The EU is a major funder of migration projects around the world. There is a relationship of interdependence between the EU and international organizations, with the former offering funding and the latter offering implementation capacity. This paper explores this relationship in more detail. In particular, it explores how these international organizations are involved in the EU funds beyond implementation. This paper employs an organization theory approach to explain this central role of international organizations. This article argues that these organizations carefully navigate between the 'company' and 'political' organizational types. Moreover, the Commission and these organizations can be better conceptualized as forming a 'partial' organization. This holds implications for transparency and accountability in this area of growing spending. Three organizations are looked at in the context of this paper: The International Organization for Migration (IOM), the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD).
Flexibility in California Transportation Funding Programs and Implications for More Climate-Aligned Spending examines key features of the legislative authority for transportation planning and finance in California, including local option sales taxes for transportation, and assesses the amount of flexibility that current laws and practices allow for reprioritizing projects as problems and priorities change.
Financial support for students entering nurse education programmes has typically been the responsibility of Governments who make a substantial contribution to tuition and/or living costs. However, where programmes are not funded by Government bodies, students must make alternative arrangements for financial support. This paper explores how a university worked with local employers to design, recruit and deliver an accelerated graduate entry nursing programme and how this philosophy of collaboration ultimately led to local health employers providing sponsorship for students. Therefore, we offer for debate the benefits of collaborative curriculum design and future considerations of attracting employer funding for graduate entry nursing programmes. ; N/A
There is an increasing demand for improved, up-to-date training and equipment for ground ambulance services across Canada. This paper presents the results of a survey of ambulance operations and their funding by the provinces, as well as a comparison of provincial legislation and recommendations on standards for equipment and the training of ambulance personnel. The training standards were found to be very diverse, and the legislated or recommended equipment standards did not meet those of the American College of Surgeons committee on trauma (ACSCT). The cost of ambulance services per capita and the cost to the user of an average 43-km run varied widely between the provinces. There was no correlation between the second cost and how well the province met the ACSCT's equipment standards.
Abstract In the wake of several high-profile cases of police use of excessive force, renewed critiques of policing have emerged from the Defund the Police movement. Yet, the movement has faced fierce opposition from Americans who subscribe to a color-blind logic that racial inequality in policing and society as a whole reflect differences in merit. In assessing Americans' use of color-blind racism, support for public spending on social services, and support for punitive social control, scholars have recently emphasized the role of Christian nationalist ideology. Building on this recent work, we use data from the 2021 General Social Survey (GSS), a nationally representative survey of Americans, to test the relationship between adherence to Christian nationalist ideology and opposition to reducing funding for police departments and moving those funds to mental health, housing, and other social services. We find that respondents who score higher on an index of Christian nationalism hold greater odds of opposing shifting funding from police departments, independent of other measures of political and religious orientations. We also consider interactions between Christian nationalist ideology, race, and color-blind racial ideology.
Small and Medium Scale Enterprises have been fully recognized by governments and development experts as the main engine of economic growth and a major factor in promoting development. They not only contribute significantly to improved living standards, employment generation and poverty reduction but also bring about substantial domestic or local capital formation and achievement of high levels of productivity and capability. A major gap in Nigeria's industrial development process in the past years has been the absence of a strong and virile SME sub-sector. This study seeks to generally appraise and analyze the operating environment and circumstances of Small and Medium Scale Enterprises in Nigeria with a view to actually identifying why SMEs are not playing major roles in the Nigerian economy as in other economies. The random sampling method was employed and responses to the questionnaire were complemented with personal interviews of key operators. Analysis was undertaken using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Findings revealed that SMEs have performed below expectation in the development of Nigeria economy due to a combination of factors. Thus, the paper recommends that the realization of these require a paradigm shift from paying lip service to a practical radical forward approach to issues and focus on this all-important sector of the economy and realistically addressing the identified problems by the key operators.
Die Inhalte der verlinkten Blogs und Blog Beiträge unterliegen in vielen Fällen keiner redaktionellen Kontrolle.
Warnung zur Verfügbarkeit
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
The Biden administration's funding request for Israel and Ukraine will be a boon for the American economy, argued Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin in a high profile hearing on Tuesday."When we send our friends munitions from our stockpiles, the money to replenish our supplies strengthens our military readiness, and we invest in American industry and American workers," Austin told the Senate Appropriations Committee. "Some $50 billion of this supplemental request would flow through our defense industrial base, creating American jobs in more than 30 states."The argument has become central to the Biden administration's messaging in recent weeks as it seeks Republican support for its $105 billion request to fund aid for Ukraine and Israel; disaster relief; and border security.It is unclear whether the "jobs" argument has convinced Ukraine aid skeptics in the House, who have pushed for greater restrictions on future funding. But it resonated with many senators on the Appropriations Committee, who applauded the potential investment in America's economy and defense industrial base.Experts, for their part, argue that weapons spending is far less effective at creating jobs than other forms of government investment, including education and healthcare.On Monday, Newly minted House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) introduced a separate bill that only includes funding for Israel. Blinken argued against the move, contending that Russia's war on Ukraine and Hamas's attack on Israel are fundamentally linked. Austin added that the Ukrainian military would collapse if American support were cut off.Protestors repeatedly interrupted Blinken's remarks in the first half hour of the hearing, with at least six different demonstrators calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and accusing the White House of supporting "genocide." Multiple participants in the protest appeared to be affiliated with Code Pink, a prominent antiwar organization."I also hear very much the passions expressed in this room," Blinken said after demonstrators were removed. "All of us are committed to the protection of civilian life.""But all of us know the imperative of standing up with our allies and partners when their security, when their democracies are threatened," he added. "We stand resolutely with them even as we stand resolutely for the protection of innocent civilians."Blinken and Austin defended U.S. policy in Ukraine and Israel, frequently invoking alleged war crimes committed by Russian forces and Hamas. "Israel has not only the right but the duty to defend itself," Blinken said, echoing a frequent argument from the Biden administration in recent weeks. "No nation would tolerate" Hamas continuing to operate on their territory, he continued.Neither official directly addressed claims that Israel has violated international law through alleged disproportionate violence against Gazan civilians, use of banned munitions like white phosphorus, and efforts to prevent aid from reaching Gaza. Blinken "stressed the need for Israel to abide by the law of war" but accused Hamas of using civilians as "human shields."Blinken highlighted that Gazans "desperately need" humanitarian assistance in order to survive. He also noted that the U.S., Israel, and Egypt have established a system whereby every United Nations-operated truck "is checked by Israel" and Egyptian authorities in order to prevent Hamas from transporting weapons in aid shipments. Blinken added that no aid has been diverted to help the militant organization, which both he and Austin repeatedly compared to the Islamic State.Austin, for his part, addressed the escalation of attacks on U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria by Iranian-backed militias, which the Pentagon has responded to with at least one set of airstrikes on a militia base in Syria. "We reserve the right to respond at a place and time of our choosing," he said. "We will do what's necessary to protect our troops and deter this type of behavior."When pressed by Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), Austin refused to commit to a direct attack on Iran if an Iranian-backed militia killed an American soldier in a strike in Iraq or Syria.
This article presents an original dataset of direct public funding (DPF) of political parties across 27 post-communist regimes from the outset of transition until 2020. It represents the first systematic, and detailed account of the actual level of DPF provided to parties outside established democracies in terms of geographical and temporal coverage. The dataset has a panel format and includes information on DPF per registered voter and cast ballot separately and in aggregate for more than 800 country-year observations and more than 200 election campaigns. The analysis unveils substantial cross-national and within-country variation in the level of DPF, as well as between statutory and election financing. Despite an increasing reliance of political parties on the state, no pattern exists regarding the dynamics of access and distribution rules. It also highlights the limitations and risks entailed by the extensive use of various proxies such as dichotomous indicators, composite regulatory indexes, or perception-based measures that do not capture cross-national and within-country variation either in DPF or other dimensions of political financing regime.
AbstractIn this paper we study the determinants of lending margins paid by euro‐area corporates for their bank loans. Across two separate groups of countries (distressed and non‐distressed) we examine whether lending margins have been affected by structural changes in the banking sector, the credit and liquidity position of banks and the costs of funding in the corporate and sovereign bond markets. The role of ECB policies with respect to narrowing down the fragmentation in the bank lending channel is also investigated through a structural panel VAR model for the period 2003:1 to 2014:12.
Abstract This paper considers a previously unexamined increase in excise taxes on gasoline and diesel fuel that were part of Washington State's Nickel Funding Package of 2003. We fail to reject full pass-through of the amount of the tax increase to retail prices in both products. We find no significant sensitivity of retail pass-through to station locations relative to state borders or to retail competitive conditions as measured by local station density. The expansion of hypermarkets in Washington State during the period was a confounding factor in estimating tax pass-through effects.
International audience ; The structural changes inside the French innovation system have impacted the role of defense firms since the late 1980s. Major changes have affected the defense budget and public R&D funding system in particular. The aim of this article is to understand French defense firms' repositioning within the National Innovation System (NIS) based on an analysis of their R&D behavior over a long period of time (1987 to 2010). We show that French defense firms remain major players in the NIS and faced up to these major changes by adapting the funding of their R&D and their research priorities and rolling out new innovation capabilities. Additionally, they developed new innovation models to take advantage of new collaborative partnerships developed for civil and military markets. JEL classification: G32, 032
International audience ; The structural changes inside the French innovation system have impacted the role of defense firms since the late 1980s. Major changes have affected the defense budget and public R&D funding system in particular. The aim of this article is to understand French defense firms' repositioning within the National Innovation System (NIS) based on an analysis of their R&D behavior over a long period of time (1987 to 2010). We show that French defense firms remain major players in the NIS and faced up to these major changes by adapting the funding of their R&D and their research priorities and rolling out new innovation capabilities. Additionally, they developed new innovation models to take advantage of new collaborative partnerships developed for civil and military markets. JEL classification: G32, 032
"NGOs and Civil Society in Thailand critically examines the relationships of civil society to nongovernmental organisations in Thailand, and examines the 'NGOisation' of civil society, how NGOs are funded and governed, and in what way the NGOs has been shaped to work with the funder. NGOisation is a phenomenon by which the funded organisations are impelled to transform suit their funder as reliable partners. Focusing on Thailand, an Asian country where NGOs have been heavily relied on the public sector for funding, the book analyses the relations between NGOs and their significant funder, Thailand Health Promotion Foundation (THPF), one of the biggest and most influential players in the NGO sector. As the NGO funded organisations are impelled to transform and adapt to become more professionalised, institutionalised, bureaucratised, and depoliticised to suit their funder as reliable partners, their characteristics and relations with the state are complex and interactive. Engaging with key stakeholders in the field of NGO and public governance in Thailand, the book demonstrates how THPF changed the NGO landscape, integrating them and innovatively coordinating non-state initiatives into public governance system. A novel contribution to the study of NGOs and the state, the book also addresses NGO transformation, politics, and governance. It will be of interest to academics working on Asian Politics, civil society, public policy and public management"--