Suchergebnisse

This article addresses the ontological status of nature in environmental politics by taking up the question of sustainable forest management in the Canadian boreal. In particular, it draws from Michel Foucault's notion of governmentality to argue that the historicity of "forest-nature" is indispensable for understanding the politics of sustainable forest management. In the end, it is argued that recent efforts to politicize the boreal should be regarded as an exercise of knowledge/power that rerepresents the boreal as a space of community and land stewardship, climate regulation, and biological diversity promotion, as opposed to simply a passive space of resource extraction. The article concludes by addressing some of the political implications of forest-nature for the practice of everyday life.

Analyzing the spatial genealogy of the student riots in May 1960 in Ankara, the capital city of Turkey, this article investigates the relation between space and identity politics. Besides the social practices it contains, the "publicness" of space is also marked by the meanings and values attributed to the space by various social actors. The political participation of the social groups in public sphere becomes possible through spatial appropriation, which does not only mean the practical occupation of space but also the appropriation of the image of the (public) space. In the context of Ankara, the student riots transform Kı zı lay Square, which had been the prestigious center of a wealthy neighborhood, into a site of contesting spatial imageries and social identities.

Digital media and society in Ukraine and Russia -- Euromaidan protesters : a snapshot -- Space, distance and digital media -- Socially mediated visibility and protest witnessing -- Protest organising and networked communities -- Information sharing and protest frames -- Russia : protest in the age of networked authoritarianism -- Conclusion: Beyond the protest square.

"This book develops a comparative analysis of the relationship between Western art music, nations and nationalism. It explores the influence of emergent nations and nationalism on the development of classical music in Europe and North America and examines the distinctive themes, sounds and resonances to be found in the repertory of each of the nations. Its scope is broad, extending well beyond the period 1848-1914 when national music flourished most conspicuously. The interplay of music and nation encompasses the oratorios of Handel, the open-air music of the French Revolution and the orchestral works of Beethoven and Mendelssohn and extends into the mid-twentieth century in the music of Prokofiev, Shostakovich and Copland. The book addresses the representation of the national community, the incorporation of ethnic vernacular idioms into art music, the national homeland in music, musical adaptations of national myths and legends, the music of national commemoration and the canonisation of national music

Introduction : identity and exclusion -- Legislating exclusion -- Challenges to exclusion -- Entry despite exclusion -- Guardians of the gate -- Legacies

While the identity politics of North Korean defector-activists at home and abroad is revealed by unraveling the discursive complexity of their activism, little attention has been paid to the way in which that activism compromises the discursive dynamic of the defector community desiring to contest the power of a ruling paradigm within political culture. A critical analysis of North Korean defector balloon warriors who have crusaded against the North Korea regime through airborne leaflet drops at the South–North Korea border illustrates how their uncritical and unquestioned acceptance of liberal human rights can only leave the defector community vulnerable to charges of being politically-futile disparate citizens. The invocations of transnational liberal hegemonic norms obscure and undermine North Korean defectors' agency of collective engagement in acts of liberal democratic citizenship. Understanding the propagandistic dimension of their dissenting voices can help expand the scope of analysis of liberal democratic posthumanitarian citizenship. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

AbstractThe federal structure is a defining feature of the Swiss polity. According to the disenchanted hypothesis, which argues that the Swiss political culture of accommodating competing interests has come under pressures, we should expect that cooperation among the cantons and between the federal and cantonal governments has deteriorated over the last 25 years. However, inter‐cantonal coordination has increased substantially. In addition, the successful negotiation of the NFA shows that the federal and cantonal governments can reach comprehensive agreements. This study provides empirical analyses of the NFA reform and of inter‐cantonal tax competition. The NFA analysis shows that the cantons successfully coordinated their interests vis‐à‐vis the federal government, and the findings of the spatial econometric tax competition investigation suggest that inter‐cantonal coordination in the NFA had an attenuating effect on tax competition. Overall, the problem‐solving capacity of the Swiss federal system is remarkably high—not disenchanted.

В статье рассматривается процесс формирования и сущностные аспекты понятия «национальная ментальность». Автор подчеркивает, что возникновение феномена национальной ментальности происходит уже в начале этногенезиса. В этот начальный период появляется оригинальное ментальное ядро-основа, ко- торое остается с определенными модификациями в течение всей национальной истории. Это обусловлено существованием перманентных факторов, среди кото- рых наибольший вес имеют: биологический, географический и геополитический факторы. На протяжении всей истории того или иного этноса от поколения к поколению передается определенный психоповеденческий инвариант, который реализуется на совместной языковой, культурной и морально-этической основе. В начале возникновения национального характера особенно заметную роль играет коллективное этническое бессознательное, которое возникает из остатков со- вместных переживаний этнической группы как определенные неосознаваемые реакции на постоянно воспроизводимые специфические условия ее существования (К. Юнг). Делается вывод, что структура понятия «национальная ментальность» (психический склад нации-этноса) состоит из трех основных элементов: нацио- нального характера, национального сознания и этнического бессознательного. ; The process of formation and the essential aspects of the concept of «national mental- ity». The author notes that the emergence of the phenomenon of national mentality is early ethnogenesis. During this initial period there is an original mental-core base, which remains with certain modifications throughout the nation's history. This is due to the ex- istence of permanent factors, among which the most important are: biological, geograph- ical and geopolitical factors. Throughout the history of a particular ethnic group, from generation to generation is passed certain invariant psyhobehavioral implemented on a common language, cultural, moral and ethical basis. At the beginning of the emergence of national character is particularly noteworthy role played by ethnic collective uncon- scious that arises from the remnants of shared experiences as certain ethnic groups un- conscious reaction to constantly reproducible specific conditions of its existence (K. Jung). The category of «national character» covers mainly emotional and sensual level of the national psyche and reflected in prevailing in a given ethnic community emotions, feelings and moods, as well as the speed and intensity of the response to certain events, the na- tional temperament. The origins of the aggregate mental qualities, creating national character should look as part of the original ingredient mental nucleus lever on stage ethnogenesis. Elements of national character is an important way to natural, empirical, everyday reflection of reality in the psyche of members of a national-ethnic community, thus creating its original bio-psychic unity. Ultimately, the best reflection of national po- litical mentality is the national state of specific institutions – the base of the political system of the nation, government, government, essential features of the political regime, political traditions prevailing in this national ideology, as well as typical everyday stereo- types and tips; distributed among specific national models of political behavior, subcon- scious reflection of different generations nation for similar events, collisions, typical feelings and emotions about their own state factors. It is concluded that the structure of the concept of «national mentality» (mental-ethnic composition of the nation) consists of three main elements: national character, national identity and ethnic unconscious. ; У статті розглядається процес формування та сутнісні аспекти поняття «на- ціональна ментальність». Автор наголошує, що виникнення феномену національної ментальності відбувається вже на початку етногенезу. У цей початковий період з'являється оригінальне ментальне ядро-основа, яке залишається з певними моди- фікаціями протягом усієї національної історії. Це обумовлено існуванням перма- нентних факторів, серед яких найбільшу вагу мають: біологічний, географічний та геополітичний фактори. Протягом усієї історії того чи іншого етносу від поколін- ня до покоління передається певний психоповедінковий інваріант, що реалізується на спільній мовній, культурній та морально-етичній основі. На початку виникнення національного характеру особливо прикметну роль відіграє колективне етнічне підсвідоме, яке виникає із залишків спільних переживань етнічної групи як певні не- усвідомлювані реакції на постійно відтворювані специфічні умови її існування (К. Юнг). Робиться висновок, що структура поняття «національна ментальність» (психічний склад нації-етносу) складається з трьох основних елементів: національ- ного характеру, національної свідомості та етнічного підсвідомого.

В статье рассматривается процесс формирования и сущностные аспекты понятия «национальная ментальность». Автор подчеркивает, что возникновение феномена национальной ментальности происходит уже в начале этногенезиса. В этот начальный период появляется оригинальное ментальное ядро-основа, ко- торое остается с определенными модификациями в течение всей национальной истории. Это обусловлено существованием перманентных факторов, среди кото- рых наибольший вес имеют: биологический, географический и геополитический факторы. На протяжении всей истории того или иного этноса от поколения к поколению передается определенный психоповеденческий инвариант, который реализуется на совместной языковой, культурной и морально-этической основе. В начале возникновения национального характера особенно заметную роль играет коллективное этническое бессознательное, которое возникает из остатков со- вместных переживаний этнической группы как определенные неосознаваемые реакции на постоянно воспроизводимые специфические условия ее существования (К. Юнг). Делается вывод, что структура понятия «национальная ментальность» (психический склад нации-этноса) состоит из трех основных элементов: нацио- нального характера, национального сознания и этнического бессознательного. ; The process of formation and the essential aspects of the concept of «national mental- ity». The author notes that the emergence of the phenomenon of national mentality is early ethnogenesis. During this initial period there is an original mental-core base, which remains with certain modifications throughout the nation's history. This is due to the ex- istence of permanent factors, among which the most important are: biological, geograph- ical and geopolitical factors. Throughout the history of a particular ethnic group, from generation to generation is passed certain invariant psyhobehavioral implemented on a common language, cultural, moral and ethical basis. At the beginning of the emergence of national character is particularly noteworthy role played by ethnic collective uncon- scious that arises from the remnants of shared experiences as certain ethnic groups un- conscious reaction to constantly reproducible specific conditions of its existence (K. Jung). The category of «national character» covers mainly emotional and sensual level of the national psyche and reflected in prevailing in a given ethnic community emotions, feelings and moods, as well as the speed and intensity of the response to certain events, the na- tional temperament. The origins of the aggregate mental qualities, creating national character should look as part of the original ingredient mental nucleus lever on stage ethnogenesis. Elements of national character is an important way to natural, empirical, everyday reflection of reality in the psyche of members of a national-ethnic community, thus creating its original bio-psychic unity. Ultimately, the best reflection of national po- litical mentality is the national state of specific institutions – the base of the political system of the nation, government, government, essential features of the political regime, political traditions prevailing in this national ideology, as well as typical everyday stereo- types and tips; distributed among specific national models of political behavior, subcon- scious reflection of different generations nation for similar events, collisions, typical feelings and emotions about their own state factors. It is concluded that the structure of the concept of «national mentality» (mental-ethnic composition of the nation) consists of three main elements: national character, national identity and ethnic unconscious. ; У статті розглядається процес формування та сутнісні аспекти поняття «на- ціональна ментальність». Автор наголошує, що виникнення феномену національної ментальності відбувається вже на початку етногенезу. У цей початковий період з'являється оригінальне ментальне ядро-основа, яке залишається з певними моди- фікаціями протягом усієї національної історії. Це обумовлено існуванням перма- нентних факторів, серед яких найбільшу вагу мають: біологічний, географічний та геополітичний фактори. Протягом усієї історії того чи іншого етносу від поколін- ня до покоління передається певний психоповедінковий інваріант, що реалізується на спільній мовній, культурній та морально-етичній основі. На початку виникнення національного характеру особливо прикметну роль відіграє колективне етнічне підсвідоме, яке виникає із залишків спільних переживань етнічної групи як певні не- усвідомлювані реакції на постійно відтворювані специфічні умови її існування (К. Юнг). Робиться висновок, що структура поняття «національна ментальність» (психічний склад нації-етносу) складається з трьох основних елементів: національ- ного характеру, національної свідомості та етнічного підсвідомого.

Senior Project submitted to The Division of Social Studies of Bard College.

In Central and Eastern Europe populist regimes are attracting attention as a result of the traumatic legacy of communism, the subsequent overburdening reforms and exhausting systemic transformation, resurgence of ever-lurking nationalism, regional conservatism, parochialism and cultural chauvinism, and/or as an example of the structural shortcomings of young democracies at the borders of civilization. The subject literature also indicates numerous and universal elements of populist governments, present as well in this part of Europe. Without prejudging the aptness and strength of these various concepts and arguments, this article is an attempt to include in these wideranging themes a particular issue that absorbs conservative populists, namely "childhood" and "children". While the problem of children in politics has already received numerous interpretations, the importance of childhood in the right-wing populist discourse and politics has so far remained an issue discussed only occasionally. We put forward the thesis that children play an important and specific role in the right-wing populist superstructure - they constitute an illusory picture of the nation, an allegory of its renewal, as well as a convenient, though inconsistently used, instrument for achieving political, ideological and propaganda goals. Attitudes towards children can be an important characteristic of populism as such, and should be taken into account in research on the subject. We will illustrate these problems using the example of Poland and the populist Law and Justice (PiS) Party that is in power there now.

Defence date: 5 June 2017 ; Examining Board: Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Second reader); Prof Alan S. Kahan, Université de Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines; Dr David Todd, King's College London ; This thesis investigates liberal responses to French expansionism during Napoleon III's Second Empire, focusing on three of its main imperialist ventures in the late 1850s and the 1860s: Algeria, a colony inherited from the times of Charles X, whose colonisation received a great boost in the 1860s; Cochinchina, the main step of France's imperialism towards Asia; and Mexico, Napoleon III's personal dream for France in America, started as the alleged greatest project of the Empire which, however, ended in great failure. The focus of this study is not on individuals generally acknowledged as main liberal thinkers, politicians or philosophers but on a group of less-celebrated individuals who developed their professional activity both in parliament (the Corps législatif) and the press. The aim is to highlight how liberal languages and discourses in their specific context contributed to the development and the shaping of liberal thinking and political culture in the 1860s with regard to imperial expansionism. This dissertation seeks to tie in with the historiographical trend which sees intellectual and political history not as distinct fields, but as two inseparable sides of the same coin. In a period in which the Second Empire was experiencing a process of increasing internal liberalisation in a number of political, social and economic fields, the Empire's means of repression and social control were still active. Censorship was commonplace in 1860s France, making it very difficult for those opposing the regime to express their ideas and concerns. However, thanks to several steps made towards opening up the regime politically from 1860 onwards, opposition deputies—including especially the liberals—were able to express in parliament their claims and objections. Whereas some social issues remained difficult to tackle, I argue that liberals found in the Empire's imperialist endeavours an appropriate space to channel their dissatisfaction with the Bonapartists' way of conceiving, ruling and managing the country. The Second Empire's colonial project on all continents fostered an intense ideological debate that transcended the borders of a simple partisan confrontation. It rather revealed the existence of two political cultures in quest of social legitimation: liberal and Bonapartist. This thesis aims to bring together a history of nineteenth-century French imperialist ventures and a history of modern liberal political culture. No scholarly works have focused on the way in which French liberal thinkers, politicians or publicists imagined their empire in the 1860s, how they responded to Napoleon III's will to expand France's power and influence across oceans and continents with an intensity never seen before. This dissertation contributes to filling in this gap by tackling the liberal response to French expansionism with regard to three thematic areas: the role of France in the world; trade and finances; and religion. European politics aside, overseas ventures marked France's foreign policy in the 1860s. The Second Empire's project to expand France's influence in the world through various systems of domination and control over peoples on virtually all continents became an issue of political debate that all forces of opposition, namely liberals, could not escape. Imperialist ventures became an important issue of political debate under the Second Empire and acted as a sort of 'hegemony' that liberals needed to confront, either opposing or supporting it. In this thesis, I argue that they did so, taking the opportunity to use the debates on expansionism in their own favour. Through discussing a wide range of social, economic and political topics related to France's imperialism in Africa, Asia and America during the 1860s, liberals succeeded in presenting to the public an alternative model of government to the one represented by the Bonapartists in power.

En la primera década de la monarquía brasileña, el gobierno de Pedro I experimentó la oposición de sectores que estaban en contra de la opción monárquica como régimen político para Brasil. Esta oposición utilizaba la prensa como medio de propagación del ideario liberal y republicano. Ese fue el caso de los textos publicados en periódicos como Sentinela da Liberdade, editado por Cipriano Barata (1772- 1838) y Sentinela do Serro, editado por Teófilo Ottoni (1807- 1869). Al analizar estos textos a partir de las referencias de la llamada Historia de los Conceptos, procuraremos identificar en el material publicado entre la independência y los primeros años de regencia, los conceptos y narrativas políticas que derivaron del léxico republicano con el fin de comprender mejor el complejo escenario político que caracterizó al país en los años iniciales de la formación del Estado nacional. ; Na primeira década da monarquia brasileira o governo de Pedro I experimentou rija oposição de setores que refutava a opção monárquica como regime político para o Brasil. Esta oposição utilizava a imprensa como veículo de propagação do ideário liberal e republicano. Este foi o caso dos textos publicados em jornais como o Sentinela da Liberdade, editado por Cipriano Barata (1772-1838) e o Sentinela do Serro, editado por Teófilo Ottoni (1807-1869). Ao analisar tais textos a partir dos referenciais da chamada História dos Conceitos, procuraremos identificar no material publicado entre a independência e os primeiros anos da Regência os conceitos e narrativas políticas que derivaram do léxico republicano a fim de melhor compreender o complexo cenário político que caracterizou o país nos anos iniciais da formação do Estado nacional. ; In the first decade of the Brazilian monarchy the government of Pedro I experienced strong opposition from sectors that refuted the monarchical option as a political regime for Brazil. This opposition used the press as a vehicle for the propagation of liberal and republican ideas. This was the case of texts published in newspapers such as the Sentinela da Liberdade, edited by Cipriano Barata (1772-1838) and the Sentinela do Serro, edited by Teófilo Ottoni (1807-1869). In analyzing these texts from the reference points of History of Concepts, we will try to identify in the material published between independence and the first years of the Regency the concepts and political narratives that derive from the republican lexicon in order to better understand the complex political scenario that characterized the country in the initial years of national state formation.