после 1871 г. являют собой яркий пример во многом пример негативный того, какого развития событий следует избегать. Франко-германские отношения после 1871 г. это и отношения двух новых в политическом смысле государств Третьей республики во Франции и Германской Второй империи. Немалую роль в их формировании сыграл внешний фактор: фактор их каждодневного влияния друг на друга в рамках дипломатической практики и более глобального, но менее осязаемого влияния на уровне массового сознания. Эти годы были сопряжены для Франции с осмыслением причин поражения в войне, итоги которой во многом поставили под вопрос не только текущие позиции страны на международной арене, но и дальнейшее существование ее как великой державы. Материальные потери далеко не в полной мере дают представление об этом, равно как и не объясняют всю глубину разлома, который стал восприниматься в «поколенческом» измерении. Пережитый в 1870 г. исторический опыт стал восприниматься значительной частью французского общества как опыт национальной катастрофы. Одним из его следствий стало широкое реформаторское движение, имевшее целью не просто восстановить потери, но и заложить основы подлинной модернизации страны во всех сферах, оздоровления «политического тела» и переустройства нации, воспитание ценностей гражданственности и патриотизма в целой системе преобразований от школы до армии. Итак, в центре нашего внимания в большей степени Франция, «французский взгляд» на становление соседней Германской империи. Свежесть реакции нации на события обусловила взять отрезком первое послевоенное десятилетие: от подписания 10 мая 1871 г. Франкфуртского мирного договора до отставки 30 января 1879 г. маршала МакМагона с поста президента страны. Этот хронологический отрезок в жизни Третьей республики, названный «республикой без республиканцев», ознаменовался постепенной сменой идеологии и переходом власти от прежних элит к новым. Подробный анализ перипетий этих трансформаций дело отдельного исследования. Здесь же они задают общую канву повествования для первой части книги, призванной ввести читателя в круг ключевых проблем, наполнивших содержанием франко-германские отношения в 1870-е годы. В первых четырех главах дается характеристика послевоенного внешнеполитического курса двух стран, выявляются его приоритеты. Рассмотрен германский фактор политики и дипломатии первых двух президентов Третьей республики, Адольфа Тьера и маршала Мак-Магона, равно как и ключевые принципы дипломатии бессменного руководителя германской внешней политики канцлера Отто фон Бисмарка. Наиболее подробно внимание читателя будет остановлено на кульминационной точке развития франко-германских отношений первого мирного десятилетия, так называемой «военной тревоге» 1875 года. Вторая часть работы посвящена всестороннему анализу ряда ключевых проблем, составивших фундамент развития Третьей республики в той его части, что задавалась логикой соперничества с Германией. К таковым как для рассматриваемых лет, так и для последующих десятилетий, безусловно, можно отнести реорганизацию французских вооруженных сил (Глава 5), проблему «германского присутствия» во Франции (Глава 6), феномен французского реваншизма (Глава 7) и, наконец, стереотипы восприятия французами и немцами друг друга в новых условиях, «французский взгляд» на новую Германскую империю (Глава 8). Подобный анализ осуществляется в рамках отечественной историографии франко-германских отношений последней трети XIX в. впервые. Автор стремился также избежать традиционного для отечественной историографии сосредоточения исключительно на конфликтных ситуациях во франко-германских отношениях в рассматриваемую эпоху. Очевидно, что историю взаимоотношений двух стран нельзя сводить исключительно к «истории кризисов». Автору хотелось избежать излишних повторений того, что уже было подробно разработано в прежние годы в частности, темы русско-французского сближения. Работы советских историков отличаются большой основательностью, однако рассматривают дипломатию Франции и Германии исключительно через призму их отношений с Россией. Общей тенденцией этих исследований стало подчеркивание агрессивности внешней политики Германии и уязвимости позиций Франции. Однако трудно признать по-настоящему объективным подход, по которому все шаги французских руководителей на пути к союзу с Россией с самого начала признавались «правильными», а, скажем, меры Парижа, направленные на сглаживание франко-германских противоречий «трусливой политикой угодничества», «раболепством», «заигрыванием» с Берлином. Не умаляя значения фактора России, необходимо вернуть самостоятельную ценность собственно франко-германским отношениям. Работа осуществлена на основе анализа материалов Архива внешней политики Российской империи в Москве, Российского государственного архива военно-морского флота в Санкт-Петербурге и архива Департамента сухопутной армии Исторической службы министерства обороны Франции (Service historique de la defense / Departement de l'Armee de Terre SHD/DAT, бывший S.H.A.T.) в Париже. Привлечен также широкий круг опубликованных документов, многочисленных источников личного происхождения (дневники, мемуары, переписка), прессы, публицистики, художественных произведений и произведений искусства рассматриваемого времени. Ряд материалов изучен автором в рамках научной командировки в Париж по гранту Франко-российского центра гуманитарных и общественных наук в Москве. ; As far as possible a book makes an attempt to reconstruct the versatile picture of relations between France and Germany within the fi rst years after the end of The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. During that period the role of neighbor for both countries' foreign and internal policy, including public consciousness and culture, was incomparably high. An American historian Allan Mitchell wasn`t exaggerating, when he wrote following lines in one of his works: The national history of France ended in the late nineteenth century with the Franco-Prussian War. Thereafter the experience of the French people was o intimately and inseparably related to that of their closest neighbor that a bilateral perspective becomes unavoidable. However, the results of the Franco-Prussian War fi xed in the states of a Frankfurt peace treaty, concerned not only the winner and the defeated side, welding together both countries with an unseen chain. According to the common point of view the treaty opened also the new chapter of the history of international cooperation at the end of the 19th century: the local war in the heart of Europe changed the situation on the diplomatic arena surprisingly fast. Namely in this meaning of the Frankfurt peace treaty as a cardinally changing the European balance keeps its actuality the analysis and observation of relations between the Great Powers during 1870s. Namely these years represent the time, when the basic priorities had been chosen, which estimation is constantly clarifi ed, especially concerning the appearance of new factors and documents. Inevitably important, unfortunately, still seems the problem of existing confl icts and reaching the balance in relations between the yesterday enemies. An observation of Franco-German relations in the fi rst post-war years after the Frankfurt peace treaty becomes in this case its utter clearness, as far as it embraces the wider period with its logical end in 1914. Taking into account this fi nal, Franco-German relations after 1871 represent a vivid and mostly negative example, what kind of situations should be avoided. Franco-German relations after 1871 year are the relations of two politically new countries The Third Republic in France and The German Second Empire. A big role in their formation played the foreign policy, a factor of their everyday intercommunication within the diplomatic practice and within the more global and less tangible infl uence at a scale of the public consciousness. These years in France were associated with reconsideration ofthe main causes of its defeat in the War, which results actually produced the question not only of the future existence of France as a great Power, but also of the present state`s position on the international stage. Material losses cannot provide an adequate picture, as far as do not demonstrate the real deep of a break, which can be only seen in dimension of generations. An experience of 1870 was taken by most part of Frenchmen as a national catastrophe. Among the results of this events was a big wave of reforms with a general aim not only fi lling in the losses, but also constructing a fundament of real modernization in France in all spheres. So, France is in the central focus of attention, French point of view on the revival of its neighbor German Empire. A fresh reaction of a nation on the situation was the basic cause to take into consideration the fi rst decade after the war from the signing of the Frankfurt peace treaty on 10th of May, 1871, till the retirement of Marshall MacMahon in 1879, on 30th of January. This chronological period in the life of the Third Republic, called the Republic without the republicans, meant the gradual change of an ideology and political elite. The detailed observation of those events is an object of another book. Within this work they just introduce the main direction of a narration in the fi rst part of a book, which should provide the basic explanation to the most important problems, which characterized the Franco-German relations in 1870s. The fi rst 4 chapters give a wide characteristic of a postwar international policy direction of the both countries, point the basic priorities. This part of a book also emphasizes the German factor in the policy and diplomacy of the fi rst two presidents of the Third Republic in France Adolphe Thiers and MacMahon as well as the basic principles of the continuous chancellor of the German Empire Otto von Bismarck. Under the more scrupulous view is the culmination of the development of Franco-German relations during the fi rst decade after war the so called war scare of 1875. The second part of this work is devoted to the versatile analysis of several key problems, which constructed the basis of the Third Republic`s development, supported by the logic of the rivalry with the German Empire. Among such problems during the fi rst decade after the war, as well as for the other periods, can be pointed the reorganization of French army (Chapter 5), the aspect of German presence on the territory of France (Chapter 6), a phenomenon of the French revanchism (Chapter 7), and, at last, stereotypes of mutual perception by both French and German people of each other in the new conditions, a French view on the new German Empire (Chapter 8). Such an analysis was lead for the fi rst time within the limits of the historiography of Russia of the Franco-German relation in the last decades of the 19th century. The author aimed to avoid the traditional for Russian historiography focus on the confl icts between France and Germany in the given period. But it is absolutely clear, that the history of both countries could not be described as only the history of confl icts. The other aim was also to keep off the needles recapitulation of facts, which were examined in the previous works, especially the subject of Russian-French cooperation. Not limiting the Russia factor`s importance, there is a need in examination of the French-German relations as an independent factor. The examination of the fi rst decade since the Sedan catastrophe appears as the utterly serious question. Namely these years were the period of the formation of the political structure of the Third Republic, which will last for 70 years till the next attack from Germany the catastrophe of 1940. Namely during these years the German infl uence on the international and internal policy, cultural and public consciousness of France was especially serious. Germany was the ideal to be adored, to be competed with and to be longed for. Berlin understood the power of its position and did not hide its aspiration to show the direction of international evolution for France, which was comfortable for Germany, if the French people wanted to escape the new confrontation. The origin of the given and future confl icts between France and Germany took its source in the states of the Frankfurt peace treaty, which Bismarck surely understood. He considered, that the hostility of France after the war was inevitable, and this point of view shared many representatives of German intellectual and political elite. The constant tendency of French revanchism was immediately taken by German people as an axiom. The main principle of Bismarck`s policy after the war was very simple: the hostility of France obliges us to make her weak. He did not changed his point of view till the end of his chancellorship. So, the strong fi rm seemed the position of France, the more intensive was Bismarck`s confrontation against it. However, we could not state, that the Franco-German in 1870s were at the edge of breaking out in an opened war. In spite of all provocative demarches of Bismarck, the basic political priority of the German chancellor remained the realization of all states of the Frankfurt peace treaty. First of all, Bismarck was a great manipulator, who reached his goals with the help of diplomacy and provocative campaigns in press. Of course, when he faced the possibility of a new war with France, he was not worried. But he scarcely forgot an experience of the last war, when his power was partly grabbed by military generals and he lost control over some aspects of the internal policy. He clearly felt the balance, when the international threat could burst out in an opened confrontation. That is why he concentrated on fi xing the seized borders. In the spring of 1875 Bismarck started his favorite war of nerves. Its main goal was to slow the postwar military revival of France, to draw the attention of European elites to the French revanchism and to gain on this base some new guarantees of safety in addition to the Frankfurt peace treaty. Not occasionally Berlin rose a question concerning the updating of the French forces as a war preparations, and proposed to limit those actions. Taking into an account the fact, that Marshall Moltke noted, that German army could hardly hope to receive such a gift from European Powers, but if there followed just a moral condemnation in the form of advises to be more careful and patient it could become a big signifi cance in the international relations of the period. During all these years Bismarck constantly predicted that a new war between France and Germany seemed inevitable. Those predictions of the chancellor were a moral and public fundament to justify a discussion about the preventive intrusion. But this opinion zip directed in both ways to German people and to the European countries in order to fi nd a general decision of the salvation of Franco-German confl ict, which had all chances to become a start of a Europe's wide confl ict. One of alternatives could be proposed was the condemnation of the French strivings for returning the lost territories. But it was in spring of 1875, when Bismarck probably for the fi rst time did not cope with a situation and passed a carte-blanche to the Duc Decazes, the minister of foreign affairs of France, who made his best to turn the common Visit of Alexander II in a form of an intrusion in new Franco-German confl ict, and Bismarck faced the situation, when he was bringing humiliating apologizes. To turn the crisis in its turn, the French administration decided to undertake a deliberate exaggeration of an immediate threat of war in Europe. Fixing this fact, one can understand the justifi cation of the Quai d`Orsay`s policy. The Ministry just used the political situation, like Bismarck did, many times before. The Duc Decazes not only surpassed Bismarck in cooperation with European cabinets, but also turned against Bismarck his beloved weapon the press. At that the end of the war scare of 1875 didn't become a real bifurcation point in Franco-German relations. It did not actually produced dramatical changes, not in Bismarck political principles concerning France, nor in relations between both countries. An idea of an immediate war was widely spread in France, and in Germany as well, both governments took this threat into account while their dialogue started improve slowly. However, Bismarck was sincere enough in his search for a possible alternative to war with France. This position was fi rmly occupied by the German diplomacy after the crisis of 1875. On the other hand the same was with France, which unclear assurances to reach the compromise with Germany still were not offi cially confi rmed till the end of 1870s. Although France did not refused its thesis concerning unfairness of the states of the Frankfurt peace treaty, despite this fact had the strongest interest in rapprochement with its enemy. Right since the fi rst years after the war French government proposed some symbolic actions, which aim was to soften at a large scale the tension in relations with Germany. For example France took part in construction of monuments in honor of the war heroes, fi nancing the art devoted to the war period, and offi cially condemned attempts on lives of the German Elite. Anyway the main basis of French development was the idea of revanchism, which by the way should be considered at a wider scale, than it is represented in Russian (Soviet) historiography. French revanchism by itself is to a certain extent a powerful historical myth, which takes its sources in both World Wars of the 20th century and which draws Franco-German relations in the most dark colors. But the last decades of the 19th century including the fi rst decade after the Franco-Prussian war surely did not seem for the contemporaries as a period of the sacred hatred towards Germany. Especially clear this fact was for the French ruling elite, which mostly had mixed feelings about Germany: fear, but on the other hand a very strong wish to compete, feeling of respectfulness and even adoration, but not sympathy of course. The generation of 1870s was not ready to forget the results of the war this idea was accompanied by the interpretation of a German success as a natural phenomenon and thus the developmental lag of France in different spheres. That is why the revanchism for French people meant not only preparing before the just war, not only revival of a national prestige, but also competition with a German success, modernization, which was the fi rst and necessary precondition for a future military success. Both French political, culture and war elite, and common masses supposed the revanchism as a deal of future generations. For representatives of the French army Germany become through these years the most wanted and practically the one enemy, which was an orienteer for all war preparations after 1871. Those preparations take form of wide borrowings from the Prussian forces: from the introduction of a compulsory military service and army organizations according to 18 military districts, to regulations, which provided compensations for peasants for their territories, damaged through the military manoeuvres. But all offi cial discussions about the possibilities of bursting out a new war with Germany were a prohibited subject among the political and diplomatic elites. But on the other hand the French government constantly raise a problem of Alsace-Lorraine territories, supporting the hope to solve this problem by peace methods. Especially important fact in this situation was that all Great Powers, including Russia, were from the very beginning on the side of France in this question, emphasizing the correctness and rightness of French position. Observing the policy of the French politicians, it should be noted, that no one of them, despite the German provocations, didn`t considered the close perspective of a revanchist war seriously. More to say, relying on reports of a Russian ambassador in France, N. A. Orlov, forms an impression, that revanchism of A. Thiers was far more deeper, than that of the Marshall McMahon or of another main fi gures of the French international policy Duc de Broglie and DucDecazes. So, all these aspects tell, that during the fi rst decade after the war the French administration was not preparing any offensive war plans against Germany in order to get back Alsace-Lorraine. Even for A. Thiers the most important purpose to follow besides the execution of the states of the peace treaty and avoiding the internal revolutionary threat was a search of a new way of returning the former status of France in its internal affairs, which vividly showed the eager interest to contemporary events in Spain. A. Thiers and his successors actually understood the real French position in a possible future confrontation with Germany and also knew, that there was a strong need in allies. But before leading any negotiations with potential allies France was facing the problem of its forces revival, by the way fi xing the balance in the internal policy and recovering the confi dence, which was a very hard goal. That is why politicians of the Third Republic during the fi rst years after war absolutely excluded the method of provocations on the international arena, what was so characterizing of the previous period. An aspiration to penetrate in the plans of a neighbor, eager measures of the last to avoid any such actions in its turn, mainly constructed a fi rm fundament of Franco-German policies. After Franco-Prussian war changed the understanding of a problem of German presence on the French territory, which expressed itself in the actions of the French war and political reconnaissance and counter-intelligence. Work of the French special services in many respects remained imperfect, and a quality level of the received data was low. But without any doubts the information received from Germany by some private channels, rendered a great infl uence on decisions, undertaken by the French management. The Franco-German border and frontier areas of both states become arena of the hidden antagonism. Frequent change of offi ces, intrigues of monarchic fractions and political crisis didn't exclude steady continuity of a foreign policy and the policy of reorganization of armed forces of France. It could be mainly explained by the especial positions of the fi rst presidents of the Third Republic. Thiers and MacMahon made a considerable impact on country development, rather than it was prescribed for their successors by the Constitution of the 1875, which has fi xed a parliamentary republic in the country. A. Thiers controlled actually all thespheres of internal policy, he entirely defi ned the native foreign policy. Marshal MacMahon, having conceded at a big scale the initiative in political sphere of the nearest advisers, up to the end of 1877 supported a principle of formation of the government, which would enjoy confi dence of the president, instead of the National Аssembly. Both Thiers and MacMahon defi ned key aspects of military reorganization, leaving behind the fi gures of Ministers of War on the second plan. Splash of patriotic feelings of the Frenchmen, shown in various essences, became result of the war. Firstly prevailed what can be called a mournful patriotism, and examples of militant patriotism could be found only in scientifi c polemics, literature and on a theatrical stage. The starting point of the Revenge as a fi nal vengeance should become a reconsideration of war 1870-1871. Without any doubts heroization of France's defeats, appeals to a revenge in science, fi ction and arts already in 1870th years have put those bases, which subsequently this movement has got political expression on. The success of similar aggressive rhetoric within the French public, however, didn't mean determination of Frenchmen to be at war as soon as possible again. The fear concerning a new war prevailed in consciousness of Frenchmen, and Germans, although it didn't made them pacifi sts. Nevertheless, already in the fi rst post-war decade there were those in France, who called for Franco-German reconciliation, who searched for alternatives to war. However even this part of the French intellectual elite wasn't ready to recognize war results fair. With all its paradox, it meant that there were no alternatives to war actions indeed. It should be noted, fi rst and last, that the reaction of the French and German writers, scientists and publicists on fatal events of 1870-1871 differed with its variety and an extreme emotionality. Almost all of them had to endure serious reconsideration of the French status and the world surrounding it. War 1870-1871 did not practically left signifi cant changes in the public consciousness of Frenchmen concerning the national idea of superiority in intellectual sphere. But views on Germany changed a lot. The secret of its success, weaknesses and strengths of a new empire were fundamentally analyzed. Widely spread was a representation about incompleteness, dualities of the German empire, where Prussia was opposed to other Germany. Similar logic conceptions, taking into account all its artifi ciality, promoted softening of inevitable displays of Germanofobia in France. Both in France and in Germany has quickly rooted itself an idea, that information about the neighbor became since that time an essential guarantee of its safety and the very existence. Research was made on the basis of the analysis of materials of Archive of foreign policy of the Russian empire in Moscow, the Russian state archive of Navy in St.-Petersburg and archive of Department of the land forces of the Historical service of the Ministry of Defence of France in Paris. Among the sources was used also a wide spectrum of published documents, numerous sources of a personal origin (diaries, memoirs, correspondence), the press, publicism, fi ction and also works of art of the given period.

As much as COVID-19 is a health and economic crisis, at its core, it is also a governance crisis.

NDI President Derek Mitchell and new Director of Democratic Governance Kristen Sample delve into ways governments and the international community have risen (or not) to meet the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Find us on: SoundCloud | Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS | Google Play

Derek Mitchell: As we all continue to shelter in place and respond to the colossal health and economic crisis that is COVID-19, we must not forget that at its core, pandemics are as much a result of governance failure as any failure of healthcare or health system.
Since working to support democratic processes, institutions and governance around the world is what NDI does for a living, we thought it useful to delve into the role governance has played in the COVID-19 pandemic with NDI's experience in more than 50 countries around the world serving as a guide. Welcome to DemWorks. My name is Derek Mitchell, president of the National Democratic Institute.
To discuss all this with me in this podcast, I'm joined by NDI's new director of democratic governance, Kristen Sample.
Kristen Sample: Thank you so much Derek.
DM: Kristen just joined us on March 1. She brings more than 20 years of democratic governance experience with her to NBI having advised and evaluated programs at UN Women, UN Democracy Fund, the Open Society Foundation, Global Partners, Governance and International IDEA. Kristen is an expert on countering corruption, legislative strengthening in the nexus of gender and politics and she has led projects focused on the impact of democratic reform on economic development and citizen security. At a moment when the global crisis in governance is at the center of international conversation, at least before the pandemic push pause, we are thrilled to have Kristen aboard to look at that issue with fresh creativity here at NBI. So welcome Kristen to your very first DemWorks podcast.
KS: I'm really pleased to have the opportunity to speak with you today on such important issues.
DM: So we'll speak about the crisis of governance but also the pandemic factor as well. But I do want to start with this global governance crisis that has sort of preceded this. This is a broader overhang. We've seen all over the world popular demonstrations over the past year and more and everywhere from Moscow to Managua, to Hong Kong, to Khartoum, to Algeria, to Istanbul, to Paris. You can go on and on. And what it represents is a frustration with the quality of governance. Democracy somehow is not delivering for people. And I want to hear your thoughts on that. It's a moment of turmoil certainly. People will look at this and say, "Well, democracy is failing," but it's more than democracy that this is happening. It's a general quality of governance question that I think actually provides an opportunity. So let me just ask your thoughts on that first off, Kristen.
KS: Yeah. Thanks so much for that question, Derek. I think that NDI, since we have officers or programs spanning every region of the world basically in more than 50 countries, we're in a very good position to be able to take the pulse of what's happening in the different countries. In fact, we have been conducting surveys every two weeks of our country programs to get a sense of what's happening on the ground and we've received some very interesting signals that I'm really happy to be able to share with you today.
On the one side, we are saying that in many countries governments are responding very seriously, in very concerted ways to the health crisis. I mean in more than two thirds of the countries. The governments in the countries where we work are closing nonessential businesses in over 60%, they are communicating in ways, having very intensive communication campaigns that really are reaching all citizens. But when it comes to the democracy side, when it comes to implementing that response and pursuing a response that's consistent with democratic principles and norms and values and institutions, we are seeing some troubling developments at the same time.
For instance, the number of governments by our account, over 40% of the governments in the countries where we work are declaring emergency powers and it's clear that this is an extraordinary situation that requires extraordinary measures, but in many cases these emergency powers are inconsistent with democratic principles. They are not linked to the crisis. There is no provision for legislative oversight or in many cases, these have no sunset class, so there's no time limit and these are simply open-ended.
And link to that and linked in many cases to these emergency powers, emergency decrees, we're seeing an uptick also in threats to fundamental freedoms. For instance, nearly half of our countries are reporting that there are measures in place where governments are repressing non-state media who are critical of the government's response to the pandemic and that in some cases, again, almost 50% of our countries, there are measures in place where governments are limiting space for civil society to engage in political actions.
Another factor that I'd like to highlight too is while we're all distracted by the pandemic and while people are at home and perhaps with less access to information and less direct contact with government, there are also signals that many governments are using this as an opportunity to diminish anti-corruption controls. So that means that in some cases economic response packages or healthcare delivery is taking place with less transparency and less openness, which as you can imagine is a risk in terms of making sure that those resources are actually getting where they need to be.
And all of this, all of the stresses, the frustration and these concerns of course also have impacts when it comes to citizen trust, interpersonal trust citizen trust of the government and also we're seeing greater potential for civic unrest and a deteriorating security environment.
So all together, I hate to start with such a pessimistic view, but I think it is important again, through the networks that we have, the relationships that we have with political and civic actors on the ground, to convey the seriousness of the situation and to make sure that we're always communicating that well, this response requires really drastic measures. These measures need to be consonant of course, with the principles of democratic governance.
DM: Right. It fits into this broader competition of narratives that occurred even before the pandemic began, where China or Russia saying, "Look, authoritarian governments are more efficient in providing services. We do this stuff better. Democracy is messy." And they're able, as you say, to take advantage of this moment when people are looking for strong central control to make that case and to both do that rhetorically but also through provision of services.
And then it's not just those major countries. You'll have folks whether it's Hungary or Poland or you just go around the world, they're postponing elections. They are shutting down civil society, they're settling scores with adversaries. They're constraining public debate, saying that those things are luxuries during a time of crisis and that gives them an opportunity then as you said, for not just power grabs, but resource grabs and money grabs and they say, "Look, these are extraordinary times. They require extraordinary measures." And the concern is that these extraordinary measures will be permanent, that they'll say you need us to be surveilling people.
So this is a challenge for certainly those who do democracy work and for folks inside these countries. But I think the broader question of security, we'll talk about that maybe a little bit later, but it's interesting what we're seeing on the ground as you say.
You do a lot of work in the legislative sphere, you have a lot of background on that. How legislatures are particularly important. Civil society is too, but just focusing on legislature's role as a check and balance against executive overreach, can you talk about from the NDI experience or your other observation, how legislatures are being challenged, how they're dealing with this moment, how they're adapting to deal with the COVID-19 moment.
KS: Yeah, absolutely. So I'm so glad you brought this point up. The first challenge that I'd highlight is this risk that the legislative branch is getting sidelined. In a crisis like this, the executive branch is generally front and center. Their role is clearly understood by citizens. Head of state might be the one out there doing daily press briefings or a health minister communicating medical reports. And there's this sense of emergency that as I sort of alluding to before, it seems to empower the executive branch. And unfortunately that seems to be, in many cases, at the expense of the legislative power.
And additionally, another challenge and another reason that legislatures are perhaps getting crowded out or sidelined is simply that, the coronavirus, by it's dynamic, it's not socially compatible. And since parliaments are these multi-member bodies that have more diffuse operations, more diffuse leadership and that involve hundreds of different people, it's simply just a challenge to assemble a large group of people together, bring them together and keep them front and center in this crisis.
So if that first challenge is making sure that people just keep in mind that legislatures matter and the legislatures are able to exert their rights and their authority, I'd say that the second challenge of course is just how do parliaments, legislatures operate in a virtual world. Politicians are by nature, they like to shake hands, they like to get out on the street, they need to be in touch with their constituents. And there are so many challenge involved in this current world that we have where we should all be social distancing.
So looking across the world where we work, their parliaments are adopting different measures. Some of them are using social distancing restrictions like reducing the number of MPs in sessions. Others are moving to remote voting, remote deliberations. And then others are not meeting at all, which of course is quite terrible. And in those cases where legislatures have been dissolved or have been suspended for long periods of time.
We are working too, as you were saying, as NDI closely with parliaments in a number of countries to try to do those adaptations to the rules of procedures so that they're able to continue meeting in session and continue deliberating and continuing exercising oversight. For instance, we have connected parliamentarians in Colombia with parliamentarians in Ecuador. We have virtual sessions to learn from Ecuador's experience in adopting a regulation for the implementation of virtual session and teleworking.
So we are trying to connect parliamentarians across countries to understand how some parliaments have been moving forward in terms of remote procedures and how that's going for them. And two more challenges. One I'd highlight is that oversight role that we've been talking about. And from the same survey that we conducted with our country programs, we found that in 59% of the countries, checks and balances have been weakened, have deteriorated under the pandemic.
And this is happening at such an unfortunate time when there's so many policy measures that need to be approved and put in place. If we just take the issue of debt policy for instance, I saw a statistic from the Westminster Foundation that more than 80 countries have already requested emergency aid from the IMF. I mean these countries are struggling of course to meet different types of fiscal obligations and they are desperate for cash in order to ramp up health services and put in place economic measures.
And so these governments are taking on debt obligations, debt burns that are going to have far reaching impacts and long lasting impacts that should really be approved by the legislative branch and include monitoring and reporting. And that's not always the case in most of these instances.
DM: So you just say it's a very dangerous time and folks are adapting procedurally, but there are really implications to this longterm, including for security. And I think we'll get to that after the break.
For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with courageous and committed pro-democracy activists and leaders around the world to help countries develop the institutions, practices and skills necessary for democracy's success.
KS: Welcome back. Derek, I've heard you speak to the issue of authoritarian systems and how they're operating in this crisis and that the authoritarian nature in itself makes health crises more likely. And you've also said in some of your speeches and some of the conversations we've had that it's not a coincidence that the pandemic started in China and I'd really like to hear from your expertise, your deep background on China specifically. Can you explain to listeners why that is? Why there is that connection?
DM: Well, as I said at the top, this is not just a health crisis, it's a governance crisis. It's a factor of governance both in the prevention of the pandemic and the response to it. We talked so far mostly about the response, how we're responding to the pandemic, but the core of the pandemic is a failure of governance. The difference between a local health crisis that is contained and a pandemic lies in the ability of a political system to respond to that early challenge quickly and effectively. And that requires both government and civic action. And if you're going to deal with this crisis early, it requires both. To do that, you have to act swiftly. You have to have widespread testing and contact tracing. You need critical support from citizens. In order to do all that and to ensure that that happens, you have to have basic civic trust.
Closed societies routinely fail that test of having that civic trust and that rapid action for some very practical reasons. When a government suppresses a free flow of information, when it fails to empower independent civic institutions, when it's too insecure to convey bad news candidly, doesn't feel that it has a political legitimacy, therefore, it's insecure to convey bad news. When its data can't be trusted because it's opaque, when its officials are afraid to speak truth to power or communicate inconvenient truths to their superiors or act decisively, absent waiting for some strict orders from the very center and they can't move quickly, the result can be deadly.
It turns what is a local health issue into a pandemic so it crosses borders. It becomes not just a problem for one country but for all others. So democratic governance is very, very practical and once again in this regard, transparent, accountable, inclusive, responsive, open governments is essential to crisis response but it's also essential to prevent the crisis from emerging to begin with.
And it is a matter of national security. This highlights frankly what many of us have known all along, that this is not just nice but has very practical national security effects. And as we just talked earlier, the irony is that just as the world needs more open democratic societies to prevent future crises and deal with the current one, there are opportunistic politicians who are closing political and civic space. That I think is a very practical reason why that closed societies cause these pandemics.
KS: I think that all of those points that you've been raising in terms of the threats and the vulnerabilities are so important for us to keep front and center. At the same time, here in NDI, as you know, is we're very keen to make sure that there are also opportunities to elevate the many examples around the world where governments are acting democratically and effectively in response to the crisis and they're framing and working with citizens in ways that are absolutely consistent with democratic values and principles. And so I do want to showcase some of those.
I think it's received a lot of press around the world how New Zealand, for instance has reacted, and I read this week that New Zealand is perhaps one of the very first countries to have been able to successfully eliminate COVID. They have no new COVID cases. And it's a case that really stands out for the way that the prime minister has been able to deliver information in a very clear, compassionate, inclusive way, a way that's very grounded in science of course, and transparent.
And at the same time where the legislature has had an important role developing a parliamentary select committee that's providing scrutiny of the government's response. The government has also been very affirmative there I think, in terms of issues of freedom of information and media freedom and has said that they would not slow down, for instance, their commitment to responding to requests for information during the crisis. So there's certainly the case of New Zealand, which is so interesting and it's shown such early success, but there are other places around the world too where specific measures taken by the government I think have been so positive and far reaching.
Uruguay comes to mind for instance. We see so many cases where authoritarian leaders are using this crisis to be able to settle scores as you were saying, or to act in a very partisan fashion. But in Uruguay, the president convened all of the former presidential candidates to give a joint press conference to send a powerful message of unity and to show that across the party divide, they were working together to develop responses.
Taiwan also really stands out for its cross party coordination, the transparent communications they've had, the very creative efforts that the government has put in place there, I think they've called it humor, not rumor. A campaign to share facts in real time to counter disinformation, to manage fear. So there aren't many cases out there as I was saying, of governments that are responding effectively and in ways that are building that citizen trust that you were mentioning.
DM: Yes. And then a further one, another democracy that's a leading democracy, probably the first out of the gate is South Korea. They did exactly what was necessary. People are looking at that example, a democratic example. They didn't sacrifice rights at all. They obviously had very strong controls at times of the society, but it took very swift action. They did widespread testing, contact tracing and they worked with civil society and is shown over and over that civil society is probably one of the most important factors. It's not simply a government driven thing that makes a response success. Civil society serves as a very efficient force multiplier for government. We saw that in Katrina, hurricane Katrina. We see it's proved over and over that it really is effective in getting the word out and messaging.
Ensuring is like in Taiwan through their civic tech community, they're sort of hackers. They're young citizens, who themselves in a voluntary fashion, formed a community. They were viewed as allies and partners not alienated from the government. And that partnership has been a success in Taiwan, has been a success in South Korea and is essential for a success. And that means that governments need to be open, need to be transparent, they need to see society as partners. So this is absolutely critical.
KS: Yeah. And I just want to add on the South Korea example. I'm so glad you brought that up because South Korea held elections during the pandemic on April 15, they had national assembly lessons and they were actually able to organize those elections in a way that was seen as very transparent, that was very consistent with electoral integrity and they had higher levels of turnout than in previous elections, which is pretty amazing. And there's so many countries around the world that are facing elections in 2020. I think the way that South Korea was able to do it with a very intensive communication campaign as you were speaking again to their transparency of communication, they had expanded early voting measures in place. They had home voting, they had very comprehensive safeguards for people to be able to vote in person. So even organizing an election in a time that seems so difficult and so challenging, I think that as you were saying, democracies like South Korea are showing that there is a way forward.
DM: Right. And I think we can learn some lessons from that as well. There are groups, including NDI has been at the center of this, of putting together documents that say here are the election integrity guidelines for this moment, that democracy should not be sacrificed at the alter of crisis response, that elections need to move forward if they can be done in the right way and if they need to be postponed, it's postponed within a certain timeframe and only during a period of high crisis. So there are principles here where democracy can continue to move forward. It makes the society stronger, it builds that civic trust that's important for crisis response. But we need to... You can walk and chew gum at the same time at this moment. So I'm glad we were able to talk about some of these democratic examples.
KS: Absolutely. And I will be right back after this quick message.
You can hear more from other democracy heroes by listening to our DemWorks podcast available on iTunes and SoundCloud.
DM: Welcome back with Kristen Sample. Of course you're new to NDI, but you know NDI very well and it's a fundamental principle everywhere that nations will only succeed when societies are fully inclusive, where they don't leave anybody behind. They enable all to contribute equally. That means women, that means young people, that means traditionally marginalized groups, LGBT communities, et cetera. It's just plain logic that if you leave anybody behind, that you're not going to get the most out of your citizen when you're going to hold your country back, and yet we are witnessing negative impacts toward these populations during this COVID-19 moment. Kristen, can you speak to this, explain what's going on here and why it matters?
KS: Sure, absolutely. I mean obviously this crisis isn't occurring in a vacuum. It's occurring in a context where across the world, across all countries, there are already this array of existing intersecting inequalities where some people were coming into this crisis already in a disadvantaged place. And then the pandemic itself has differentiated impacts that affect women and other marginalized groups disproportionately. I'll just give a few examples.
I mean lockdown for women who are living in relationships of power imbalance and of abuse perhaps, lockdown for them means locked in, with an abusive partner. And for instance our survey of country offices that I was referring to previously, in 66% of our countries, there seems to be an increase in sexual and gender based violence since the pandemic. In 15% of those countries, it's a significant increase. Of course these women might be locked in in vulnerable situations and then at the same time have less access to government resources, government support. So that's one example.
Others, people with disabilities for instance, who have always struggled to access health services, transportation in an equitable fashion, you can imagine that that lack of access and the differentiated impact of the pandemic on them is life threatening in some cases.
There are digital divide concerns, people in rural areas or women, other marginalized groups who may have less access to information, to resources. There are real concerns also and cases around the world where this pandemic is being exploited by anti migrant hate groups for instance, who try to link movement and migration to the origin of the virus. Or in some cases, for instance in Africa and some of the countries where we work, media outlets are perpetuating stereotypes against people with albinism for instance, and placing the blame for the virus on them.
So there are so many challenges around making sure that people have access to resources, people are safe and that we are able to convey and support a message of social cohesion and solidarity instead of the divisions that we're seeing pop up around the world. I think that in our case, for instance in Indiana, what we're trying to do is reinforce the need for inclusive decision-making, making sure for instance, that women are involved in decision making and other marginalized groups are involved in decision making and representation and in these deliberation bodies, making sure that the policymaking is taking into account these vulnerabilities and these different differentiated needs. And also the government messaging is inclusive, getting to everybody and it's supporting the social cohesion messaging and solidarity messages.
DM: And again, this is critical for the crisis response, pandemic response. I mean COVID-19 doesn't discriminate. Whoever has it, whoever is vulnerable or subject will get it and it will spread to the society writ large. So if you're not inclusive, if you're excluding folks, if politicians then see that there is an opportunity here as some politicians will to divide and conquer, to play on fear. Or spoilers from the outside may see that there are opportunities if they're divided societies, to create tensions that then require or enable them to negotiate the deal that you want to make or promote corruption within the society.
There are all kinds of ways this makes societies less stable, less secure, and affects the development and certainly the response to crises. So this is not just a nice thing, it's not just a human rights thing. This is fundamentally important to national security, international security and to everything that we're seeking to achieve through democracy.
KS: Absolutely. And I think along the things I'd really like to hear from you too, Derek, in terms of how you see along the lines of this being an international crisis that includes the whole world, that joins us all although we are in very different places. How you see role NDI's role in supporting that cross border cooperation and solidarity and having the international community come together?
DM: Given that authoritarians are claiming their model is unique for this moment, we have to be out there making our case. But in terms of our specific adaptations that we are doing, we are working in places like Ethiopia to ensure that the public opinion surveys are necessary invents of their postponed elections or continue forward, but can be done virtually. That we can adapt legislative rules of procedure in places that need it to allow for remote voting and continue the legislative process to ensure that election integrity is maintained.
As I mentioned earlier, there are certain principles and established accepted international principles for when and how to postpone elections, how to hold them during moments of crisis. And we put together crisis response kits that can be used. It's called the practical toolkit for politicians during a pandemic that can help political parties figure out how to do crisis management or help the government put together crisis communication.
So a lot of things that can be done internally and done across different countries that ensure the solidarity is still there, the momentum for democracy is still there. The expectation that democratic norms are sustained in this moment so that the headlines are not simply roll back authoritarian opportunism, that massive surveillance, all the things that people may succumb to because of fear during crisis, that there is an alternative voice and it says it doesn't have to be like that. Or if it does have to be like that now, it doesn't have to continue to be like that indefinitely and that there are some standards by which these things are being imposed.
So that international norm setting at this moment, it's probably more important than ever to do and we are trying to do at national level. We're trying to do it across different countries to ensure that there is not a vacuum to which the authoritarian voice moves and has free open season for its own values. It goes across, I think, a lot of different countries. And Kristen, I'd be interested in your thoughts from your perspective of governance, how that's working.
KS: I think that there's a real role for the international community to play. And I wanted to highlight that too in what you're saying because these challenges are so vast that clearly we have to work together on people to people exchanges and supporting lesson sharing. And so I do think that there's an absolute role for the international community playing in terms of getting out the messages of that democracy is not a luxury, it's not something that could be put into a coma or put on hold while we're all sheltering, that it's something that has to be reaffirmed on a daily basis.
And so I do think that countries also have to, in addition to standing firm, standing on their own ground on democratic principles, they also have to be willing to promote and expand those democratic principles across borders, especially to counter those liberal influences that you were referring to earlier, that in some cases are, really transmitted and increased through disinformation campaigns or phony PR campaigns that need to be called out of course by all actors.
DM: Thanks again, Kristen for joining me in conversation about how democracies can best meet the challenges of COVID and how NDI with its global partners are meeting the moment.
KS: Thank you, Derek.
DM: I'd also like to say thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI or to listen to other DemWorks podcasts, please visit our website at www.ndi.org. Thanks very much.


World map of Coronavirus (Covid-19)



19. Governance is Key During COVID-19? (w/ Kristen Sample) Posted 6 days ago

Democracy (General), COVID-19 Podcast NDI Listen democracy

Speeches Delivered In Other Languages. ; United Nations S/PV.8182 Security Council Seventy-third year 8182nd meeting Wednesday, 14 February 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Zhang Dianbin Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Ms. Guadey France. . Mrs. Gueguen Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Polyanskiy Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Clay United States of America. . Ms. Tachco Agenda The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-04195 (E) *1804195* S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 2/20 18-04195 The meeting was called to order at 3.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in Guinea-Bissau Report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Guinea-Bissau and Togo to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in the meeting: Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, and His Excellency Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Mr. Touré is joining the meeting via video-teleconference from Bissau. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to draw the attention of Council members to document S/2018/110, which contains the report of the Secretary-General on developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I now give the floor to Mr. Touré. Mr. Touré: I thank the Security Council for this opportunity to introduce the report of the Secretary- General (S/2018/110) on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). As the report already presents a detailed outline of recent events in Guinea-Bissau, my intervention will focus on updating the Council on political developments since its issuance, while analysing present challenges and making proposals for the way forward. This briefing takes place against the backdrop of a rapidly evolving political situation in Guinea-Bissau. Over the past several weeks, a series of key events have occurred with important ramifications. At the country level, President José Mário Vaz dismissed former Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló and replaced him with Mr. Artur Da Silva. The African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) finally held its party congress despite attempts by national authorities to block it, and re-elected Domingos Simões Pereira as its leader. At the regional level, on 4 February, the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), pursuant to its decision of 27 January, imposed targeted sanctions on 19 individuals deemed to be obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Those individuals and their family members are subject to travel bans and assets freeze. They have also been suspended from ECOWAS activities. The ECOWAS Authority also requested the African Union (AU), the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union, the United Nations and other partners to support and facilitate the enforcement of the sanctions. Since the imposition of the sanctions, the reaction of national stakeholders has been mixed. Those upon whom the sanctions were imposed have described them as unsubstantiated and unjust, while those in favour of the sanctions have characterized them as a necessary measure to safeguard the country's democratic course. Meanwhile, national reactions to the appointment of Mr. Artur Da Silva as the new Prime Minister have been generally consistent. On 31 January, the PAIGC issued a statement denouncing Mr. Da Silva's appointment as not being in conformity with the Conakry Agreement. Last week, the Party for Social Renewal, the second largest party in Parliament, and the group of 15 dissident parliamentarians of the PAIGC also issued public statements stressing that they would participate only in a Government formed under a consensual Prime Minister, in strict compliance with the Conakry Agreement. Thus far, the Prime Minister's efforts to consult with political parties represented in the National Assembly on the formation of an inclusive Government have not borne fruit. Under my leadership, the group of five regional and international partners, comprised of representatives of the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, ECOWAS, the European Union and the United Nations, has continued 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 3/20 to harmonize efforts and messaging at opportune moments with the aim of creating a stable and enabling environment for dialogue among political leaders. So far this year, I have convened three meetings of the group. My efforts, together with those of the partners, have focused on engaging national authorities and key political stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to defuse escalating tensions, encourage political dialogue in order to ease the political gridlock, call for the protection and respect for the human rights of Bissau-Guinean citizens, and urge all aggrieved stakeholders to pursue their grievances through legal and constitutional means. Furthermore, under my direction, UNIOGBIS continues to play a central role in supporting and facilitating the regional mediation efforts of ECOWAS by, inter alia, ensuring the participation of Bissau- Guinean stakeholders at the ECOWAS Summit in Abuja in December 2017, providing substantive and logistical support for the ECOWAS high-level delegations during their missions to Bissau and regularly sensitizing regional leaders to ongoing political developments within the country, while encouraging them to exert their influence on protagonists in order to reach compromises. The absence of a functioning and stable Government for more than three years has limited the ability of UNIOGBIS to effectively and sustainably implement some of its mandated tasks. As recommended by the strategic review mission headed by the Department of Political Affairs in 2016 and endorsed by the Council last year, I have streamlined the UNIOGBIS leadership and structure to promote better integration and complementarity with the United Nations country team and other international partners, while boosting the Mission's political capacities, which has enabled me to exercise my good offices more effectively at the national level. Those changes have also assisted the broader United Nations system in Guinea-Bissau in delivering more focused and integrated peacebuilding support to national authorities and civil society, including women and youth. In this regard, the support provided by the Peacebuilding Fund has been critical. Going forward, UNIOGBIS will need to focus its energies on supporting national leaders in their efforts to appoint an acceptable Prime Minister, establish an inclusive Government, organize and conduct timely elections, and implement the priority reforms outlined in the Conakry Agreement and the ECOWAS road map. Until the completion of the electoral cycle in 2019, Guinea-Bissau remains more than ever a country that requires a dedicated United Nations presence to prevent a further deterioration in the political and security situation at the national level and avoid any negative consequences in the subregion. In this context, my good offices, political facilitation, advocacy and mediation roles, alongside my efforts aimed at promoting respect for human rights and the rule of law and at carrying out integrated peacebuilding support, will continue to be critical. As the Secretary-General has indicated in his report, it is vital that the United Nations remain engaged in peacebuilding efforts in the country while supporting ECOWAS involvement in resolving the political crisis for at least one more year. The Secretary-General has expressed his intention to authorize an assessment of the current mission at the end of that period and to present options to the Security Council for a possible reconfiguration of United Nations presence in the country. It is my hope that the Council will give favourable consideration to this recommendation. The African Union Peace and Security Council (AUPSC), through its communiqué of 13 February, has fully endorsed the measures taken by ECOWAS on 4 February, including the application of sanctions against political obstructionists. It has also requested the African Union Commission to coordinate with the ECOWAS Commission to ensure the effective implementation of these measures. Moreover, it has requested that the Security Council endorse the AUPSC communiqué that endorsed the ECOWAS decision. At this critical juncture, it would be important for the Security Council to continue to reaffirm the centrality of the Conakry Agreement and reiterate its full support for ECOWAS in its mediation efforts and for the measures that it has taken against political stakeholders deemed to be obstructing the resolution of the political crisis. I would further seek the Council's support in underscoring the importance of urgently organizing and holding legislative elections within the constitutionally mandated timeline. Lastly, throughout the past year, the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) has consistently acted as a stabilizing factor in the country. I would therefore call on members of the Council and international donors to support the continued presence of ECOMIB through to the holding of a presidential election in 2019, including by advocating for the renewal S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 4/20 18-04195 of its mandate and the provision of the financial support needed to maintain its deployment. I would like to express my gratitude to the Council for its continued interest in promoting peace and stability in Guinea-Bissau. I would also like to commend ECOWAS and its current Chair, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, for their tireless mediation efforts. Finally, I would like to express appreciation to all multilateral and bilateral partners, especially to the AU, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and the European Union for their commitment to promoting peace and prosperity in Guinea-Bissau. After several years of long-term investment in the stability of Guinea- Bissau, it is time to consolidate and reap the dividends of our concerted efforts. It is vital that we accompany this process to its completion. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Touré for his briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Vieira. Mr. Vieira (Brazil): I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for the invitation to address the Security Council in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). Since my last briefing to the Security Council, on 24 August last year (see S/PV.8031), there have been several important developments in the country. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is rapidly evolving, and the PBC is following it closely. At the most recent Summit of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), held in Abuja on 16 December, the Heads of State and Government gave a 30-day deadline for political actors of Guinea-Bissau to implement the Conakry Agreement. The situation was discussed again by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union, held in Addis Ababa on 27 January, in the context of its thirtieth ordinary session. After 15 months as Head of Government, Prime Minister Umaro Sissoco Embaló tendered his resignation to President José Mário Vaz, who accepted it on 16 January. On 31 January, Artur Da Silva took office as the new Prime Minister. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo, Robert Dussey, led two ECOWAS missions to Bissau this year. On 1 February, the ECOWAS mission issued a final communiqué stating that the nomination of a Prime Minister by consensus, as determined by the Conakry Agreement, had not taken place and that the ECOWAS Commission would start applying sanctions against those who create obstacles to a political solution. On 4 February, ECOWAS issued a decision listing 19 names that will be subject to sanctions, consisting of the exclusion from the activities of the community, a travel ban, and the freezing of assets of the sanctioned persons and their families. The Guinea-Bissau configuration is actively engaged in following the situation in Guinea-Bissau and in providing support for the country through different initiatives. I am also in permanent contact with the Brazilian Ambassador in Bissau, who maintains excellent relations with national authorities, political actors and United Nations representatives. I would remind Council members that Brazil was one of the first countries to recognize Guinea-Bissau in 1974. In that same year we opened an embassy in Bissau. In 2017, I organized a working breakfast with the members of the PBC and four ambassador-level meetings of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. We issued three press statements last year on the situation in the country. I also briefed the Security Council on two occasions, on 14 February (see S/PV. 7883) and on 24 August. Between 25 and 28 July 2017, I conducted my first visit to Bissau in my capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration. I met many political actors, including President José Mário Vaz, then-Prime Minister Sissoco, a number of ministers, members of all parties in the Parliament, and representatives of the United Nations. On my return, I stopped in Lisbon, where I met with the Executive Secretary of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, Ms. Maria do Carmo Silveira. On 15 December 2017, the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) approved six new projects for Guinea-Bissau, totalling $7 million, to be implemented between January 2018 and June 2019. These projects are designed to help stabilize the country by providing support to the media and the justice sector, as well as support for national reconciliation efforts and the participation of young people and women in peacebuilding and in politics. The Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC discussed and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 5/20 supported these projects in a meeting held in November last year. The PBC will continue to support Guinea-Bissau not only through the PBF, but also through consultations with different partners, including the World Bank and other international financial institutions. In this context, I am planning a visit to Washington in the coming weeks in order to talk to representatives of the World Bank about possibilities for cooperation with Guinea-Bissau. On Monday, 12 February, I convened a meeting of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the PBC to discuss the most recent developments in the country. On that occasion, we heard a briefing from the Under- Secretary-General for Political Affairs and Head of the Department of Political Affairs, Mr. Jeffrey Feltman. I would like to thank Under-Secretary-General Feltman for his presence there. It was a positive sign of engagement and trust in the role of the PBC. It also showed his commitment to contributing to a solution to the current impasse in Guinea-Bissau. During that meeting, the participants had the opportunity to discuss the recent developments in the country, including the decision of ECOWAS to impose sanctions. They underlined the need for dialogue and mentioned the role of the region, including the importance of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. Member States also commended the work of the PBF in Guinea-Bissau. Many participants stressed the relevance of respecting the constitutional framework in organizing elections. Member States welcomed the non-involvement of the armed forces in the political crisis. Many delegations mentioned the positive presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB). Delegations also supported the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), which is expected to happen by the end of this month, and underlined the importance of the good offices of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. Finally, I also would like to inform the Council that it is my intention to visit Guinea-Bissau in the coming months to consult with a broad range of stakeholders on how the PBC can support peacebuilding efforts in the country and help the political actors find a solution to the current impasse. The exact date of the visit will depend on developments on the ground and will be scheduled in consultation with local authorities. I would like to recall that Brazil is currently the Chair of the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP). As was done when I previously briefed the Council, the CPLP has endorsed my remarks. I would like to conclude my statement by reaffirming that the PBC will continue to make every effort to support Guinea-Bissau and I would like to outline the following recommendations in that regard. I reiterate the support of the configuration for the Bissau six-point road map and the Conakry Agreement as the framework for the resolution of the crisis. I call upon the authorities of Guinea-Bissau and key political actors to show leadership and determination by engaging in actions that would lead to the implementation of those agreements. I take note of the efforts of the region to resolve the political impasse in the country. I stress the importance of holding free and fair elections, in accordance with the Constitution of Guinea- Bissau, and call upon the international community to support that process. I underline the importance of renewing the mandate of UNIOGBIS for another year, as recommended by the Secretary-General. I also recognize the effective, preventive and deterrent role of ECOMIB. Finally, I would like to commend the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his efforts to help ensure an enabling political environment in the country. The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Ambassador Vieira for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): I would like to begin my statement by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his insightful briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. I will focus my statement on two main points: the implementation of the Conakry Agreement by the Guinea-Bissau signatories and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 6/20 18-04195 Guinea-Bissau is going through a new phase in the serious and deep political and institutional crisis of recent years. My country and West Africa are concerned about this situation, which is characterized by a political impasse and requires the Council to act with greater firmness alongside the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union to bring the political actors of Guinea-Bissau to honour their commitments. Indeed, despite the signing on 14 October 2016 of the Conakry Agreement, which was supposed to favour the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister and the establishment of an inclusive Government, the country is again without a Government and confronted by a blockage of Parliament and a deep lack of trust between the President of the Republic and his party, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde. The stalemate heightens raises concerns not only of a detrimental delay in the electoral calendar, which calls for the holding of legislative elections in May 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, but also of the exacerbation of political tensions and the growth of the criminal economy linked to drug trafficking. My country welcomes the ongoing efforts of ECOWAS to definitively resolve the crisis in Guinea-Bissau, in strict compliance with the communal arrangements and constitutional framework of the country. The current deadlock in Guinea-Bissau is the culmination of a prolonged deterioration of the political situation and the manifest lack of will on the part of the political actors to commit themselves to a consensual settlement of the crisis, despite the appeals and efforts of ECOWAS. Côte d'Ivoire calls on the parties to implement the Conakry Agreement in good faith and without delay. My delegation once again commends ECOWAS for its leadership and the ongoing commitment of its leaders, the Chairperson of the ECOWAS Authority, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, and the ECOWAS Mediator for Guinea-Bissau, President Alpha Condé of Guinea, in the quest for a solution to the political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. Côte d'Ivoire also commends the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau for its invaluable contribution to stability in the country. ECOWAS, after a lengthy process of futile warnings, decided to adopt individual sanctions against 19 persons considered to be hostile to the process of ending the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The sanctions are a strong signal of the resolve of ECOWAS to bring the country out of a crisis that has persisted too long. Those measures — which specifically involve the suspension of the participation in the activities of ECOWAS of all persons concerned, a travel ban on travel, the denial of visas to them and their families, and the freezing of their financial assets — must be applied with utmost rigour. The sanctions, I recall, are based on the Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012, which imposes sanctions on Member States that fail to honour their obligations vis-à-vis ECOWAS, and article 45 of the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. My country congratulates ECOWAS on taking those courageous measures, which will serve as a wake-up call to the Guinea-Bissau political class, and looks forward to their effective endorsement by the African Union. Côte d'Ivoire invites the Council to fully support ECOWAS in the interests of peace and national cohesion in Guinea-Bissau. To that end, my country calls on the Security Council to adopt by consensus the draft resolution on the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, which also requires the endorsement of those sanctions. Furthermore, my delegation urges the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP), the European Union and the United Nations to also support the efforts of ECOWAS to effectively implement measures that seek to ensure that the Conakry Agreement be upheld. Institutional and political stability, peace and security in Guinea-Bissau depend primarily on the people of Guinea-Bissau themselves. To achieve that, we call on them to take ownership of the Conakry Agreement. Without the involvement of the parties themselves, the prospects for finding a solution to the crisis and for restoring lasting peace to Guinea-Bissau will remain illusory. With regard to the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, my delegation welcomes the various initiatives to support the political dialogue and the national reconciliation process. Furthermore, we encourage ongoing consultations in order to make progress on security sector reform and to meet the needs of the peacebuilding mechanism under way in Guinea-Bissau. My delegation thanks the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea-Bissau for his efforts in mediation, promoting the rule of law and building the capacity of the Guinea-Bissau institutions. Côte d'Ivoire encourages its international partners, in 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 7/20 particular the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union, the CPLP and ECOWAS, to cooperate more closely with regard to their work on the ground to ensure greater effectiveness. My country also welcomes the strong involvement of Guinea-Bissau women in the political process, and in particular their role in facilitating dialogue between the parties. With regard to the renewal of the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, I would like to inform the members of the Council that Côte d'Ivoire will soon submit a draft resolution for adoption on that issue. At the same time, if it is acceptable to all members of the Council, a draft press statement will also be submitted for adoption. My country reiterates its appeal to all stakeholders in the crisis in Guinea-Bissau to participate fully in the efforts of the international community, in particular of ECOWAS, to promote the comprehensive implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which guarantees a way out of the political impasse that the country has long suffered. I would like to finish by thanking Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for all the information that he has kindly provided to the Council. Ms. Tachco (United States of America): I wish to thank Mr. Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing and Ambassador Vieira not only for his briefing but also for his leadership of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Recently, the Security Council has witnessed significant success in West Africa in places that have experienced years or even decades of violence and tragedy. Such success includes the first democratic transfer of power in Liberia in more than 70 years and the continued consolidation of democracy in The Gambia, as well as strong economic growth in countries across the region. However, there remain many serious and profound challenges, such as the terrorist threat posed by Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa, elections and reform challenges facing countries with upcoming democratic transition, and humanitarian crises and displacement, all of which merit the continued attention of the Security Council. Given the urgency and magnitude of such problems, the United States believes that a self-inflicted 30-month political impasse, such as that in Guinea-Bissau, is unacceptable. For too long we have gathered to hear updates on fits and starts of political progress that eventually fade to obstruction and obfuscation from the country's leadership. The United States is profoundly disappointed by the decision of President Vaz to ignore the Conakry Agreement by failing to appoint a consensus Prime Minister and to create an inclusive Government. President Vaz must take urgent steps towards a unity Government that will pave the way for peaceful legislative elections in May. The people of Guinea-Bissau are understandably frustrated at the failure of their Government to make progress on the implementation of the Agreement. They deserve better. Time is running out. We have witnessed rising tension. Political gatherings in Bissau have provoked clashes as the people of Guinea- Bissau publicly express their frustration at the skeletal political process. Those clashes led to a crackdown by the Guinea-Bissau leadership. The Government must respect the people's right to peaceful expression and protect that right. On 4 February, the Economic Community of West African States took the ambitious step of sanctioning 19 spoilers of the Conakry Agreement, including their family members. The United States applauds such efforts to hold those in power accountable and to compel them towards finally doing what is right for the people of Guinea-Bissau. We also applaud the renewal of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea- Bissau and encourage the Guinea-Bissau military to continue its political non-interference, while playing its constitutional role. For years, the international community and the United Nations have put resources into Guinea-Bissau to do important things for the benefit of its people. However, with a Government at an impasse, important issues such as security sector reform and combating transnational organized crime, narcotics and human trafficking cannot be adequately addressed. That is unacceptable. As Ambassador Haley noted in the peacekeeping context, the United Nations cannot operate effectively in environments with uncooperative Governments. That also applies to political missions such as the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 8/20 18-04195 Bissau (UNIOGBIS). For UNIOGBIS to continue on that path would not be the continuation of a partnership with a willing Government but would simply enable its obstruction. Elections must take place on time and will require support. However, first, the Government must first end the impasse to convince its partners that international support will build on established political progress and a willingness to overcome differences to enable the Government to function again. In conclusion, we once again draw attention to the ordinary people of Guinea-Bissau who, for the better part of their lives, have not known the stability of sustainable democratic governance. The Security Council must keep them in mind as we take steps to put pressure on leaders to abandon their self-serving wilfulness and to take action to better the lives of their people. They should know that our patience has now run out. Ms. Guadey (Ethiopia): I wish to thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary- General, for his briefing on the latest developments in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). I would also like to express appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) for his remarks. The continued political stand-off and institutional paralysis in Guinea-Bissau remain a source of serious concern. The consequent socioeconomic difficulties over the past two years have impacted the people of Guinea-Bissau and will eventually undermine the peace and stability of the country. We appreciate the important role of the PBC and welcome the approval of useful projects to be financed under the Immediate Response Facility of the Peacebuilding Fund to the amount of $7.3 million. Such projects will certainly contribute to easing the socioeconomic difficulties of women and young people, as well as to promoting stability. The centrality of the Conakry Agreement to sustaining peace, security and development in Guinea- Bissau cannot be overemphasized. We reiterate our call for all stakeholders in Guinea-Bissau to respect and to comply with the Agreement in addressing their differences and the challenges facing their country. We urge them to create conditions for the holding of legislative and presidential elections in 2018 and 2019, respectively. All parties should also refrain from actions or statements that could escalate tensions and incite violence. It is indeed vital that the security and armed forces of Guinea-Bissau continue to uphold the country's Constitution and desist from interfering in the political and institutional crisis. Those who continue to obstruct the implementation of the agreement must be given clear signals that their actions will not be tolerated. In that regard, we commend the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the high-level delegation it dispatched to Guinea-Bissau two weeks ago. We support its decision on restoring democratic governance and ensuring respect for the rule of law in Guinea Bissau, as endorsed by the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council communiqué issued today. The Council should reinforce the decision by ECOWAS and the African Union and convey a clear and united message to all the parties in this regard. We believe the concerted efforts by ECOWAS, the African Union, the United Nations and other relevant partners continues to be indispensable to finding a durable solution to the political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We express our support to UNIOGBIS for its continued provision of necessary support to Guinea- Bissau, with the objective of resolving the current political impasse and creating an environment for of dialogue among all of the country's actors. Accordingly, we fully agree with the recommendation of the Secretary General that the current UNIOGBIS mandate be extended for another year, until 28 February 2019. Finally, we echo the appeal of the AU Peace and Security Council for financial support towards the continuation of the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau — whose mandate has been extended to 31 March — until the necessary training of the national security forces of Guinea-Bissau is completed. I wish to conclude by supporting the draft press statement proposed by Côte d'Ivoire, and express our readiness to work closely on the draft resolution that will renew the UNIOGBIS mandate. Mrs. Gueguen (France) (spoke in French): I thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, for his clear and precise briefing, which reminds us of just how critical this point is for Guinea-Bissau. I also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his efforts as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 9/20 Commission and for his insistent appeal for support to regional initiatives and for respect for the electoral cycle in Guinea-Bissau. France is concerned about the non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement since October 2016. The Agreement, which provides for the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, has remained a dead letter, even though it provides a plan to resolve the conflict. This political impasse has consequences on the ground. There have been several clashes between the police and opposition political parties. Respect for human rights is also not assured in Guinea-Bissau. The latest developments on the ground show that the authorities of Guinea-Bissau no longer hesitate to limit the freedom of assembly and the right to protest. The establishment of a robust compliance framework with regard to respect for public freedoms is an essential precondition to the resolution of the crisis in Guinea-Bissau. We therefore call upon the international community to be particularly vigilant in that regard. Due to the risk of a deterioration in the political and security situation, it is high time for all parties to honour their commitments to reach national consensus, all the more so because the window of opportunity is narrowing, as legislative elections are slated for this spring. In that regard, it is particularly important to ensure that the legislative and presidential time table is adhered to. I would like to emphasize three essential points with regard to the renewal at the end of the month of the madate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). First, we must increase our support for regional initiatives. In that regard, France welcomes the ongoing efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), especially the work of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau and the recent adoption of the sanctions list of people obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. That is an important step forward and a clear sign to the relevant local actors. We are convinced that the solution to the conflict will require consultation among local actors and the international community. In that connection, the group of five international partners based in Guinea-Bissau, which comprises the African Union, the European Union, the United Nations, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, provides a special coordination platform that ought to be supported. Secondly, it is crucial for the Security Council to fully assume its role in resolving the current political impasse in Guinea-Bissau. The Council should increase pressure on local actors, particularly President Vaz, and should direct the parties in Guinea-Bissau to shoulder their responsibilities. Sanctions were adopted in 2012 through resolution 2048 (2012), and additional measures could be taken in conjunction with those taken by ECOWAS. Thirdly, it is essential to renew the mandate of UNIOGBIS, which ends 28 February, and thereby signal the commitment of the United Nations to continuing to participate in the process of resolving the conflict. We should also contemplate restructuring UNIOGBIS following an assessment of the impact of its activities on the ground. It is time for the parties in Guinea-Bissau to move from words to action. Their commitments must now give way to concrete action. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation welcomes the holding of this meeting and thanks Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau, for his briefing. We also thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his commitment and leadership as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Peru is monitoring with concern the situation in Guinea-Bissau. Despite efforts by the international community and regional organizations to reach a solution to the political crisis, little progress has been made in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, concluded in October 2016. We would like to make three main points. First, Peru deems the successful holding of 2018 and 2019 elections to be crucial to achieving sustainable peace. In that regard, we are concerned about the nomination of a Prime Minister who does not enjoy consensus among all parties, as called for in the Conakry Agreement. That undermines the credibility of the Government. Additionally, four of the members of the National Electoral Commission, including its President, could not be nominated for the National Assembly, which has not convened since S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 10/20 18-04195 January 2016. Such conditions complicate the holding of legislative elections slated for May. That is why we believe it is necessary and urgent for all parties to resume inclusive dialogue with a view to implementing the commitments undertaken. We welcome the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States, which include imposing sanctions on those who obstruct the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, in line with regional rules and regulations. We believe that it is important to increase the participation of women and youth in the necessary dialogue and subsequent elections. That is why we highlight the efforts of the Women's Facilitation Group, which seeks to increase the participation of women in the country's political processes. Secondly, we are concerned that, despite the current relative stability, a stalled political process could lead to renewed violence and rampant crime, especially considering that the country is vulnerable to threats such as terrorism, organized crime and human trafficking. In that connection, we highlight the launching of the Network of National Human Rights Defenders. As the Secretary-General noted in his report (S/2018/110), reform is needed in this area, including strengthening the armed forces and the professionalization of the police. Similarly, we call for full respect for the fundamental right to freedom of expression in Guinea-Bissau. Thirdly, with regard to socioeconomic development, we would like to highlight the fact that, although the World Bank has reported economic growth of 5 per cent over the past year, it should be borne in mind that such growth is primarily attributed to the country's main exports being sold at a higher price on the international market. Nonetheless, a country whose poverty rate is approximately 70 per cent is socially and economically vulnerable. That is why we believe that peacekeeping and peacebuilding require greater investment in social development, and in particular in Peacebuilding Fund projects aimed at empowering women and young people, promoting national reconciliation and strengthening the judiciary. We underscore the importance of ensuring the predictability and stability of the Fund's financing. We also believe that it is important that the activities promoted by the Peacebuilding Fund be coordinated with the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) and the United Nations country team. In conclusion, we support the renewal of the UNIOGBIS mandate for an additional year, in line with the recommendation of the Secretary-General. We thank the Economic Community of West African States, the African Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, the European Union and other international actors committed to assisting Guinea-Bissau for their valuable efforts. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, let me thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau and Head of Mission for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS), Mr. Modibo Touré, and his team for the detailed and important briefing on the situation in Guinea-Bissau. We also thank Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for his briefing, in which he underscored the configuration's commitment to the various initiatives in Guinea-Bissau. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed very closely and with great interest the developments in the political and institutional crisis in Guinea-Bissau. It has paid even closer attention since the country joined the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014, and now that Equatorial Guinea chairs the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea-Bissau. In my capacity as Chair of the 2048 Committee, I would like to voice our concern about the deadlock in the peace process in Guinea-Bissau, which is hindering the country's national reform programme, thereby threatening to undermine progress in the country since constitutional order was restored in 2014. Equatorial Guinea lauds the commitment and considerable effort made, as well as the human and financial resources made available by international multilateral partners, in particular the Guinea- Bissau group of five, comprising the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the CPLP, the European Union and the United Nations. Undoubtedly, the synergy among international actors with regard to the issue in Guinea-Bissau attests to the desire and willingness of the international community to find a peaceful and 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 11/20 consensus-based solution in the interests of Guinea- Bissau. The Conakry Agreement must continue to be the fundamental reference for national political actors. The Agreement not only outlines the appointment of a Prime Minister who is trusted by the President of the Republic, but whose appointment is the result of consensus among all national stakeholders. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has taken note of the rejection of the appointment of Mr. Augusto Antonio Artur Da Silva by ECOWAS and the main political actors in Guinea-Bissau, in particular of the two main political parties — the Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde and the Partido para a Renovação Social. Given the lack of consensus surrounding the appointment of the Prime Minister, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls upon all political actors in the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, including the President of the Republic, as well as the leaders of the two main political parties, to work together to form an inclusive Government that would create the right conditions ahead of upcoming legislative elections to be held later this year, and presidential elections in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea supports the electoral calendar as outlined in the country's Constitution. That is why the Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that an international support mechanism for the electoral process should be put in place for the purpose of updating the electoral rolls and assisting the Independent National Electoral Commission to effectively shoulder its responsibility, and with all other preparations that would allow for the holding of transparent, democratic elections whose results would put a definitive end to the political maze the country has had to navigate over the past few years. The extension of the mandate of UNIOGBIS is a key element in resolving the crisis. As announced, ECOWAS has decided to extend the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau until 31 March. The actions of the United Nations must be part of that undertaking. The Security Council's vote, scheduled for 27 February, must allow the Mission to be extended for a year or more, until presidential elections are held in 2019. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea believes that international partners should continue to focus primarily on mediation, good offices, dialogue and direct negotiations as the only viable paths to breaking the current political and institutional deadlock. The most recent report of the Secretary-General on the situation in Guinea-Bissau and the activities of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) concludes that the population's latent frustration with an uncertain political environment could foster instability and crime. Equatorial Guinea reiterates its gratitude to the defence and security forces that have chosen to adopt a neutral, republican position. Therefore, we urge all political actors in Guinea-Bissau to put the interests of the country and its people, love of State and their responsibility above all other considerations so as to create the right conditions for the holding of free, fair and transparent elections. Stability in the country must not be disassociated from economic recovery. In that regard, we welcome the support of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, through the Peacebuilding Fund, in financing various multisectoral projects. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea will take part in good offices and negotiations. Equatorial Guinea, as a member of the CPLP and Chair of the Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012), concerning Guinea- Bissau, will support and take initiatives that it believes are necessary to assist in efforts under way to find a solution to the situation in the brotherly country of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I would like to begin by thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his briefing. I commend him and his team for the valuable work being undertaken in support of the people of Guinea-Bissau. Let me also extend my thanks to the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Ambassador Mauro Vieira, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. As Ambassador Vieira mentioned his country's long-standing relations with Guinea-Bissau, I thought that I would take this opportunity to point out that Sweden recognized Guinea-Bissau in 1974, and we began supporting General Assembly resolution 2911 (XXVII), concerning its self-rule, in 1968. In the 1970s and 1980s, Guinea-Bissau was one of our largest development partner countries. There is therefore a deep and historic friendship between Sweden and the people of Guinea-Bissau, and it is in that spirit of friendship that we are engaging in support for Guinea- Bissau in meeting its current complex challenges. S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 12/20 18-04195 Moreover, we welcome the opportunity to draw upon the strategic advice of the Peacebuilding Commission and its longer-term perspective, which are essential for sustaining peace in Guinea-Bissau. The activities financed by the Peacebuilding Fund to that end are also important. An integrated approach from the United Nations family in Guinea-Bissau can contribute positively to overcoming peacebuilding challenges. Accordingly, we welcome the efforts outlined in the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). We are concerned by the ongoing and increasingly protracted political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. A lack of progress in resolving the stalemate undermines peacebuilding efforts and is holding the country's social and economic development hostage. Resolving the crisis is therefore a prerequisite for the consolidation of peace in the country. The six-point Bissau road map and the Conakry Agreement remain the only legitimate way forward, and must be implemented. The appointment of a consensus Prime Minister, as stipulated in the Agreement, is essential. National leaders must live up to their commitments and meet their responsibilities. We strongly commend the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to mediate among the parties to find a solution to the political crisis. ECOWAS is playing an essential role on behalf of the region, and we welcome its continued efforts to reach a consensual implementation of the road map and Conakry Agreement. We welcome the ECOWAS decision to impose sanctions on those impeding the Agreement's implementation. It is important that the international community fully support regional efforts in a concerted and coherent manner. In that regard, we welcome the statement issued yesterday by the African Union in support of ECOWAS, including regarding sanctions. Long-term peace and security in Guinea-Bissau will be achieved only when the root causes of the conflict are addressed. Constitutional reform, reconciliation and political dialogue, strengthening the rule of law through strong and inclusive institutions, and ensuring equal access to economic opportunities are all critical in that regard. It is also essential that all parts of society have their voices heard. In particular, ensuring the full and effective participation of women is crucial. We agree with the Secretary-General that the promotion of, and respect for, human rights is fundamental to sustaining peace and ensuring long-term stability and development in Guinea-Bissau. We echo the Secretary- General's call on national authorities to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms and to refrain from any further acts that undermine the rule of law. Let me also take a moment to welcome the military's neutrality and its posture of non-interference in the political process. Concerning the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), it has a crucial role to play in coordinating international efforts to support Guinea-Bissau, not least of which is supporting preparations for the holding of elections. There is a need to immediately refocus the Office's resources where they can be used most effectively, particularly with regard to resolving the political deadlock and supporting the electoral process so that it moves forward. We strongly support the Office's work to strengthen women's participation as active peacemakers in resolving the political crisis, including by encouraging women's mediation efforts. We welcome in particular that the integration of gender-sensitive perspectives into the work of UNIOGBIS and the United Nations country team has been accorded the highest priority by the United Nations in Guinea- Bissau. We look forward to hearing more about how that process is being taken forward. During the Peacebuilding Commission's meeting on Guinea-Bissau on Monday this week, all key actors, including Guinea-Bissau, expressed the view that the Secretary-General's recommendation for a one-year extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate should be authorized. A one-year extension would allow for longer-term planning and more effective support for the implementation of the Conakry Agreement and the holding of elections. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau has gone on for far too long. It is now time to move forward with the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement and preparations for the holding of inclusive elections. The international community, together with the region, must stand ready to support the country on its path towards long-term peace and development. Mr. Clay (United Kingdom): I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Touré and Ambassador Vieira for their informative briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau is concerning. It is not the first country in the world to experience a political impasse, but it is a country that continues to emerge from the serious instability and violence 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 13/20 of its recent past. The political impasse has prevented progress on reforms that are critical to addressing key conflict risks in Guinea-Bissau. The situation is only likely to become more volatile as we move towards elections. We have already seen violent confrontations between demonstrators and police, and witnessed worrying efforts to curb political freedoms. Economic growth is at risk, and a serious deterioration in stability would be deeply damaging for development and human rights. The illicit economy and transnational organized crime risk becoming further entrenched, with global implications. More broadly, instability in Guinea- Bissau would affect the wider region, which over the past year has been, for the most part, the site of positive political progress. The United Kingdom welcomes the leadership shown by the West African region, particularly through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It has shown persistence and patience. This is a crisis that began in 2015. It brokered the Conakry Agreement 15 months ago. It has agreed to countless communiqués and published innumerable statements. It has sent numerous high-level delegations to Guinea- Bissau, including three over the past six months alone. But those most responsible for Guinea-Bissau's crisis have responded with stubborn refusal to give ground and find compromise. Therefore, it is understandable that the region's patience has worn thin. ECOWAS has now been driven to impose sanctions against individuals deemed responsible for impeding the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. The African Union Peace and Security Council has endorsed that move. The United Kingdom supports the ECOWAS decision, and we urge the Security Council and the entire international community to remain united in support of ECOWAS efforts. We also believe that it is important to recognize the bold efforts of civil society in Guinea-Bissau to resolve the crisis. In particular, the mediation efforts launched by the Women's Facilitation Group were an encouraging initiative, and we welcome the support given to them by the United Nations. As set out in resolution 2343 (2017), political support for efforts towards the implementation of the Conakry Agreement should be a priority for the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea- Bissau. The key next step remains the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister so that preparations can proceed for legislative elections in 2018, as per the country's Constitution. As we open discussions on its renewal, the United Kingdom will focus on ensuring that the Mission's mandate responds to today's political reality on the ground, that it is realistic and that it is focused on the highest priority needs. Guinea-Bissau's people watched the country emerge from a period of instability but then found their hopes for democracy obstructed by a political knot that their own leaders tied. Support from the region and the international community to prevent the country from backsliding further will not succeed until those who tied the knot untangle it. We hope that good sense, compromise and the commitment to Guinea-Bissau's future will prevail. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): First of all, I thank Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil to the United Nations, in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their useful briefings. Poland is following with growing concern the current situation in Guinea-Bissau. We support the efforts of the international community aimed at peacefully resolving the political crisis in the country. We therefore call on all political and civil society actors, regardless of their personal differences and ambitions, to engage in dialogue in a spirit of compromise. In that context, we take note that the army is not interfering in the political process. The implementation of the 2016 road map and the Conakry Agreement is crucial to maintaining peace and stability in the country. We appeal to the Guinea- Bissau authorities to complete their implementation and carry out the parliamentary elections scheduled for May in a peaceful atmosphere that guarantees political pluralism and impartiality. We think that women and young people should be included in all decision-making structures related to security sector reform, the national reconciliation process and institution-building. In this regard, we urge the Guinea-Bissau authorities to ensure the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the freedom of speech and information. Poland commends the important role of the Peacebuilding Commission in Guinea-Bissau in promoting good governance, political dialogue and national reconciliation. We also welcome the significant S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 14/20 18-04195 financial support of the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) under the PBF Immediate Response Facility. Since the PBF began its activities, Poland has provided financial support to the Fund. Poland also supports the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States Mission in Guinea- Bissau (ECOMIB) as it is an important factor in reaching consensus solutions and cooperation. The decision of the ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, published on 4 February, imposing sanctions on those responsible for non-implementation of the Conakry Agreement is a step towards holding responsible those who are impeding a peaceful, consensus solution to the crisis. Due to the fragile security situation in the country, the presence of ECOMIB is most important. In this regard, we welcome the decision to extend ECOMIB's mandate until the end of March. Its role is essential, especially in view of the upcoming legislative elections. The mandate of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) expires at the end of this month. The United Nations should remain engaged in efforts towards peace in the country and support ECOWAS efforts to resolve the political crisis. In conclusion, Poland encourages all the parties in Guinea-Bissau to engage in dialogue. We also express our full support for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré. We look forward to the upcoming UNIOGBIS mandate renewal. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): We commend Special Representative of the Secretary-General Modibo Touré and Ambassador Mauro Vieira for their comprehensive briefings on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, and extend our full support for their commitment to facilitating a political solution to the crisis. Kazakhstan is deeply concerned by the protracted political stalemate in the country. We join others in calling on all stakeholders to engage in an inclusive political dialogue and immediately implement the Conakry Agreement and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) road map to end the deadlock and restore institutional viability. It is therefore necessary to avoid differing interpretations of the Agreement. We commend the mediation efforts of ECOWAS, under the leadership of Presidents Faure Gnassingbé of Togo and Alpha Condé of Guinea, as well as by the other members of the group of international partner organizations on Guinea-Bissau. We have taken note of the decision of ECOWAS to impose targeted sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement. We express hope that this decision will contribute to finding a solution to the crisis and strengthen democratic institutions and capacity-building for State organs. We welcome the extension until April of the mandate of ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB), which plays a crucial role in ensuring stability in Guinea-Bissau, and urge international partners to continue supporting ECOMIB. The importance of peacebuilding, good offices and coordination efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau cannot be underestimated. We therefore support the Secretary-General's recommendation to renew the mission's mandate for one more year. We also agree with his proposal to assess the mission, should the political impasse continue. We note the importance of holding legislative and presidential elections according to the constitutional time frame, and call on international partners to provide the necessary technical, logistical and financial support for the electoral process. The current political crisis may further fuel transnational organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorist activities. Therefore, increased national engagement and international support are critical to enhancing and extending reforms in the security, judicial and law enforcement sectors. In addition, the most effective measures must be sought to ensure the country's stability and resilience by increasing support for the education and health sectors, as well as the existing development plans, including Terra Ranka and the United Nations peacebuilding plan. In conclusion, we welcome the active engagement of the Women's Facilitation Group, and impress upon the national authorities the importance of ensuring the participation of women and young people in the political process at every stage and at all levels. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like first of all to thank the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Mr. Modibo Touré, and the Permanent Representative of Brazil, Mr. Mauro Vieira, who spoke in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau country configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), for their briefings. 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 15/20 For years now, Guinea-Bissau has been marked by a protracted political crisis. In a region characterized by increasing attention to and respect for the rule of law, human rights and democracy, Guinea-Bissau continues to be out of step, as indicated once again in the latest report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). In the light of this, the Kingdom of the Netherlands wishes to underscore the following three points with regard to the situation in Guinea-Bissau. First, the Conakry Agreement of 2016 and the six-point road map should remain the basis for a political solution in Guinea-Bissau, and its provisions should honoured. Secondly, the diplomatic and political efforts of the region through the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) deserve the steadfast support of the United Nations, and particularly the Security Council. Thirdly, the role of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) in the country at this critical juncture, with elections around the corner, is as important as ever. It is therefore imperative that its mandate be extended. First, with respect to the Conakry Agreement, almost a year and half has passed since the Agreement was concluded. The Kingdom of the Netherlands reiterates the centrality of the Agreement in peacefully resolving the current crisis, and urges the parties to abide by its contents. It is clear that an important roadblock with regard to its implementation is the appointment of a consensus Prime Minister. The need for this appointment has become increasingly urgent. With parliamentary elections on the horizon, it is imperative that these elections be held in a timely, transparent and inclusive manner. Secondly, with regard to support for ECOWAS, while the past six months were mainly characterized by the same intransigence as in previous reporting periods, concerted action and increased pressure on the part of the region, and ECOWAS in particular, could actually lead, when given the necessary support, to tangible progress in resolving the Bissau-Guinean crisis. Yesterday's decision of the African Union Peace and Security Council to support the efforts of ECOWAS is a case in point. The Secretary-General rightly observes in his report that the continuing efforts of ECOWAS to resolve the crisis are commendable. The Kingdom of the Netherlands would like to clearly point out that it supports and endorses ECOWAS mediation efforts and its imposition of sanctions. We welcome the ECOWAS unified action and believe that the presence of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau is vital to the stability of Guinea-Bissau. ECOWAS has shown before that, when united, it has the ability to act as the region's power broker, for example as it did in The Gambia. Like it did then, the Council should firmly support ECOWAS in taking up this role and responsibility, as it should in the case of any other regional organization in Africa that takes the lead in maintaining peace and security in the region. My third point is that ECOWAS cannot do this alone. We commend the African Union and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries for their collaboration with the European Union and for the support they have brought and the constructive role they play. From the report of the Secretary General, it is evident that UNIOGBIS plays a vital role in Guinea- Bissau. With legislative elections scheduled for 2018 and presidential elections in 2019, the role of UNIOGBIS is more crucial than ever. We therefore call for a renewal of its mandate for no less than one year, in addition to allowing for longer-term planning, including setting more concrete priorities for the mission and making adaptations to meet specific needs. UNIOGBIS's convening power in Bissau remains essential, as will be its role in ensuring peaceful, free and democratic elections in Guinea-Bissau, as well as a smooth post-election process. Renewing the mandate for less than 12 months would send the wrong signal. In conclusion, sustained pressure to implement the Conakry Agreement, the maximum possible support to ECOWAS's ongoing efforts and measures and UNIOGBIS's continued support to the political process will be crucial factors in ending the deadlock in Guinea- Bissau, particularly in the light of the constitutionally mandated elections. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): We appreciate the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110) presented by Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS), and the briefing by Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea- Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. There has been no significant progress or visible improvement in the situation in Guinea-Bissau, where the general instability seems almost impervious to S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 16/20 18-04195 change, thereby jeopardizing the full implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which is unquestionably the fundamental framework for a peaceful solution to the crisis and for achieving sustainable and lasting peace there. In our view, the negative effects are likely to exacerbate matters if the parties cannot definitively condemn sectarian interests and contribute effectively to the mediation efforts and good offices of the relevant international, regional and subregional organizations. Bolivia firmly repudiates any action that could destabilize or jeopardize the ongoing dialogue and reconciliation process that has been established with the participation of all the parties concerned. We urge that the agreements be definitively consolidated in line with the inclusive national dialogue, which would enable Government members, the political parties represented in the National Assembly and every sector of civil society to arrive at a consensus and implement the agreements constructively through a legitimate commitment to achieving a lasting political and social solution whose sole aim is benefiting the people of Guinea-Bissau, in strict respect for their sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We acknowledge the active participation of the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and its Mission in Guinea- Bissau, the European Union, the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries and UNIOGBIS, through its Special Representative, and their ongoing efforts to achieve a rapprochement between the conflicting parties. We believe that UNIOGBIS's work, focused on initiatives aimed at creating opportunities for dialogue and facilitating cooperation in the security and political sectors with the goal of forming an inclusive Government, must be reinforced. It will be crucial to increase the Office's capacity to use peaceful means to deal with the crisis if it is to have more effective and efficient results. We therefore support the recommendation in the Secretary-General's report that the mission's mandate be renewed for another year. We also commend the work being done by the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, appropriately chaired by Brazil, and we emphasize the importance of strengthening its coordination, information exchange and active collaboration with the Security Council, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions. We continue to encourage the initiative of the Women's Forum for Peace. The efforts of women in Guinea-Bissau to achieve a political solution shows that a gender perspective and female participation in mediation and dialogue at all levels are essential. In conclusion, we would like to reiterate once again that in a time of political, institutional and social crisis, ensuring the welfare of the population and especially its most vulnerable sectors should be the overriding interest guiding Guinea-Bissau on a path to permanent stability. Mr. Zhang Dianbin (China) (spoke in Chinese): China would like to thank Special Representative Touré and Ambassador Vieira, Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission, for their briefings. The situation in Guinea-Bissau has been generally stable in recent months, but it will still require all the parties to work together to meet each other halfway if they are to resolve the political impasse peacefully and as soon as possible. China hopes that the parties in Guinea-Bissau will consider the country's interests, intensify their dialogue and communication in order to bridge differences quickly, implement the Conakry Agreement as soon as possible, form an inclusive Government and resume nation-building efforts. Meanwhile, the international community should continue to follow the situation in Guinea-Bissau. China will continue to support the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau in exercising its good offices and conducting mediation efforts under Mr. Touré's leadership, with the aim of coordinating international support for Guinea-Bissau, promoting political dialogue and advancing the country's economic and social development. The international community should continue to support regional and subregional organizations such as the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries in their role as mediators, while maintaining respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Guinea-Bissau and supporting the countries of the region in settling African issues through African means. Mr. Polyanskiy (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We thank Mr. Modibo Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for his briefing on the evolving political situation in Guinea- Bissau. We take note of the report of the Secretary- 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 17/20 General (S/2018/110) and the briefing by Mr. Mauro Vieira, Permanent Representative of Brazil and Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Russia supports the efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries to normalize the situation in Guinea-Bissau, which is undergoing a prolonged political, social and economic domestic crisis. We are concerned about the lack of tangible progress in implementing the Conakry Agreement. We want to emphasize how crucial the Agreement is to mitigating the political hostility and reducing Guinea- Bissau's potential for conflict. We urge the country's executive and legislative representatives to focus on forming an inclusive Government, introducing reforms, especially in the security sector and the Constitution, and increasing their joint efforts to prepare for parliamentary and presidential elections. It will be vital to strengthen the constitutional order and the rule of law and resolve the accumulating socioeconomic issues. We are pleased that the country's political forces continue to act with regard for the law and that the military has remained neutral. We have taken note of the ECOWAS communiqué of 4 February on imposing targeted sanctions on 19 members of Guinea-Bissau's political elite. Regarding the possibility of imposing similar measures based on the provisions of Security Council resolution 2048 (2012), we would like to point out that the resolution's main aim was restoring constitutional order, which in practical terms was achieved several years ago now. The result is that the resolution's sanctions measures are very outdated. In our opinion its listing criteria have little to do with Guinea-Bissau's current political situation, and in any case would not be usable against participants in the political process who are acting within the law. We are compelled to conclude that the opinions of the Secretary-General's report on the security sector situation give the impression that things have been left unsaid. It would have been more logical to discuss how the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) is implementing the provisions of its mandate with regard to building Guinea-Bissau's capacity to combat transnational crime and drug trafficking, after describing the actual state of affairs in those areas. In general, given the overall situation in Guinea- Bissau, we are willing to consider the Secretary- General's proposal to extend UNIOGBIS's mandate. However, we believe that the Special Representative should focus not only on helping the people of Guinea-Bissau emerge from their political deadlock and preparing for the parliamentary elections in May but also on effectively addressing the root causes of the problems in Guinea-Bissau, which lie in its Constitution's structural contradictions. If the work of constitutional reform is not completed by the start of the next electoral cycle, the country risks encountering the same problems with the new parliament and President. The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of Kuwait. At the outset, I join other Council members in thanking the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Modibo Touré, for his valuable briefing. I would also like to express my appreciation to Ambassador Mauro Vieira for his briefing as the chief of Guinea-Bissau Configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. We commend their efforts to support security, stability and socioeconomic development in Guinea-Bissau. We have been following the recent political developments there and regret the fact that none of the provisions of the Conakry Agreement have been implemented since signing it in October 2016. It is unacceptable that there has so far been no appointment of Prime Minister who enjoys consensus by the relevant two parties, which is critical to implementing other items of the Agreement. The situation in Guinea-Bissau differs from other cases before the Security Council in having no security aspects. Unfortunately, however, the impasse has lasted more than a year, and it is the people of Guinea-Bissau who are suffering the consequences. In that regard, we commend the steps that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has taken to advance the political process, including measures for the imposition of sanctions on those obstructing the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, as well as the decision to extend the mandate of its Mission in Guinea-Bissau until the end of March. We want to emphasize the relevance of the role of such regional organizations in resolving regional issues. The efforts of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 18/20 18-04195 deserve support, since it is dealing with a difficult and complicated political situation. However, we hope that it will be able to make progress during the coming period with respect to conducting legislative elections this year and presidential elections next. The legislative and presidential elections, to be held in 2018 and 2019 respectively, must take place within the specific time frame. We therefore call on the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau, along with all stakeholders in Guinea- Bissau, such as the European Union, the African Union, ECOWAS and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries, to spare no efforts towards that end. We also call on the Government of Guinea-Bissau to ensure its citizens' full participation in the elections, as well as security and freedom of expression and assembly for all. The cooperation between UNIOGBIS and civil-society organizations in promoting and developing the role of women in Guinea-Bissau is very positive. We hope that UNIOGBIS will make a greater effort to guarantee the full participation of all components of the society, especially women and young people, in the next political process and will continue to promote other aspects of its mandate until the current impasse is resolved. In conclusion, we reiterate the importance of the Conakry Agreement as the basic reference for resolving this political crisis in Guinea-Bissau, and the efforts of ECOWAS and President Alpha Condé of Guinea to advance the political process in order to maintain the security and stability of Guinea-Bissau and the region. We stand ready to cooperate with Côte d'Ivoire in preparing a draft resolution for the extension of the UNIOGBIS mandate, in response to a request by the Secretary-General. We also support the issuance of a Press Statement to clarify the unified position of the Council regarding the situation in Guinea-Bissau. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I give the floor to the representative of Guinea-Bissau. Mr. Delfim da Silva (Guinea-Bissau) (spoke in French): I thank you, Mr. President, for inviting my delegation to the Security Council table and for giving me the floor. I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate your country, Kuwait, on its assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of February. We wish you success in your work. I would like to thank Mr. Modibó Touré, Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Guinea- Bissau, for his presentation today of the report of the Secretary-General (S/2018/110). I would also like to thank Ambassador Mauro Vieira of Brazil once again for his constructive statement on behalf of peacebuilding and constitutional and democratic order in Guinea-Bissau. And I would like to express our gratitude to all the Ambassadors of States members of the Security Council for their attention to my country, Guinea-Bissau. The political crisis in Guinea-Bissau did not begin with the signing of the Conakry Agreement in October 2016, but much earlier. The Conakry Agreement represents a step in the right direction for resolving the crisis by consensus. In the past 15 months, the two main parties — the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) and the Party for Social Renewal (PRS) — have repeatedly and publicly expressed their disagreement on a crucial point of the Agreement, which is having consensus on choosing a candidate for the post of Prime Minister. If a consensus was reached, the agreed candidate would then be appointed by the President of the Republic, in line with the Constitution. The PAIGC states that there was such a consensus in Conakry. The PRS, for its part, affirms that there was not. Fifteen months later, the lack of consensus has prevented the appointment of a Prime Minister, which must be consensus-based. How can the President appoint a consensus Prime Minister without, at the very least, the prior agreement of the two largest political parties? In short, the crisis over the consensus is really what has paralysed the Conakry Agreement and is prolonging the stalemate in the 15-month political crisis in Guinea-Bissau. The question is how to overcome the crisis concerning the consensus. Some believe that the imposition of sanctions will be conducive to it. We are not sure of that. Sanctions are unlikely to defuse a crisis and can even be counterproductive. It is important to bear in mind that while it is easy to adopt sanctions, it is much more difficult to impose a consensus. In any case, continuing to seek a solution to the crisis is clearly the most important thing that we must do. We need a compromise solution, a credible name, a person whose academic, political and professional 14/02/2018 The situation in Guinea-Bissau S/PV.8182 18-04195 19/20 background can bring about such a compromise. We need someone who, without being the favourite candidate of the PAIGC or the PRS, has a background that would enable him to bring the parties together and thereby reach a compromise. The recent appointment to the post of Prime Minister of a PAIGC leader, the engineer Artur Silva, a former Minister of four Government departments — Fisheries, Defence, Education and Foreign Affairs — suggests that he is the right person to help bring about such a compromise. Moreover, after his appointment, Silva was re-elected to the higher bodies of the PAIGC, its Central Committee and Political Bureau — at the party's most recent congress, which ended a few days ago, proving that he has earned the political confidence of the party's most important bodies. Prime Minister Silva has already held working meetings in Bissau, which I would say are encouraging, with all the parties to the Conakry Agreement — the Ambassadors of Nigeria, Senegal, China, the Gambia and the representative of the Economic Community of West African States in Guinea-Bissau. Finally, through the appointment of a senior PAIGC leader, justice can be done to the party that won the last legislative elections. But above all, there will be no losers, since the PRS will be guaranteed strong representation in a Government of inclusion. This is not a zero-sum game. Under this principle of compromise, which allows a certain degree of flexibility regarding the principle of consensus, there will undoubtedly be a winner — my country, Guinea-Bissau. In conclusion, I reiterate our thanks to the members and want to assure the Council that Guinea-Bissau will continue to count on their support in these difficult times for the sake of civil peace, political stability and solidarity. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now give the floor to the representative of Togo. Mr. Kpayedo (Togo) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank you, Mr. President, for the opportunity to address the Council once again on the situation in Guinea-Bissau, in my capacity as Coordinator of the Ambassadors of the member countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that are accredited to the United Nations. I also want to thank the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his report on the situation in Guinea- Bissau (S/2018/110), presented today by Mr. Modibo Touré, his Special Representative, whom we welcome here, along with his team, and whose briefing has provided us with a thorough picture of the situation in that country. Lastly, I would like to thank Mr. Mauro Vieira for his commitment and efforts in his capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission. Since it began, the crisis in Guinea-Bissau has continued to be a source of great concern for the Heads of State of West Africa, who are therefore sparing no effort to arrive at a favourable and lasting outcome. This issue has been on the agenda of every recent meeting of our subregional organization's Summit. In my last statement to the Council in August (see S/PV.8031), I discussed the trampling of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement, which led to the possibility of having recourse to the ECOWAS sanctions. Since then, the impasse is still there, despite the proposal for a new road map by President José Mário Vaz at the conclusion of the fifty-second Ordinary Session of Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, held in Abuja on 16 and 17 December 2017, and reaffirmed in Addis Ababa at the ECOWAS Extraordinary Session held on 27 January, on the margins of the 30th Ordinary Session of the African Union Assembly. In that regard, the President-in-Office of ECOWAS, Mr. Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, in consultation with his peers, dispatched a mission of the ministerial sanctions committee to Guinea-Bissau on 31 January and 1 February 2018, led by Mr. Robert Dussey, Togo's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation and African Integration. Its purpose was to assess the progress made by the parties to the crisis in implementing the Agreement and to report to the ECOWAS Heads of State on the potential consequences if the stalemate persisted. Following that report, the Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS, in view of the fact that no significant progress has been seen in the implementation of the Conakry Agreement despite ongoing mediation and calling on all of Guinea-Bissau's political leaders to show their sense of responsibility and respect for their country's Constitution through a frank and inclusive dialogue, decided to activate the sanctions mechanisms against individuals and organizations that are hindering a settlement of the crisis, with the aim of promoting the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. As a result, 19 political figures have been subject to sanctions since 4 February, in accordance with our S/PV.8182 The situation in Guinea-Bissau 14/02/2018 20/20 18-04195 decision 01/2018, on individual sanctions designed to promote the restoration of democratic governance and respect for the rule of law in Guinea-Bissau. The list is not exhaustive,and the monitoring committee for the implementation of sanctions — composed of Togo, Guinea and the ECOWAS Commission — therefore reserves the right to revise it as the situation on the ground changes. Here I should point out, as the representative of Côte d'Ivoire noted earlier, that these sanctions were established through ECOWAS's Supplementary Act of 17 February 2012 concerning sanctions regimes against Member States that do not honour their obligations to the Community, and are based on article 45 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. They include suspended participation in Community activities, and a travel ban and financial assets freeze for those listed and their families, wherever they may be. The sanctions cannot be effectively implemented without the assistance of the United Nations and other multilateral and regional organizations. In that regard, I would like to take this opportunity to call for multifaceted support to ECOWAS in implementing these measures, which we hope will help to create an atmosphere conducive to the restoration of dialogue among the people of Guinea-Bissau, with a view to resolving this political and institutional impasse, which has lasted too long. In conclusion, I would once again like to invite all the parties to the Guinea-Bissau crisis to show a spirit of compromise, responsibility and openness to a peaceful, negotiated and lasting solution to this dispute, which hampers development efforts in the country and therefore in the entire subregion, which is still dealing with persistent security challenges. The meeting rose at 5 p.m.

Abstrak Patriarkiadalah salah satumasalahbesar bagisetiapwanita di dunia, masalah iniakhirnyadiwakilidengankarya sastra, dansalah satunya adalahAtiqRahimiBatuKesabaran.Terdapat Perempuan, sebagai karakter utamadiceritakandengan semuakesedihan, menikahdengan dipaksa, menikahdengan foto, sampai diaharus membuathamil dengantanpajalan dandia memilikibayi daripria laindia tidak pernahtahu. Berdasarkanfakta-fakta, ini memberikan dua pertanyaanutama sebagairespondarimasalah, adalah(1) GambaranbelenggupatriarkimelaluisuaradiamPerempuandiAtiqRahimiBatuKesabaran?(2) DampaksuaradiamPerempuandiAtiqRahimi, BatuKesabaran?Untuk mengatasi hal itudengan analisis, membutuhkanmetode yangmembaca, mengumpulkan data, dan interpretasi, teknik yang digunakanadalahinterpretasi, dan pendekatanmimesis. Sebagaihasil dariini, itu akanmenemukan sesuatu, suaradiamPerempuan, dan initerjadidi Afghanistan, oleh karena itu,dapat dikatakanbahwa sistempatriarkibisa mengambilhak-hak perempuan, dan apahal-hal yangdapat memberikanPerempuanadalahsuaradiam,suarayang dapat menjadigerakan feminisuntuk setiapsimpatiuntuknya. Ini mewakili, untukberkatadalam bisikanyang sangathalus yangmasih adaketimpanganyang disebabkan olehpatriarki, danWanitatidak dapatberbuat apa-apa. Kata Kunci: Patriarki, perempuan, suaradiam, danfeminisme. Abstract Patriarchy is one of the great problem for every women in the world, this problem finally is represented to a literary work, and one of it is AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. There, the Woman, as the main character is told with all sorrow, marrying by being forced, marrying with a photo, until she has to make pregnant with regardless the way and she has baby from another guy she never knows. Based on the facts, it delivers two main questions as the response of problems, they are (1) Depiction of patriarchy's handcuffthrough the Woman's Silent Voicein AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone? (2) The impact ofthe Woman's Silent Voice in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone? To solve it by analysis, it requires a method that is reading, collecting data, and interpretation, the used technique is interpretation, and the approach is mimesis. As the result of this, it will find something, the silent voice of the Woman, and this is happen in Afghanistan, therefore, it can be said that patriarchy system can grab the rights of women, and what things that the Woman can deliver is the silent voice, the voice that can be a feminist movement for every sympathy to it. It represents, it says in very smooth whispers that there are still inequality caused by patriarchy, and the Woman cannot do anything. Keywords: Patriarchy, women, silent voice, and feminism. INTRODUCTION Human lives in the world are like corrosion on the ply of metal in the process of abrasion. What the core of this analogy is the way human wear their brain shell to think and find the solution of every problem they face to. Human are divided in to two genders normally, they are men and women. Men, a creature whose penis sticks strongly with dignity and power to dig every hole in front of it. Women, a creature whose vagina decorates beautifully with softness and warmness for everything that prepares for digging it. Based on the differences of the two, the conflicts arise. It starts when women begin realizing that what they think is their right, is grabbed by the creature, called men. In addition, this thought probably can be supposed as the basic thought of feminism movement. Before going further to the meant feminism, it is important to see what feminism fights to, and it is patriarchy system. Patriarchy system is a system that has been rooted in society generally. Erich From asserts that Patriarchy system is where men is fated to dictate/control women, and it rules to all part in the world. (Fromm, 2002: 177). To add it, to make the establishment of this system of men, chronologically there are some experts that give distance between men and women where men are supposed to be the better one. Classically, women are inequality creature, and it is added by Aristotle who views women as an imperfectness of nature (Beauvoir, 2003:ix). Francis Bacon comments that the more negative assertion that women are the jail of men because women give bad effect or influence to men (Arivia, 2002:40). Kant even says that women does not have any ability to use their cognitive ability therefore women should not be allowed to deliver what they think (Arivia, 2002:40). While, St. Thomas supposes women as "imperfect men", women are creature who are created not deliberately, and it is proven by the symbolic story where Eve is portrayed by Bossuet as a creature who is made of the "Adam's Rib" (Beauvoir, 2003:xi). According to Cixous, the term of men and women pinpoints to the difference of the two where the first term must posit the higher or better meaning, and it is placed by men. Therefore, men are self and women are the Liyan. Women live in men's world, therefore women are considered as the Liyan for men. (Tong, 2009: 292). Based on those facts, society finally construct a system where men dominate the whole contents of social life. J. Douglas (1976: 34) adds that many feminists use the term patriarchy as a generic term for male privilege, supremacy, and domination, referring to their current as well as past forms. The attraction of this usage is readily apparent: first, its rhetorical punch and strongly pejorative connotations; second, its reminder of the tenacity and continuity of male domination. Despite earth-shaking social changes, not the least of which are the women's Movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century, male power remains. Therefore, what the things that can be inferred into these facts are the problems between men and women. Feminism moves to throw everything that involves in men's domination because they dictate women, women seem to live in a coop. It means that what women fight is the system of men. In general, feminism is the theory of women's liberation since the intrinsic in all its approaches is the belief that women suffer injustice because of women's sex (Humm, 1989: 74). From the inequality that exists between both gender, women want to search equality in the society, they start to speak up their voices in the publicarena. Women themselves must articulate who they are and what role they play in the society. Most importantly, they must reject the patriarchal assumption that women are inferior to men. This started the feminist movement. It was started by the reality that male-female relations is a form of power structure in which men dominate women (Thebaud, 1994: 290). From this starting point the feminist believe that existing inequalities between dominant and marginalized groups can and should be removed. In the practive the feminist scholars attempt to examine beliefs and practices from the viewpoint of the "other", in this case women, treating them as subjects, not merely objects. Based on those views, it can be said that feminism simply is a thought that focuses on the equality between men and women, especially to talk about the rights of women. Therefore, what things that can be put into the main topic of this, is the all things relates to the inequality between men and women where men are supposed to be the superiority ones. Feminism itself is part of cultural studies in literature, which arises since women feel discredited and being treated unequal to men as human. Yet, what is not acceptable is the differentiation in position, that men are superior to women. That awareness prompts women to rise up and fight for their rights. Feminism deals with freedom, appreciation, and fair treatment for women. It is not women's disability to sit equal with men, but the systems in their social life discourage women to gain self-assertion to actualize themselves as well as men. Meanwhile, women want to grow as human beings who have equal role and opportunity in their own life and society. In the West and East alike, feminists were up against home-grown patriarchalist opponents who used sundry means to denigrate feminism and its supporters. In the West, detractors portrayed feminists as man-haters. In the East, enemies branded feminists as agents of cultural subversion and, ironically in so doing 'colluded' with westerners in declaring feminism western. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, what can be integrated from this Islam feminism understanding is the way Islam see the equality between men and women, from the agents of truth about the equality between men and women, not creating women to hate men just to beg an equality as what west feminism says to. It is clear to see that this problem finally inspires some authors to write it down in beautiful work, and one of it is AtiqRahimi with his novel entitled The Patience Stone. The main thing that is hidden in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is the way feminism is shown up. This novel, especially the main character, the woman, erodes the feeling of the readers to give sympathy and tears on what has happened to the woman. The woman cannot fight to the system of men he faces on, but she just can deliver it through a telling to her comate husband, which is not changing anything to her fair life. Specifically, in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone, there is told a woman sits in front of his comate husband. She tells everything she never confesses before because of some reasons. She is the wife of a soldier who is lying unconscious with a bullet in his neck, and she calls her husband withThe Patience Stone or "Sang-e Saboor," it is a mythical stone accords to Persian folklore that absorbs the pain of those who confide in it, until it eventually explodes. When the novel opens, the man has been comatose for over two weeks, and shows no signs of recovery. Frustration and despair on the woman's part gradually turns to angry rebellion and, uncertain whether or not he can hear her words, she becomes ever more talkative and outgoing as she gathers over their ten-year marriage. The thing that is important to know is that the couple didn't meet before their wedding, nor even during it, since he was away fighting. Instead a ceremony was performed between the teen bride (the Woman) and a photograph, after which she spent three years as a married virgin. She is not allowed to be out of house of seeing friends and family. When the Husband returns, she discovers that she is married to a violent, because the Husband brutally detaches sex at the first sex time. It can be seen that the woman as main character reflects "handcuff" of women life against patriarchy in the social life of the novel. The Women uses her inability to comprehend and talk back to tell him things that she will not dare to say otherwise. With his disability she has been left to feed herself, her two children and continue buying medicine to keep her husband alive. The only job available for an Afghan woman in her desperate situation it seems is prostitution. It is an interested topic to explore because AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is part of a Persian myth about a stone that has this phenomenal strength to listen to stories of suffering and sorrow. What sorrow that is delivered is from the heart voice of a woman that lives in the unfair world. The unfair world is caused by the inequality. Thus, to respond it, the readers must have attention to give sympathy to the woman indirectly, and to call this feeling, it is not too naïve when it said as the feminist movement that calls everyone in talking the equality women should have. To classify it, this thought belongs to first wave, where women have voice to utter although it is not a fight directly. Then, the voice that is not changing anything significantly to what the Woman faces, is the silent voice. Silent voice is the voice that is not heard, listened, and sensed. However, this voice exists, and the existence gnaws sympathy to see how unequal the social system the Woman faces, the sympathy that dribbles to feminism thought indirectly to get the equal rights. Based on the reasons above, this thesis then conveys analysis on the life and some aspect of main characters thorough feminism approach accords to patriarchy concepts and understanding in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. Finally, the planned title can be written as The Woman's Silent Voice toward Patriarchy's Handcuff Reflected in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience. For more additional support that this thesis uses credible object, it is important to see that AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is the winner of Prix Goncourt Prize in 2008. Therefore, this thesis hopefully can be a great product and be great donation of literary critics and analysis. Indeed, the decision to select AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone rather than the other works of him is caused by the main topic of the work. AtiqRahimi's The Patience Stone delivers more complex problem between men and women, that finally grabs the problem of Patriarchy and Feminism, while the feminism that is used is based on the glasses of Islam because the setting is in Afghan. In AtiqRahimi'sEarth and Ashes is told about the patriotic father that struggle with his blind son during the Russia invasion in Afghanistan, while in AtiqRahimi'sA Thousands Room of Dream and Fear delivers a student who exiles form his life because he is chased, he loves someone saves him. Based on the two reference, AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone becomes the best one to analyze accords to men and women problem culturally. RESEARCH METHOD This study is taking one of the Atiq Rahimi's stories entitled The Patience Stone as the primary source. In case of analyzing this story, library research is used in order to find some theories, which are relevant to the topic. Finally, Mimesis approach will be used in analyzing this story because the topic that will be discussed about the main character's silent voice as a woman against patriarchy in her social life as the universal truth. In collecting data, this research focuses on analysis and citations. The first step is reading novel. In this step, novel becomes the object of the research. The novel is entitled The Patience Stone, written by Atiq Rahimi. This is to reach the understanding all contents completely with all possibilities both intrinsically and extrinsically. The second is inventorying data. This step is collecting data through noting the quotations related to the statement of the problems and objectives of the study, it is including in words, sentences, and discourse that can represent patriarchy and feminism in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone. The third is classification data. This step to classify the data based on the statement of the problems including the portrayal patriarchy and the way the Woman posits herself against it. The fourth is tabling the data. It is to simplify reading the data and classify data that is used in the analysis for the readers. Those collected data are continuosly intrepreted to react the statement of the problems. The handling of a technique is a duty to do, it is to keep the analysis not jumping out of the limitation in order to solve the statement of the problems. Furthermore, it is significant to be on familiar terms with the data that it is from the novel entitled The Patience Stone, written in 136 pages plus 4 pages of brief introduction by KhaledHossaeni. It is written by AtiqRahimi with original title of SynguéSabour. Pierre de patience, published with ISBN: 9780701184102, and by Chatto&Windus. It is addressed at Random House, 20 Vauxhall Bridge Road, in London at 7wiv 25a. The book design is created Chatto and Windus group and translated by Polly McLean. On the dark cover, there is laid a stamp of Goncourt Winner 2008. CULTURAL APPROACH The term culture is a description of a particular way of life, which expresses certain meanings and values not only in art and learning but also in institutions and ordinary behavior (Frow, 1996: 8). Frow also states that culture is the way of life and is the meanings and values in that way of life. Therefore, basically a cultural approach is a way to think about a literary text based on the ideas or customs of certain society in which the text is made. According to Stanley Fish, J. Hillis, and Michael Foucault, language helps create what we call objective reality, thus reality is a social construct since it is created from language which is a product of customs produced by certain society. (Bressler, 1999: 264) Each society or culture contains in itself a dominant cultural group which determines that culture's ideology, its dominant values it sense of right and wrong, and its sense of personal self worth. (Bressler, 1999: 264) Culrural approach is divided into some theories. Those are: Marxism, post colonialism, new historicism, and feminism (Bressler, 1999: 178). As stated above, cultural approach investigates the domination and the dominated groups. Therefore, this approach will be used to analyze Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone and since the dominated group in this novel is women, the theory of feminism will be used for further analysis. Before going deeper to the feminism, it is important to see that feminism that will be used is the feminism from the glasses of Islam. In the West and East alike, feminists were up against home-grown patriarchalist opponents who used sundry means to denigrate feminism and its supporters. In the West, detractors portrayed feminists as man-haters. In the East, enemies branded feminists as agents of cultural subversion and, ironically in so doing 'colluded' with westerners in declaring feminism western. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, what can be integrated from this Islam feminism understanding is the way Islam see the equality between men and women, from the agents of truth about the equality between men and women, not creating women to hate men just to beg an equality as what west feminism says to. This thought is also influence to the way of the culture move by times, Eastern as universal truth sees, is culturally have features of moral, politeness, differences, and those all shape a unity of eastern culture that is very cultural. While, in Western, thought, rationality, and will or dreams becomes the subjects that move them to be better, and it shapes their mind and finally becomes the culture of west, therefore, the freedom of women seems to be radical rather that to grab the equality. PATRIARCHY Patriarchy system is a system that has been rooted in society generally. Erich From asserts that Patriarchy system is where men is fated to dictate/control women, and it rules to all part in the world. (Fromm, 2002: 177). Engels gives different perspective that patriarchy system is begun when human have already understood about privacy owning, and it marks the birth of system of class. (Budiman, 1981: 21). What Engels means, must reflect to the birth of system of class of men and women. To add it, to make the establishment of this system of men, chronologically there are some experts that give distance between men and women where men are supposed to be the better one.Classically, women are inequality creature, and it is added by Aristotle who views women as an imperfectness of nature (Beauvoir, 2003:ix). Francis Bacon comments that the more negative assertion that women are the jail of men because women give bad effect or influence to men (Arivia, 2002:40). Kant even says that women does not have any ability to use their cognitive ability therefore women should not be allowed to deliver what they think (Arivia, 2002:40). While, St. Thomas supposes women as "imperfect men", women are creature who are created not deliberately, and it is proven by the symbolic story where Eve is portrayed by Bossuet as a creature who is made of the "Adam's Rib" (Beauvoir, 2003:xi). According to Cixous, the term of men and women pinpoints to the difference of the two where the first term must posit the higher or better meaning, and it is placed by men. Therefore, men are self and women are the Liyan. Women live in men's world, therefore women are considered as the Liyan for men. (Tong, 2009:292). Based on those facts, society finally construct a system where men dominate the whole contents of social life. J. Douglas (1976: 34) adds that many feminists use the term patriarchy as a generic term for male privilege, supremacy, and domination, referring to their current as well as past forms. The attraction of this usage is readily apparent: first, its rhetorical punch and strongly pejorative connotations; second, its reminder of the tenacity and continuity of male domination. Despite earth-shaking social changes, not the least of which are the women's Movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century, male power remains. These all continuously give a perspective that women are really controlled, handled, and dictated by men particularly in society. The representation of society can be found in family. Family is the crucial institution in society (Millet, 1972: 33) because it can represent to what happens in the society. In a family the women mostly being the victim of oppressed by their husband or brother. Furthermore, feminist knowledge develops and becomes more sophisticated throughout the 1970s; the family comes to be an important object of analysis. In many cases, it is the crucial site of women s oppression, the space where, unheeded by the world outside, women are at the mercy of fathers or husbands; where the law of patriarchy holds its most primitive form (Pilcher&Whelehan, 2004: 44). Engels as quoted by Millet explains that the ideal type of the patriarchal family and the ancestor is the Roman family, whence come both the term and the legal forms and precedents in the west. Engels informed the word familiaas follow: signify the composite ideal of sentimentality and domestic strife in the present day philistine mind. Among the Romans it did not even apply in the beginning to the leading couple and its children, but to the slave alone. Famulus means domestic slave, and familia is the aggregate number of slaves belonging to one man the expression [familia] was invented by the Romans in order to designate a new social organism the head of which had a wife, children and a number of slaves under his paternal authority and according to Roman law, the right of life and death over all of them(Millet, 1972: 123—124). In family, Gough as quoted by Jo, mentions that men and women cooperate through a division of labor based on gender. Child care, household tasks and crafts closely connect with the household, tend to be done by women; war, hunting, and government by men. Besides that, men in general have higher status and authority over the women of their families, although older women may have influence, even some authority, over junior men (Jo, 1984: 84). Therefore, what things can be inferred to those all understandings, are the problem that is faced by women in the society, the society is like the jail of women and it is sourced by thoughts where place men in a good position to control women. This is also what things reflected on AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone that finally makes the main character, the woman, whispers something as the silent voice in the middle of patriarchy system. This reaction potentially can be said as the thing to get attention and sympathy about what happens to women in Afghanistan, and this can be said as the movement of feminism. FEMINISM In general, feminism is the theory of women's liberation since the intrinsic in all its approaches is the belief that women suffer injustice because of women's sex (Humm, 1989: 74). From the inequality that exists between both gender, women want to search equality in the society, they start to speak up their voices in the publicarena. Women themselves must articulate who they are and what role they play in the society. Most importantly, they must reject the patriarchal assumption that women are inferior to men. This started the feminist movement. It was started by the reality that male-female relations is a form of power structure in which men dominate women (Thebaud, 1994: 290). From this starting point the feminist believe that existing inequalities between dominant and marginalized groups can and should be removed. In the practive the feminist scholars attempt to examine beliefs and practices from the viewpoint of the "other", in this case women, treating them as subjects, not merely objects. Based on all general understanding, it is important to sharpen it into the good shape for not going out of the limitation and wasting buss of explanation of the theory. First of all, it is a long discussion of talking about feminism and its complex sources. To maintain the stability of this research that uses feminism as the knife to slice the discourse of patriarchy reflected in AtiqRahimi's The Patience Stone, thus the first feminism, the main slicer, continuously will be the main point of theory to discuss. The first wave of feminism appeared in the 19th and early 20th centuries, when women's suffrage was at the pole position of an industrializing world. In other word, it happened at the age of Victorian age. In 1800, women had little control over their lot in life. The average married female gave birth to seven children. Higher education was off-limits. Wealthier women could use limited authority in the domestic scope but possessed no property rights or economic autonomy. Lower-class women toiled alongside men, but the same social and legal restrictions applied to this stratum of society as well. Somewhat ironically, religion fueled some of the initial social advancements women made at the beginning of the 19th century. The Second Great Awakening, which started in 1790, emphasized emotional experience over dogma, allowing women more leadership opportunities outside of the home. Abolition and temperance movements that shared Protestant undercurrents activated women as well. It is like to what Stuurman, as quoted by Bryson, says that feminist theological arguments were further elaborated in the seventeenth century: for example, some writers used the creation story to argue that Eve was superior to Adam because she wascreated last, or because she was created out of Adam's rib rather than out of mud and slime (Bryson, 2003: 6). Thus, it can be seen, that in religion, or theologically, the inequality women have, has been rooting to put them down under the knee of men. That means, men are taking higher position in human life where men and women separate them. To talk about the theologically term about the inequality, then women want to get the equality, means that women have something different from the way theology thinks about it and the way of thought is Cartesian with all rationality to think. Bryson notes that the inspiration for these new ways of thinking (feminisms) was the revolution in western philosophy, which had been started in the first half of the seventeenth century by Descartes. According to Cartesian philosophy, all people possess reason, and true knowledge, which is based on experience and self-discovery rather than study of the classics or sacred texts, is in principle available to all. This means that traditional authority is rejected in favor of rational analysis and independent thought, and that customs and institutions which are not in accordance with reason should be rejected. (Bryson, 2003: 6). Therefore, what has been done by feminist is breaking the old thought that is sourced by the empirical way of theology. Moreover, what becomes the main point of this born is the equality that is thought as the right that has been robbed by men and their all system. The first-wave of feminism began in the United Kingdom and the United States around the nineteenth century and lasted until the early twentieth century. The focus of this movement at this time was on de jure inequalities, or officially mandated inequalities. There were many people during this time who were considered to be feminists, Mary Wollstonecraft, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Olympia Brown, and Helen Pitts; there are countless more. The first-wave of feminism was monumental to the movement, however, without the continuing second-wave, there would be no hope for feminism in current times, for each wave is connected and dependent on the other's history. In simpler words, feminism is not some simple thing that people can generalize, like it is just an excuse for women to kick men in the balls, and not take care of themselves, or that men and women must be equal at all costs. Feminism is a movement, which has been incredibly important to the success and failures of this country and has been a necessary journey for the women in our country to travel upon so that they can discover and create their own unique place in society. First wave feminists spent hundreds of years in activism, writing, protesting and working for the betterment and equality of their sex and gender. First wave feminists worked not only for suffrage, or the right to vote, but also for the right to an education, the right to work, the right to work safely, the right to the money they earned when they worked, the right to a divorce, the right to their children and the right to themselves and their own bodies. Rights for women can be traced back to the Middle Ages in the Middle East when early reforms under Islam gave women greater rights in marriage, divorce and inheritance. Women in other cultures were not afforded such rights until centuries later. Further improvements of the status of Arab women included things such as the prohibition of female infanticide and recognizing women's full personhood. The things mentioned above are necessary and were necessary, and in some case, came at the end of long efforts. First wave feminists had to work against this impression, and they had to work against the society that allowed an unmarried woman to be property of her father and a married woman to be property of her husband. The first wave of feminism was the longest, and it is the most taken for granted. It is common now to speak with women who do not identify as feminists who think that feminism is a dirty word, who simultaneously pursue careers and an education, who exercise their right to vote, who own property and benefit from the fruits of their labor. Understanding the history and the efforts of feminism, understanding how much progress they made and how long it took them is important both to those who think they are not feminists, and those who identify as feminists and who live life trying to better the world by the feminist ideal. (Retrieved from uic.edu and pacificu.edu). Victorian feminism is a difficult concept to analyze. On the one hand, some of the greatest reforms of women's social and legal position before those of the late twentieth century occurred in a few decades of the nineteenth century; on the other, many of those women who were active campaigners—Caroline Norton, Florence Nightingale, Emily Davies, and Barbara Bodichon—were ambivalent about the extent of their own feminism, and over-anxious to distance themselves from unconventional lifestyles and behavior. Moreover, they seemed concerned mainly with the plight of intelligent middle-class single women. Their commitment to respectability gave them something of a timorous or half-hearted allegiance to a more wide-ranging kind of feminism; in any case, their contribution to the feminist cause was often narrowly specialized as they concentrated on a particular campaign—whether for women's colleges at Cambridge or child custody rights—to the exclusion of others, and many still relied on men to help them with the legal or parliamentary part of their activism. For some, however, it was impossible to avoid being drawn into a wider examination of women's rights, as happened with Caroline Norton and Harriet Martineau, for example, and by the end of the century, most of the major journals were carrying heated debates about the unsatisfied needs of the modern woman. Beginning initially with spasmodic bursts of activism, first wave feminism gathered pace through the work of specific individuals working for specific ends, until the momentum of events made concern for women's full participation in social and political life a matter of public interest across the whole political spectrum. This in itself was no mean achievement (Gamble, 2006: 24). According to those all explanations about first wave feminism, that is majorly from west, then it is continued to see this based on the glasses of Islam feminism reflected to AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. There is a woman that faces a fact of patriarchy system, she cannot do anything except confessing something about the inequality that indirectly getting sympathy for anyone who read to pay the pity about equality of thee Woman should have. The equality is something has been robbed by the patriarchy system, and the way the Woman acts, can be said as feminist movement. As Muslim, this thought can be clearly is seen as east feminist movement. It is like to what Kynsilheto says that it was in this context that some of us reported that Muslim women were subverting the patriarchal Islamist project through what appeared to be a new form of feminism-in-the-making which Muslim women in different parts of the world would soon call Islamic feminism. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, the understanding of this feminism toward this research goes clearer to see as the relevant theory that will be used to slice the data just to become a good shape of analysis without going out of the limitation. STATUS WOMEN IN AFGHANISTAN The position of women in Afghanistan traditionally has been inferiorto that of men. This position has been continuing to age, socio-culturalnorms, and ethnicity. In fact, Afghan women, even until the beginning of 20thcentury are still being the slaves of their father, husband, father-in-law, and elder brother. Thus, it can be said that the status of women are silence and obedience. The essence of attitude towards women could be clearly seen in the relationshipof the family after the birth of a female baby.The birth of a female baby,particularly in those cases where the mother gives birth to several girls, is the main cause of contracting a second marriage, and it is still happened until nowadays. Girls areusually raised to be good mothers and tolerant housewives. Thus no one pays attention to their education, except in very rare cases in some well-to-do families. Furthermore, they are married to young and even to very old men, in most caseswealthy ones between the ages of 13 and 16, and in certain cases between the ages of 10 and 12, if their parents desire. They were exchanged for what is called "Toyana" or marriage price. Young girls had no right to choose theirfuture husbands, or question their engagement, which is arranged by theirparents. Early marriage is the main cause of suffering for girls in Afghansociety. Such marriages are both physically and psychologically unhealthy,and often resulted in sickness and psycho-neurotic diseases. Many youngmothers pass away during releasing it because of physiological reasons and earlymotherhood.Divorce is an easy act if the husband wants it. Afghan women do not have any right to ask for divorce. The man is the governor, the controller, the dictator, of every authorizing in divorcing. It is a slur for both families.Occasionally, wives were deprived of their rights and claims on their ownchildren. Traditional women refer to their husbands as "Sahib", the lord. Wives aregreatly trusted by their husbands. This great confidence rendered byhusbands has led Afghan wives towards great honesty, chastity, courage, andproper manners. Women are mainly occupied with rearing children, cooking,sewing, milking, weaving, spinning, and other similar house-works. For thosewho can pay for servants, their servants free them from the burden of home duties. Women take part in social occasions and family entertainments,but they separate from men. On all occasions where both sexes take part,they remainsto be separated. According to Scharmann (Kakar, 1971), thedivision of men and women into two separate worlds is pronounced inAfghan society. In entering the world outside their homes, women are toveil themselves. They usually try to hide their faces from men, calling them "Namahram", though the exception was for women in upper class families,the number of which was very small. Afghan women are patriotic. They love their native land. That is whyAfghan women in time of war helped Afghan warriors in the battle fields byproviding services such as carrying supplies, removing bodies, helpingwounded soldiers, etc. For example, in the second Afghan war with theBritish, Maiden Malalyis known as the symbol of courage at Maiwand war.At present, women take an active part in defending the revolution. They areorganized in committees for such defense. Based on the paraphrasing of Wali M. Rahimi in his book Status of Women: Afghanistan that is supported by UNESCO, therefore it can be accepted that what things happen to the Woman in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone, is not only a kind of play of the plots of a fiction, but it can be related to the reflection of the reality world, where women are still living in the jail, they live in the armpits of men that are very rotten. HOW AL-QURAN VIEWS PATRIARCHY As a religion that is always involved in patriarchy, Islam actually seems to be like a scapegoat religion. By the showing from the first creature of Adam, the duty of men of being a leader and women should follow their husband, until the greater rights of wealth heritage. Those all constantly strike Islam as a religion that gives privilege to men rather than to women. This all happen, potentially from the miss understanding toward the interpretation of Al Quran.In Al Quran, the holly book of all Muslim, there is told some reason of those wrong perceptions. In a verse from Surah An-NAhl. There is written, Anyone who works righteousness, male or female, while believing, we will surely grant them a happy life in this world, and we will surely pay them their full recompense (on the Day of Judgment) for their righteous works(16:97). This is what is said as the equality of Men and Women. Both men and women are treated with same treatment, and those all based on what they do in the world with regardless what sex they have. Additionally, there are some verses and Surah that show Islam give similar position between men and women, and the difference of the two is not a hierarchal system, but difference of patching each other. This is very different to what patriarchy understands about, therefore, there is no reason to call Islam as patriarchal religion. SILENT VOICE This is a new term that will be a source of question, what does it mean? How can this term raise among all problems that this thesis emerges up? And many questions follow to trace with no end. However, this term is actually taken from the basic problem of the Woman, as the main character, in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. The Woman faces problems of patriarchy system, she cannot do anything except following that system. She is just woman, and she has no voice to demonstrate what she feels, but, when her husband comes back in comate condition, she finally can utter everything she feels. Based on this fact, it can be said that the Woman has a chance to say what she feels from the comate condition of her husband, with that moment she says. She voices something, something that is always hidden and repressed. This repressed voice, finally can be seen as the silent voice, because silent literally mean cannot be uttered directly, it exists but it is not heard and listened, even it cannot be heard nor listened. The voice symbolically shows the heart, the feel, and experience. Therefore, it is completely seen as the silent voice of the Woman, definitely. DEPICTION OF PATRIARCHY'S HANDCUFF THROUGH THE WOMAN'S SILENT VOICE IN ATIQ RAHIMI'S THE PATIENCE STONE The things become the crucial issue in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is the problem that is faced by the Woman. The Woman here is unnamed character, she has a comate husband after taking back from the war. Here, the Woman delivers everything she has kept, hid, and buried. These feelings are blown up by what she utters to the "dead" husband. Here the conflict emerges as long she delivers it. To start it, the conflict can be rushed to the conflict where the Woman has a sex with her husband at the first night, 'Oh yes bleeding…I was lying to him, of course.' She glances keenly at the man, more mischievous than submissive. 'Just as I've lied to you…more than once!' she pulls her legs up to her chest and wedges her chin between her knees. 'But there is something I'd better tell you…' (Rahimi, 2010: 28). There is something different going wrong in this case. On the quotation, the Woman admits to her comate husband that she has been lying to him. What she lies, is the thing happens when they firstly sleep in gathering. Pulling the plot before, the man comes after homing from war. He is as nervous as the woman in facing the first having sex. Then, they finally have a sex. The Husband feels happy because he thinks that the woman is still virgin. The proof is, the blood melts down while the Husband penetrates his penis down. It is accepted because, in oriental countries, culture, women are like the special things. Therefore, the virginity of women is the crucial thing every man should have got. It can be thought carefully when it is compared with western culture. In western culture, a man and a woman can live together although they have not been married, but it is not accepted in mostly eastern culture, moreover in Afghanistan. To get it, men's culture construct a jail where women are prohibited to be out of house in order to make them saves of being not virgin. However, the blood that melts on the Woman's vagina is the blood of menstruation. The Husband does not know, and he does not want to know. The way the Husband does it, the way the Husband treats his wife with regardless the condition of the wife appears something. It is a kind of a force, the insisting seems that the Husband, as a man, has a power and right to do everything to the wife. This authority can be belonged to an action of domination of a man to his wife. Further explanation, the way these two creatures marry, is not in a proper equal right. What is meant by this statement is, the Woman marries to her husband in a condition where she has to be sit with a photo because the Husband in on process of war. That is the pity thing for every woman to marry with someone she never sees directly and physically. This marriage happens because the Woman is believed as a woman who has been already of being married. With regardless the love, the feeling, and the desire to marry, the Woman is insisted to marry. This is harsh thing, the hard thing for women to neglect it. Women are poisoned by this system, because if women try to make a move of changing it means that women have not been ruling the law, and it is considered as fighting to God's rule. As it can be mirrored directly that, this system, this marriage gives something pleasant for the men because they (men) do not have to be so serious in facing the marriage because they can represent their appearance, their existence, in the ceremony. Another fact is, when the Husband has a sex with the Woman, actually the Woman is in the period that means she has menstruation. However, what thing that can stick to every eye is the fact that the Husband firstly meet the Woman, his wife, three years after they marry.'When you and I went to bed for the first time after three years of marriage, remember! Anyway, that night, I had my period.' (Rahimi, 2010: 28).From the quotation above, it can be read unmistakably that the Woman meets her husband firstly after three years passed. This is added the explanation above that the Woman is jailed in the system of patriarchy. The Woman cannot break the rule, she has to follow the rule, she has to be laid down on the feet of a man. It can be imagined, how can a marriage is not attended by one of the couple? It is really strange and seemed not to be a fair marriage. Additionally, the Woman marries to her husband is caused by the time she has to marry. Moreover, her sister has been sold to a man because her father cannot pay the debt after being lost in his bet. After having a sex, the days after, the Husband should go to the war again. It means that he has to leave his wife again. The Woman, as a woman generally in the world, must feel sad of being left by the husband. Therefore, the Husband looks to be a pride thing for everyone in Afghanistan, because he struggles for nation, for religion, for Afghanistan. Although, what the Husband does is sacrificing the happiness of the Woman. This is the voice of the Woman in front of the comate Husband. She utters everything she feels, what she utters means that she has been keeping, holding, and defending her emotion and anger because of the relation with her husband. She marries with a man, and during the marriage, for ten years, she never speaks, she never does something husband-wife does generally such a chit-chatting, joking, giving romantically action, and other actions. The coming of the Husband is only run out by drinking, partying, and laughing with all his friend, then he wants to have sex with his husband, the Woman. Therefore, it means that the woman is only an object of sexuality, object to deliver the Husband desire of sexuality, the object that is only for satisfying his ambition of the desire. Within this context, within this culture that asks every woman to fulfill the desire of the husband, becomes the thing that can be good and bad. Generally, it is good for a normal relation that has good husband and wife. For example, the filling what husband desires can strengthen the relation of the two, between the husband and the wife. However, the context that the Woman faces is different. She is very seldom of meeting with his husband, she never speaks, talks, and make conversations. Then the Husband comes home, and wants to have sex after drinking and partying. Can it be looked as a duty for every woman in the world to fill what the husband wants? This is unfair thing. This is the thing that can slice the feel of every woman. Women are also creature, they are human being, they also have feeling and desire. They want to be felt, they want to treated humanely. If the Husband just want to throw out his desire and after that he goes off again. It makes the impression of the Woman that she just a whore of the man, she is just a slut of the Husband, she is only a harlot of his husband. This s irony, but this is what happens to the Woman in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone. Because the setting is in Afghanistan, it can be reflected that something happens to the Woman, is what the things happen to some women in Afghanistan. Talking about Afghanistan, it must relate to the system they use. Afghanistan is a complicated country. Therefore, what can be inferred from the explanation has been noted in the understanding before about the position women in Afghanistan, is the women have no freedom to move, to express something, to say something such as "Excuse me, I want to divorce you." Or something like "Um… Sorry we need to discuss it before." The fate of women seems to have been robbed out. They do not have anything in the world, everything they want to say, everything they want to deliver based on what they feel, based on what they think is unfair, is unsaid, and it is kept in heart. What else that has to be said that this system is called as patriarchy system. Indeed, it is Islam, but it is longer used as what equality in Islam has been written on the holy Koran. This is caused by the wrong interpretation of human, the wrong interpretations are finally used as the culture, and for the God's sake, it is inherited. The Quran makes it clear that Women and Men are equal in the eyes of God. This is the weakness of human, to see something they always see it by what they can accept, although God has different point of view. One of the most misunderstood areas in Islam is the position, the situation, and the condition of women in the religion. The universal view in the West is that Muslim women are subjugated and almost seen as property or the object of men. Although, not all Muslims deal with that statement that women as inferior, this is unfortunately true in some segments of the Muslim world and this treatment is supposedly reasonable thing by the religion. However, when it is looked at the basis of the religion, the Quran, it can be seen a different picture. In the Quran God makes it very clear that men and women are equal. Their Lord responded to them: "I never fail to reward any worker among you for any work you do, be you male or female - you are equal to one another. Thus, those who immigrate, and get evicted from their homes, and are persecuted because of Me, and fight and get killed, I will surely remit their sins and admit them into gardens with flowing streams." Such is the reward from GOD. GOD possesses the ultimate reward. (3: 195). The only criterion for distinguishing among the people. Based on what those show, it can be articulated that God seems to have no distinguishing, or special thing to differ between men and women. The two can have sins, the two can hbe living in the paradise, the promised place. If the God seems to say that, why men creates their own understanding to control women in their armpits, is that a kind of breaking the rule of God whereas God say that there is no difference between men and women, the two can live in paradise and have sins. If the paradise is for good human, and men try to be good by slaving women, and women try to be good women by being slaved by men, is that a kind of justice? Men can live freely by slaving women in the world, and slaving is kind of joyful action. They do not have to be pregnant, they do not have to be working at house, wiping the shits of the baby, feeding the baby, menstruation, and busy of massaging their husband. If they (women) have to do so as their duty, they should have the same result of what they have done, the same right of not being slaved. They should have similarity, because of what they do for men are rightfully consisted of rights. However, men, the culture of men, the system of men, the wrong interpretation, makes them fall to the disgusting thinking about women. How can that clear verses be ignored? Why are women treated so poorly in some Muslim communities? The answer lies in the fact that those communities take other sources besides the Quran as the basis of their religion. There are many Hadiths that degrade women. In addition, the pre-Islamic cultures of much of the Muslim world do not value women and have little use for them. The following verses demonstrate this fact: Long and complicated, the tradition that brings and leads the system of men to mostly Muslim nations, here is Afghanistan. However, it can be traced that what makes this becomes the intimate problems of Afghanistan is their condition. Their variety of religion and the territorial that is surrounded by West and East culture makes them are easy to be got down, especially in their rule. Islam, where the verses are delivered beautifully, but it is interpreted wrongly, and makes the wrong system of men. There are difference between men and women, but the difference does not mean they are not equal. They have same duty and right, the same means to the effect rather than the direct meaning of duty, so does the right. However, this right does not longer exist for many women, and it can be represented by the Woman in AtiqRahimi. Again, she has to admit that to be married with the Husband is not what she wants. 'Your mother, with her enormous bust, coming to our place to ask for the hand of my younger sister. It wasn't her turn to get married. It was my turn. So your mother simply said, "no problem, we'll take her instead!", pointing her fleshy finger at me as I poured the tea. I panicked and knocked the pot over.' She hides her face in her hands.in shame, or to dispel the image of a mocking mother in law. 'as for you, you didn't even know this was happening. My father, who wanted nothing more, accepted without the slightest hesitation. He didn't give a damn that you weren't around! Who were you, really? No one knew. To all of us, you were just a title: the hero! And, like every hero, far away. Engagement to a hero was a lovely thing, for a seventeen year old girl. I said to myself. (Rahimi, 2010: 53—54). Here is told that the Woman does not have any right to choose which man she wants to be married to, because her mother selects the man for her. It shows that the power of parents is strongly grabbing the children, and the children that gets the bigger grab is woman. Women are considered as slow, weak, and brittle. Thus, it is not right if women are given a chance to choose men. Furthermore, the Women does not love the man she marries. It is a kind of insisting. Why should be woman? This is the patriarchy system, the system that control women. The more ironical thing happens to the Woman in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is, she marries with a man she never knows, and even in the marriage ceremony, she marries to a photo. '… they celebrated our engagement without the fiancé. Your mother said. "don't worry, victory is coming! It will soon be the end of the war, we will be free and my son will return!" Nearly a year later, your mother came back. Victory was still a long way off. "It's dangerous to leave a young, engagement woman with her parents for such a long time!" she said. And so I had to be married, despite your absence. At the ceremony, you were present in the form of photo and that wretched khanjar, which they put next to me in place of you. (Rahimi, 2010: 54). Based on the quotation above, it can be read obviously that the Woman marries to a man she never knows and during the marriage ceremony, she just sits next to a photo, not the man she marries to. This is an irony fact, the Woman must feel sad, besides the force of marrying the man she never knows, she must also feel sad of this moment. This is an unfair thing for woman, and can it be said that this is the fair thing for woman to marry with a photo? Furthermore, for years the Woman is not allowed to jostle, to join with a group, with neighbors, and friends. She has to be in home, doing everything in home. The home is like the jail of her, she is prohibited of talking to anyone. And I had to wait another three years. Three years! For three years I wasn't allowed to see my friends, or my family…it was not considered proper for a young married virgin to spend time with other married women. Such rubbish1 I had to sleep in the same room as your mother, who kept watch over me, or rather my chastity. And it all seemed so normal, so natural to everyone. To me, too! I didn't even know how lonely I was.' (Rahimi, 2010: 54). The way her mother in law treats her can be analogized that the Woman seems like a prisoner. She is forbidden to interact with the other side of the house, she has to sleep with her mother in law while the Husband is in war. The mother always keeps watching on her, and it is like a guard in the jail, and the woman is the prisoner. She is like a creature who is born to be kept watching, with no right to do, every move she makes is something her mother in law catches.When she is like a prisoner, she must be the fault one whether she is fine or doing a mistake. It is portrayed to this below quotation. Those all are what the Woman feels and it is portrayed in a conclusion where patriarchy system in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is drawn. The Woman is the representation of this portrayal, she feels in jail, she feels like a prisoner, no right and no freedom to move. She marries to a man she never knows, her sister becomes the stake of her father's bet, and she forced to be pregnant although the Husband is the unfertile one. She is insisted to meet someone like a priest to consult the pregnant, and the priest is actually a procurer. She is asked to get in a room, and a man with blindfolded penetrates her until she gets pregnant. The way her mother insists her to get pregnant with not knowing the condition of her son, makes the Woman has a baby from a man she does not know. This the cruel of the patriarchy, when women do not have any right to speak something, they are jailed, and the only one thing the Woman in the story can do is, delivering everything she feels to her comate husband. With a silent voice, she utters and posits herself. THE IMPACT OF THE WOMAN'S SILENT VOICE IN ATIQ RAHIMI'S THE PATIENCE STONE As the response of facing this problem, the Woman cannot do anything except telling the truth of what she feels, what she hides, what she wants to deliver, because she does not want to hurt anyone. Therefore, she wants to tell it to no one, besides that she must be afraid of telling what she feels because what she faces is the culture, the misunderstood religion, and social truth. This problem is delivered through this below quotation, she thinks that it is better to keep silent and to tell to no one. 'I never wanted anyone to know that. Never! Not even my sisters!' she leaves the room, upset. Her fears echo down the passage. 'He's driving me mad. Sapping my strength.Forcing me to speak.To confess my sins, my mistakes.He's listening to me. Hearing me.I'm sure of it. He wants to get to me…to destroy me!' (Rahimi, 2010: 60—61). This is what happens to the Woman's sister. Her sister is forced to marry, her father sells her sister because her father defeats in bet. However, what can the Woman do? She is just a woman, she has no voice, her voice is not to be heard or listened, she is just a creature that is created by not deliberation, therefore, woman should be in room, cooking, bearing baby, feeding baby, and doing "female" activity. She does not have to have something like man, like voicing voice. This shows that the Woman posits herself in a mute, in silence, and in the broken heart with no fight back. The culture has constructed them t be like this, silence and mute. This is the best position the Woman can replace because if she wants to break the rule, she must be destroyed, tortured, and punished by the law the men create. One of the best way, besides keeping silence, is telling the truth to God. When her husband is comate, the Woman always prays on her Husband. Her Husband is just comate, cannot respond, cannot do anything. A hand, a woman hand, is resting on his chest, rising and falling in time with his breath. The woman is seated. Knees pulled into her chest. Head sunk between her knees. In the other hand, the left, she holds a long string of black prayer beads. She moves them between her fingers, telling them. Silently.Slowly.In time with her shoulders. In time with the man's breath. Within reach, open at the flyleaf and placed on a velvet pillow, is a book, the Koran. Her plump, dry, pale lips are softly and slowly repeating the same word of prayer. (Rahimi, 2010: 2—3). This is what the Woman does, he prays for the Husband, although everyday it seems no worth, no use, and it even seems to be in vain. However, as a Good wife, she always prays, and never quits for stopping praying. This is the way the Woman posits herself, although she gets unfair life, although her life is grabbed by the system of men, although her happiness is robbed by the injustice, she just tries and keeps trying to be a good wife fro her evil Husband. The way the Husband keeps silence and receives all things the Woman tells, is analogized as the Patience Stone. It is the mythical stone for Muslim in Hajj, the stone that is very soft and can release all burden. Probably, this is why the Woman tells it to her comate Husband. There are so many internal conflicts the Woman faces, and she almost has a plan to leave her comate Husband. However, she is a god wife, and she is so sorry of having it. It is reflected on this below quotation. 'Forgive me', as she strokes his arm. 'I'm tired. At breaking point. Don't abandon me, you're all I have left.' She raises her voice : 'Without you, I have nothing. Think your daughters! What will I do with them? They're so young…' She stops stroking him. 'The Mullah won't come today,' she says with some relief (Rahimi, 2010: 14—15). In this quotation, it shown and portrayed that the Woman is almost surrendered, she almost quits, she is almost getting tiring. Her frustration is caused by the condition of the Husband that is not different days by days. However, she remembers about her daughter, and it adds something in her heart not to leave the Husband. Based on this fact it can be seen that the Woman is trying to posit herself in a god way, she is just trying to be a good wife, a good Muslim who works the rule of not leaving the Husband and doing everything for the Husband, although the Husband is in comate condition. This portrayal, is the form of faith, the Woman is really special woman, by the condition that can strike her, the situation that can make her angry, the experience that can make her has a revenge for the injustice, she keeps having a feeling to take care of her Husband. Then, the reflection of the Woman to posit herself is clearly seen b this quotation. As a good mother, the Woman also treats her children with lovely treatments. It is shown by this quotation below that shows that the children are not allowed to disturb the comate father. 'Don't be frightened, darling. I'm here.' The mother reassures her : 'I wasn't shouting. I was talking to your father.' They walk away from the door. 'Why are you calling my father Al-Qahhar? Is he cross?' 'No, but he will be if we disturb him.' The little girl falls silent (Rahimi, 2010: 17). The way the Woman asks to her children not to disturb their father who is comate shows that the Woman keeps the Husband, she does not want her Husband gets worse by the disturbing. This is showing the Woman posits herself in treating her Husband. Based on the experience when she has to marry with a photo, the experience where she has to be penetrated while she has menstruation, until her Husband's brothers who always spy the Woman while she takes a bath, she does not have any revenge. If she has, she must kill the Husband easily because the Husband is between the condition of dead and alive. He is comate, and it is very easy for everybody to kill him, no exce